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ENCOMIENDA, FAMILY, AND BUSINESS IN COLONIAL CHARGAS (MODERN BOLIVIA). THE ENCOMENDEROS OF LA PLATA, 1550-1600

DISSERTATION

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of

The Ohio State University

By

Ana Marfa Presta M. A.

******

The Ohio State University 1997

Dissertation Committee; Approved by Professor Kenneth J. Andrien, Adviser

Professor G. Micheal Riley j] /

Professor Maureen Ahern y^dviser Department of History UMI Number: 9801762

UMI Microform 9801762 Copyright 1997, by UMI Company. All rights reserved.

This microform edition is protected %ainst unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States Code.

UMI 300 North Zeeb Road Ann Arbor, MI 48103 ABSTRACT

This dissertation focuses on the economic activities of a group of encomenderos who inhabited the city of La Plata (Charcas, Modern Bolivia) in the second half of sixteen century. Up to the 1570s, an encomienda was the vehicle to gain access to economic success. An encomienda gave the holder access to labor, opened the way to agricultural and stock-raising undertakings, and provided capital to invest in other sectors of the economy, like mining. The encomienda satisfied the conquistadors' seigneurial aspirations such as military service to the king and political responsibilities at the municipal level. The theoretical framework I used to study the encomenderos of La Plata and their business draws heavily from Pierre Bourdieu's notion of habitus, w hich allowed me to understand the contradictory behavior the encomenderos.

The encomenderos of Charcas utilized a network of personal and family connections to expand their business enterprises within the internal market. Kinship and partnership in business contributed to family solidarity and to the expansion of investment opportunities. I examined the encomenderos' nexus of personal and ii business connections under the paradigm of social network. These networks were built around a grant transferred by inheritance. I analyzed the encomenderos' lineages to understand the nature of these social relations. I utilized a methodology drawn from family history to explore the reproduction of the social system. Marriage was an economic undertaking pertaining to not only individuals but close relatives to better the interest of a family and its network. Four family networks affiliated with the same number of encomenderos of La Plata during the two generations prescribed by law for the enjoyment of their grants were analyzed in this study. The Almendras, Paniagua de Loaysa, Zarate, and Ondegardo families and their networks were introduced to learn how roles and social behavior contributed to the reproduction of a hierarchical social system. The heterogeneous encomendero group of Charcas contributed to shape the colonial history of La Plata, Potosi, and Cochabamba.

Ill Dedicated to my beloved parents Luis (1908-1975) and Nelly M. Ottati

IV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I started to think about the topic of this research years ago. As a result of a successful task at the Archive Nacionalde Bolivia in 1988, some free days were left before going back to Buenos Aires. I took advantage of them by exploring the early notarial records from the Villa de Plata. The notarial records were difficult to read b u t proved to be a gold mine for me because of my interest in the early colonial history of Charcas. Two years later I started graduate school at The Ohio Stale University and the idea of producing a thesis about the entrepreneurial behavior of the firsts encomenderos of La

Plata crystallized in my research on Juan Ortiz de Zarate. In 1991, a travel grant from the Tinker Foundation and the Latin American Studies Program at The Ohio State University allowed me to re tu rn to Sucre and pursue a preliminary research to define the topic of my dissertation. The almost daily talks with the late Gunnar

Mendoza Loza, the unforgettable Director of the Archive Nacional, whom I consider my mentor and adviser, were as fruitful as the research I was starting on the encomenderos of Charcas. At the beginning, Don Gunnar was even more enthusiastical than I in a subject he considered "somebody had definitely ought to explore." I have no words to acknowledge Don Gunnar's generosity and intellectual support. I will never forget that sunny winter afternoon of August 1991, in which he sent to my desk four boxes filled w ith small cards containing his personal notes taken during 45 years of reading the Archive's treasures. When I went back to Sucre in 1994, Don Gunnar was mortally ill but still encouraging me on the phone. It is for him that I bestow my eternal admiration and thankfulness.

This research could not have been possible without the financial support of the Organization of American States and

Fundacion Antorchas (Argentina), which allowed me to relocate in Bolivia for almost two years.

I gratefully acknowledge the guidance of my professors at The Ohio State University, Kenneth J. Andrien, G. Micheal Riley, Maureen Ahern, and John Rule.

Many persons made this study possible. In Buenos Aires, 1 benefited from the confidence and encouragement of Ana Marfa

Lorandi, who, in the early 1980s, suggested that I should focus m y study on the Southern Andes. At the Institute de Ciencias Antropologicas from the Universidad of Buenos Aires I had the opportunity of meeting Mercedes del Rio, my friend and colleague, whom I share the passion for Bolivia and its peoples. Our conversations and discussions were always fruitful and inspiring, for which I will always be thankful to her. At the Programa d e Historia de America Latina (PROHAL) of the Institute de Historia

Argentina y Americana Dr. Emilio Ravignani of the Facultad de Filosoffa y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires, directed by Enrique Tandeter, I found the place to discuss ideas and theory. There, the

vi "Family Group," provided insights and inspiration to define m y approach to the encomenderos of La Plata. I thank Enrique Tandeter and my colleagues at the PROHAL, Sergio Serulnikov and Ricardo Cicerchia, for their comments and always sharp critiques on earlier drafts of this dissertation. At the Library of the Institute Ravignani, Marcelina Jarma and Abel Roth supported all my requests for rare books and old reviews with patience and good mood. Agustina

Gangloff was always helpful at the Biblioteca National where I spent much time at the Sala de Reservados. Gaston Doucet gifted me w ith his friendship and wide knowledge on colonial Charcas and gave me fruitful comments to some chapters of this study. I thank the following persons for their suggestions about how to improve earlier drafts of my work: Ana Maria Lorandi, Juan Carlos Garavaglia, Carlos Astarita, Fermin del Pino, Juan Pablo Ferreiro, Roxana Boixados, Ana E. Schaposchnik, and Gustavo L. Paz. My colleagues and friends Liliana Romero, Cora V. Bunster, Sara Sosa Miatello, and Raquel Gil Montero always offered their emotional support and encouragement, for which I acknowledge them from the heart.

In Bolivia, while conducting research, I was endowed with the generosity of many people. Gabriel Martinez and Veronica Cereceda offered hospitality and emotional and intellectual support. Theirs was the merit of joining all the ABDs and scholars working at the Archive or doing field work in surrounding Sucre to attend fruitful fortnight discussions and participate in the memorable "Lunes Antropologicos." Every Monday, young and experienced researchers had the chance to tell the people of Sucre about our topics. There, 1

vii learnt from the generous comments and suggestions of Tristan Platt,

Erwin P. Grieshaber, Martti and Ellie Parsinen, Gary Urton, Cynthia

Radding, Karen Powers, Catherine Julien, Elizabeth Penry, Stuart Rockefeller, Antero Klemola, Colin Gomez, Elka Weinstein, Ari Zigelboim, and Primo Nina.

I owe much gratitude to the personnel of the Archive Nacional de Bolivia, who with their generosity and attendance made my work extremely pleasant. After the death of Don Gunnar, the directors Josep M. Barnadas and René D. Arze Aguirre attentively cooperated with me and tolerated the smallest of my requests. I particularly thank Judit Teran for her skillful help in reading some difficult and undeciphered early records. During my days in Sucre I strengthened my previous friendship with Paulina Cervantes, Pilar Giménez Dominguez. Adriana Moreira, Ruth Pabdn de Ponce Paz. Gloria

Querejazu, Mercedes Renjel, and their families. To all of them 1 thank for their company and support. On numerous occasions after work, I had the opportunity to relax and chat with friends at the "Tertulias." I will always keep those memories close to my heart. In La Paz I enjoyed long conversations with Alberto Crespo Rodas, whose knowledge about the revolt of 1553 was as inspiring as his historical insights about the period. His extreme generosity benefited me with his personal notes taken many years ago in Seville, at the Archivo de Indias, while interested in the seditious encomenderos of Charcas. Our friendship, after I left Bolivia, translated into our wonderful correspondence and is one of the best achievements of this research. I wish to thank Clara Lopez Beltran

viii for her hospitality and companionship. Rossana Barragân Romano and Laura Escdbari de Querejazu and families were always supportive and helpful during my stays in La Paz. I would like to express my gratitude to the Director, Licenciada I tala de Maman, and the personnel of the Archivo

Municipal de Cochabamba, who kindly helped me while conducting my research. Ruth Duran and José Gordillo and family offered hospitality and friendship. I thank Fray Mauricio Valcanover O.F.M, who opened my eyes to the Paniagua de Loaysa family and generously handed me copies of their probanzas de méritas located at the Archivo de Indias.

In Potosr, Wilson Mendieta Pacheco and Edgar Valda Martinez facilitated my research at the Archivo Historico. Marta Ugarte and family made my stay in the altiplano even more pleasant. In the United States, Donna J. Guy was always supportive and loving. Martha and Ron Williams offered hospitality and friendship in Columbus. Gerardina Garita generously translated a chapter and Ileana Rodriguez provided valuable comments. Finally three persons deserve my deepest acknowledgment. My mother who, from a distance, was always near offering unconditional support and love. My roommate, colleague, and friend,

Anupama Mande, who read and edited this dissertation and generously offered her skills, time, and support to make this project a reality. Larry D. Horton took this dissertation as his own a n d committed his time to help me finish it. He read, edited, and polished each single piece of this work, teaching me how to better

ix my English and how generous true love is. Without his encouragement and support I could have never completed this study. To them my sincere thanks. VITA

June 21, 1953...... Born - Buenos Aires, Argentina.

1978 ...... M.A. History, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina.

1984-199 0...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of Anthropology, University of Buenos Aires, Argentina.

1985-1987 ...... Junior Fellowship for Research, National Council for Scientific Research, CONICET, Argentina.

1986-1987 ...... Assistant Professor, School of History, University of Rosario, Argentina.

1987-199 0 ...... Senior Fellowsip for Research, National Council for Scientific Research, CONICET, Argentina.

1990-1993...... Graduate Teaching Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University.

1996-1997 Assistant Professor, Department of History, University of Buenos Aires.

1993-present...... Researcher, National Council of Scientific Research, CONICET, Argentina.

xi 10/1996 to 6/1997 ...... Graduate Research Associate, Department of History, The Ohio State University.

PUBLICATIONS

Research Publications

Books

1. Editor, Espacio. Etnias. Frontera. Atenuaciones Polfticas en el Sur del Tawantinsuyu. Sigios XV-XVIII. Sucre-Bolivia; Antropologos del Sur Andino, 1996.

A rticles

2. "Las propiedades del Colegio de la Compania de Jesus de Tarija." Anuario. Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia (Sucre, 1996): 179-198.

3. "La poblacion indi'gena de los valles de Tarija en el siglo XVI." In Historia Natural. Etnograffa. Geograffa. Lingüfstica del Chaco Boliviano [1898] by Fray Doroteo Giannecchini, ed. P. Lorenzo Calzavarini O.F.M., 380-381. Tarija: Fondo de Inversion Social- Centro Eclesial de Documentacion, 1996.

4. "Cuando la clave es juntar lo disperse. Fuentes para el estudio de la vida y los tiempos del adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zarate." Anuario Homenaje a Gunnar Mendoza. Archivo y Biblioteca Nacionales de Bolivia (Sucre, 1995): 21-44.

5. "La poblacion de los valles de Tarija, Siglo XVI. Aportes para la solucion de un enigma etnohistorico en una frontera incaica." In Espacio. Etnias, Frontera.. ed. Ana Marfa Presta, 235-247.

XU 6. and Mercedes del Rio. "Reflexiones sobre los churumatas del sur de Bolivia, sigios XVI-XVIII." Historica xvii:2 (Lima-Peni, 1993): 223-237. Reprinted in Memoria Americana 2, Cuadernos de Etnohistoria (Buenos Aires, 1993): 41-49 and in Espacio. Etnias. Frontera.. ed. Ana Marfa Presta, 219-234.

7. "La tasa toledana del repartimiento de Pairija. Un documento inédito del Archivo General de la Nacion, Buenos Aires." Historica xv:2 (Lima-Peru, 1991): 237-264.

8. "Ingresos y gastos de una hacienda jesuftica altoperuana: Jesus de Trigo Pampa (Pilaya y Paspaya) 1734-1767." Anuario iv. Institute de Estudios Historico-Sociales, Universidad del Centro de la Provincia de Buenos Aires (Tandil-Argentina, 1990): 89-114.

9. "Hacienda y comunidad. Un estudio en la Provincia de Pilaya y Paspaya, sigios XVI-XVII." Revista Andes I. Universidad Nacional de Salta (Salta-Argentina, 1990): 31-45. Reprinted in Espacio. Etnias. Frontera.. ed. Ana Marfa Presta, 79-95.

10. "Mano de obra en una hacienda tarijena en el siglo XVII. La vina de La Angostura'." In Agricultura. Trabajo v Sociedad en America Hispana. ed. Gonzalo Izquierdo F., 43-59. Santiago: Universidad de Chile, 1989.

11. "Una hacienda tarijena en el siglo XVII: La vina de 'La Angostura'." Historia y Cultura 14 (La Paz-Bolivia, 1988): 35-57.

12. Mercedes del Rfo and Ana Marfa Presta. "Nuevas tendencias en la Etnohistoria andina." Revista de Antropologfa 4 (Buenos Aires-Argentina, 1988): 3-9.

13. Mercedes del Rfo and Ana Marfa Presta. "Un estudio etnohistorico en los corregimientos de Toraina y Yamparaez: casos de multietnicidad." Runa xiv (Buenos Aires-Argentina, 1985): 221- 245. Reprinted in Espacio. Etnfas. Frontera.. ed. Ana Marfa Presta, 189-218.

Xlll FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: History Specialization in Latin American History

Minor Fields: Modern European History Colonial Latin American Literature

XIV TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page Dedication ...... iv Acknowledgements ...... v

Vita...... xi List of Tables ...... xviii List of Figures ...... xix Chapters:

1. Introduction ...... 1

The Territorial and Personal Location of the Encomenderos of Charcas...... 9 Personal Networks: Kinship and Business ...... 16 Migratory Enterprise ...... 20 Marriage Enterprise ...... 23 Sources and Organizational Framework ...... 27

2. The Physical Environment, the Resources, and the People ...... 33

A Peculiar Geography and Its Inhabitants ...... 33 The Expeditions to Charcas ...... 42 Spanish Settlements and the Reordering of the Landscape of Charcas ...... 51

3. Almendras ...... 58

The Initial Generation. From Plasencia to Cajamarca and from Cusco to Charcas ...... 59

X V The Second Generation: The Construction of a Family Network ...... 70 The Thrid Generation.Family Consolidation ...... 87 Conclusions ...... 101

4. Paniagua de Loaysa ...... 105

An Ambassador from Extremadura and the Origins of His Lineage inCharcas ...... 106 The Comendador Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa: Status and Entrepreneurial Rationality ...... 116 The Kingdom of Women ...... 153 Conclusions ...... 160

5. Zarate...... 163

Honor in Iberian Estates Society ...... 164 The Mendieta-Zarate. From Orduna, Biscay, to Charcas...... 166 Juan Ortiz de Zarate: Kinship and Entrepreneurial Rationality Within a Personal Network ...... 1 75 The Last Enterprise: the Quest for Honor and the Loss of a Family Fortune ...... 213 The Survival of the Status...... 223 Conclusions ...... 235

6. Ondegardo ...... 238

The Origins: A Family Migratory Enterprise. From Valladolid to Lima and Charcas to Start a Public Life...... 240 The Entrepreneurial Side: Marriage, Family and Business in Charcas ...... 253 Kindred and Second Generation of Ondegardos in Charcas...... 268 Consanguineous and Collaterals and Their Role within Licenciado Polo's Lineage ...... 297 Conclusions ...... 311

7. Conclusions ...... 315

xvi Appendix A Encomiendas and Encomenderos existing in La Plata prior to the end of the Rebellion ofGonzalo Pizarro (1544-1548) ...... 322

Appendix B Encomiendas and Encomenderos Existing in the 1550s...... 324

Glossary ...... 326

Bibliography ...... 336

xvii LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

4.1 Detail of Don Gabriel Paniagua's Properties, 1558-1604 ...... 125

4.2 Detail of encomiendas enjoyed by Dona Mayor Verdugo ...... 155

5.1 Survey of 1549, Chuquicota ...... 171

5.2 Encomienda granted by Francisco Pizarro to F. Retamoso ...... 180

5.3 Tasa of the half of Totora, 1550 ...... 185

5.4 Tasa of the encomienda of J. O. de Zarate, 1560 ...... 189

5.5 Deposit of 2/3 of Production, Porco ...... 193

6.1 Properties of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo ...... 265

XVlll LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1.1 The Republic of Bolivia. Approximately the Territory Under the Jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Charcas ...... 2

2.1 Bolivia: Physical Features...... 36

2.2 The Aymara Senorios ...... 38

2.3 Inka Roads and Way Stations Used by the Spaniards to Conquer Charcas ...... 47

2.4 La Plata and Environs ...... 50

2.5 Spanish Cities in Charcas...... 56

3.1 The Second Generation of the Almendras Family: A Reinforcement of Alliances ...... 79

3.2 Francisco de Almendras’s Kindred ...... 94

3.3 Properties owned by the Almendras Family ...... 98

4.1 Properties owned by the Paniagua de Loaysa Family...... 126

4.2 Properties owned by the Alvarez Verdugo Family 145

4.3 The Paniagua de Loaysa Family ...... 159

5.1 Properties ovned by the Zarate Mendieta Family ...... 206

XIX 6.1 Properties owned by the Ondegardo Family ...... 263

6.2 The Ondegardo Family ...... 293

XX C H A P T E R 1

INTRODUCTION

This study focuses on the economic activities of a small group of encomenderos who lived in Villa de Plata, in the Viceroyalty of Peru during the second half of the sixteenth-century. Villa de Plata, a settlement that served as the seat of the Real Audiencia of Charcas, was founded in 1539-1540.* It gained status as a city in 1559. and over time assumed the names La Plata, Chuquisaca and Charcas. Commonly known as la ciudad de los cuatro nombres. La Plata, which is the contemporary city of Sucre, was the residence of the encomenderos who enjoyed rich repartimientos in the Southern Andes during the early colonial period.- Initially, those encomiendas had been granted by Governor Francisco Pizarro to his kinsmen and fellow countrymen, but his successors responded to different links

* A Real Audiencia was the administrative and judicial body in the Spanish colonies that served as an appellate and supreme court for the area under its jurisdiction.

- Pedro Rami'rez del Aguila, Noticias Polfticas de Indias [1639], trans. Jaime Urioste Arana (Sucre: Imprenta de la Universidad, 1978), 22, 26. Although the term repartimiento was used to refer to a grant of Indians given either to a conquistador or an institution, in this particular case I use repartimiento as a synonym for encomienda, which is one of its multiple and generalized meanings. IVIA

Pacific Ocean

Atiemtic Ocean

Figure 1.1 The Republic of Bolivia, Approximately the Territory Under the Jurisdiction of the Audiencia of Charcas of clientelism and association in distributing encomiendas. As a

result, the grants given by the later Governors Licenciados Cristobal Vaca de Castro (1541-1544) and Pedro de la Gasca (1547-1550)

rewarded those Spaniards who aided them in their successful ventures to pacify the unruly Peruvian viceroyalty.

After Francisco Pizarro distributed among his fellows the

ransom of the last Inka ruler, Atahualpa, the encomienda becam e the most valuable source of both human and natural resources for a

conquistador.3 An encomienda was a royal grant received by a conquistador as a reward for his military services. The encomienda granted the right to enjoy the tribute of a selected number of Indians, who were to be protected and given Catholic instruction b y the encoineiidero. Pending approval by the king, these grants w ere issued by a governor or other royal officer (in later times, ordinarily a viceroy). During the Civil Wars, however, the leaders, Francisco

Pizarro and Diego de Almagro, and the lieutenants of both factions, enjoyed political power in the territories alternatively dominated by one or another. As proof of their authority, they deprived the clients of their adversaries of the rewards previously granted. The case of Francisco de Almendras is a classic example. As a lieutenant of Gonzalo Pizarro (younger brother of Francisco) in La Plata, he deprived his patron's enemies of encomiendas and other sources of wealth during the Pizarrist rebellion that started in 1544.

^ Inka refers to a ruler who exercises supreme authority; Inca addresses the state governed by an Inka and Incas refers to the ethnic group also known as Quechuas. During the early colonial period, political coalitions tended to monopolize valuable resources and personnel. Throughout the wars both factions of the conquistadors formed alliances and conspired to gain control over the encomiendas held by the other. Peru was the battleground where different political ambitions were contested, and the Crown had to intervene in order to verify encomienda rights. However, the Crown's interference did not prevent an encomendero from enjoying his grant before the cédula real or royal edict confirming his holding had arrived. The encomienda satisfied the conquistadors' seigneurial aspirations, and they became lords with their own vassals, owing military service to their king while, at the same time, enjoying local political responsibilities at the m unicipal level as citizens of a recently founded city.^

From the beginning of the conquest period up to the 157ÜS. the encomienda was the vehicle for gaining access to different economic opportunities. With the emergence of the colonial market economy, an encomienda in Charcas provided a labor force, facilities for agricultural production and stock-raising, and the capital to invest in other sectors of the economy. The encomienda also becam e the organizational core of the socioeconomic system in Charcas, and

Manuel Belaiinde Guinassi, La encomienda en el Peru (Lima: Ediciones Mercuric Peruano, 1945), 44-52, 102, 113-117; Enrique Torres Salamandre, Apuntes historicos sobre las encomiendas en el Peru (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1967), 15-32; James Lockhart, Spanish Peru 1532-1560. A Colonial Society (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 11, 14-16; Steve J. Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest. Huamanoa to 1640 (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 27-28; Josep M. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. Orfgenes Historicos de una Sociedad Colonial (La Paz: Centro de Investigaciôn y Promociôn del Campesinado, 1973), 215-244. the principal vehicle for exploiting the silver deposits from the mines at Porco and Potosi. Both mining towns depended on encomiendas to provide a constant supply of workers. The golden age of the encomienda lasted from 1550 to 1560, when the encomenderos benefited from a massive peasant surplus which allowed them to monopolize the internal market, by controlling access to virtually every productive and mercantile activity in the region. Although the present study focuses on events from 1550 to 1600, analyzing the golden age of the encomienda provides insights into how families gained control of the mercantile activities through their encomiendas. The right to enjoy an encomienda lasted two generations after colonial legislation limited the grants in 1536 and enabled the crown to declare an encomienda vacant.

The importance and influence of Charcas mining wealth were central to regional development. The golden age of the encomienda coincided with Potosi's first silver boom and use of the huayra system, during which time the foundation of the colonial mercantile system was established.^ That period also revealed, however, the

^ The beginnings of mining exploitation at Potosi were limited to the indigenous method for refining metallic ores called huayra. The technique involved the use of a wind-blown furnace or huayra (from Quechua, wayra: air, wind) since the draft for the furnace was provided not by bellows, but b y exposure to wind. The furnace had the shape of an inverted cone, a little wider at top than at the base. Although huayras could be made in different ways, all of them had gaps or holes left open to allow the wind to enter. After the conquest, there was developed a portable small clay furnace whose walls were punched with holes to allow the air to enter. The furnaces were fed b y charcoal or llama dung. See; Peter Bakewell, "Mining in Colonial Spanish America," in The Cambridge Historv of Latin America, ed. Lesley Bethell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), ii:118 and Miners of the Red Mountain. Indian Labor in Potosf. 1545-1650 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983), 15. weaknesses of Potosi's market economy, a restricted economic space where business was transacted by precariously short-lived companies, supported by the exploitation of encomienda Indians. The encomenderos benefited from the development of Potosi as a mining center (1545-1560) because they controlled the encomienda labor force, which they sent to work in their mines. As mine owners, the encomenderos received a share of the silver ore from their Indians working in their shafts. Similarly, the encomenderos obtained from their charges another portion of silver production in the form of incomes collected in cash. Finally, the marketable commodities sold in Potosi came from surplus peasant production. Agricultural production constituted the encomienda's income in kind, and was also sold in the mining camp. Thus the encomenderos profited both from the initial silver production and the consequent development of the internal market.^' Until the first official tax assessment (1549), the encomenderos forcibly extracted tribute from their encomiendas, the nature of which depended on the encomenderos' needs. With the general survey organized under Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca's government, after the triumph over Gonzalo Pizarro, the encomienda system reached its zenith. However, once the official tax rate was set, the encomienda system began to decline. The encomenderos, who had benefited from the old system of Andean reciprocity.

^ Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La produccion de la mercancia dinero e n la formacidn del mercado interne colonial. El caso del espacio peruano, siglo XVI," in Ensavos sobre el Desarrollo Economico de México v America Latina ( 1500-1975). ed. Enrique Florescano (México: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1979), 237-250. although without the traditional obligatory returns to their subjects,

began to experience the gradual deterioration of their power within and outside their own repartimientos. The enforcement of the New Laws of 1542—which were drawn to protect the Indians and curtail the attributions of the encomenderos—v/as slow and difficult but in

that enforcement Gasca laid the foundations of the colonial state. He

satisfied the aspirations of the encomenderos, but placed checks on their power to exploit their Indians. By following a policy of non- confrontation in order to neutralize the anarchic behavior of the encomendero group, Gasca neither abolished the Indians' personal

service nor regulated the Indian labor at Potosi as the laws required.

These unresolved issues were addressed with varying degrees of success by subsequent administrators in the Viceroyalty of Peru. The general survey of 1549 achieved its purpose of eroding the system of indiscriminate tribute exploitation. It opened the way to the abolition of personal service and the collection of tribute in kind according to the tax assessm ents of 1552 and 1562. Gasca's moderate tax policy was one of the first steps in the total monetization of the Indians' tribute obligations by the 1570s, which completed the establishment of a colonial market economy

^ Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La renta de la encomienda en la década de 1550: piedad cristiana o desconstruccidn," Revista de Indias vol. xlviii: 1 8 1-183, (Madrid, 1988), 113-127; Bakewell, Miners of the Red M ountain. 39-49; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 264-272; Marie Helmer, "La 'encomienda' à Potosi," Proceedings oF the xxxth. International Congress of Americanists (London, 1952), 235-238; Id., "Notas sobre la encomienda peruana en el siglo XVI." Revista del Instituto de Historia del Derecho 10 (Buenos Aires, 1959), 124- 143. During the viceregency of Don Francisco de Toledo in the first half of the 1570s, Potosi recovered from an interval of economic stagnation and wealth began to flow again from the Cerro Rico.^ The new mining boom resulted from the introduction of a new amalgamation process that utilized mercury to separate the silver from the slag. This innovative process generated a higher output of excellent quality ores and led to improvements in the methods of extraction and refining. Before amalgamation was introduced,

Indians participated both as skilled and unskilled workers in the extraction and refining processes. However, technological innovation in the refining methods limited the role of Indians to the extractive stage as unskilled laborers. In order to secure Indian labor, new laws regarding voluntary and corvée labor (mita) were enforced. Technological changes introduced remarkable innovations in the infrastructure; modernization in technology and regulations increased state intervention in the colonial economy. State intervention represented both a notable fact in a territo ry previously characterized by the anarchy and nepotism of the

Spanish conquistadors and a clear sign of the political changes that resulted from the encomenderos' loss of their unm atched socioeconomic power after the Civil Wars. Some encomenderos, however, adapted quickly to the new requirements of the market, mainly because they had accumulated sufficient capital through family networks as miners or refinery owners. Withsupport from

* Literally, "rich hill," used to refer to the mountain of silver at Potosf.

8 other investors, they faced the risks of the new mining expansion. Despite the magnitude of these changes, Potosi received a constant supply of domestic commodities by promoting regional agricultural production and manufacturing within the viceroyalty. In addition, Potosi emerged as the "pole of attraction" by coordinating economic activities of the neighboring regions, each of which specialized in different supplies. The gradual but steady diversification of the economy led to an increase in the demand for labor, which eventually contributed to the growth of Potosf as the center of an integrated market economy.^

The Territorial and Personal Location of the Encomenderos of Charcas

The encomenderos of Charcas utilized a network of personal and family connections as the basis for their business enterprises in order to access the multiple economic opportunities generated by a pole of attraction like Potosf. In this way, those who held a n encomienda interacted, related, and associated with a number of individuals through such personal ties. Kinship and partnership in business contributed to family solidarity and to the expansion of investment opportunities. These complex personal inter-

^ Assadourian, "La produccion de la mercancia dinero," 223-229; Id., E] sistema de la economi'a colonial. Mercado interno. regiones v espacio econom ico (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1982), 32. relationships can be used to interpret the behavior of the encomenderos within their social milieu. To understand the economic activities of the encomenderos I examined their nexus of personal and business connections within the context of the emerging colonial society. In studying the economic activities of the encomenderos of Charcas, I relied on social network analysis, an interdisciplinary approach associated primarily with the work of John Arundel Barnes and other scholars in Sociology, Psychology, and Social Anthropology." After evolving through different stages—from the creation of the sociogram to the current-day quantitative sociology—social network analysis remains a non-tradiiional paradigm. Nevertheless, it allows the historian to describe the set of relationships developed by individuals depending upon their positions within a society. Each of these links also expresses the mobile resources attached to the changing relations of

J. Clyde Mitchell, "The Concept and Use of Social Networks." in Social Networks in Urban Situations. Analyses of Personal Relationships in Central ■A.frican Towns, ed. J. Clyde Mitchell (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1969), 1-5.

" John A. Barnes, "Class and committees in a Norwegian island parish," Human Relations 7 (Michigan, 1954): 39-58; Jacob Levy Moreno, Who Shall Survive?: Foundations of Sociometrv. Group Psychotherapy, and Sociodrama (Beacon, NY: Beacon House, Inc., 1953); Dorwin Cartwright ed.. Studies i n Social Power (Ann Arbor: Institute for Social Research, 1959); Theodore M. Newcomb, "Role Relationships," in Social P sycologv. ed. Theodore M. Newcomb and others, (New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston, 1965); J. Clyde Mitchell ed.. Social Networks in Urban Situations. Analyses of Personal Relationships in Central African Towns (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1969); J. A. Barnes, "Networks and political processes," in Social Networks in Urban Situations. 51-76: Elizabeth Bott, Familia v Red Social (Madrid: Taurus, 1991); Stanley Wasserman and Katherine Faust, Social Network Analysis. Methods and Applications (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) achieved a synthesis of more than 50 years of use of methodology and social network analysis. 10 negotiation, reciprocity, and conflict that involve the social actors.■- At present, economic and social historians cover--with a different

type of quantitative and qualitative information—the spaces and distances between social and individual characteristics through the reconstruction of their societal relationships. One alternative to the social network model could be a

quantitative prosopography, which would examine a series of social variables common to this heterogeneous encomendero group, such as place of birth, migratory strategies and itineraries, age at receiving the encomienda, level of education, social status, profession, etc. Prosopography as a method, however, reflects the construction of rigid coding categories that often result in static images of collective biographies of individuals subsumed within

their professions or enterprises, without providing a societal context

'- Zacanas Moutoukias, "Narracidn y andlisis en la observacion de vinculos y dindmicas sociales: el concepto de red personal en la historia social y economica," in Inmigracion v Redes Sociales en la Argentina Moderna. ed. Marfa Bjerg y Herndn Otero (Tandil, Argentina: Instituto de Estudios Histdrico Sociales. 1996), 229.

Giovanni Levi, Inheriting Power. The Storv of an Exorcist (Chicago. The University of Chicago Press, 1988); Maurizio Gribaudi et Alain Blum, "Des catégories aux liens individuels: l’analyse statistique de l'espace social," Annales ESC 45:6 (Novembre-décembre, 1990): 1365-1402; Zacan'as Moutoukias, "Réseaux personnels et autorité coloniale: les négociants de Buenos Aires au XVIIIe siècle," Annales ESC 47:4-5 (Juilliet-octobre 1992): 889-915; Id., "For qué los contrabandistas no hacen trampa?: Redes sociales, normas y empresa e n una economia de no mercado (el Rio de la Plata en la segunda mitad del siglo XVIII), 1996 (?), TMs [photocopy]; Alain Blum et Maurizio Gribaudi, "Les déclarations professionnelles. Pratiques, inscriptions, sources," Annales ESC 48:4 (Julliet-août 1993): 997-995; Maurizio Gribaudi, "Les discontinuités du social. Un modèle configurationnel," in Les formes de l'expérience. Une autre histoire sociale, ed. Bernard Lepetit (Paris: Albin Michel, 1995), 186-225; Simona Cerutti, "Processus et expérience: individus, groupes et identités à Turin, au XVIIe siècle, " in Jeux d'échelles. La micro-analyse à_ la expérience, ed. Jacques Revel (Paris: Gallimard Le Seuil, 1996), 161-186. 1 1 for their activities. By using such a model one runs the risk of offering a distorted image of social stratification by equating professional activities or an occupation with the goals of a heterogeneous social group within a specific historical period. Although the encomenderos possessed unique experiences from their personal ties within their entrepreneurial careers, the main purpose of my research is to examine the encomenderos within their local, regional, and global relational locus, utilizing a heterogeneous set of variables such as birth, social status, education, and occupational activities. These variables acquire significance when inscribed in social practices, demonstrating how encomenderos interacted with other individuals. These linkages among a defined set of persons can shed light on ties that represent equality, superiority, or inferiority within the parameters of the social group linked by these primary social bonds.

The theoretical framework I have used to study the encomenderos of La Plata and their businesses draws heavily from Pierre Bourdieu's notion of habitus. Two contradictory paradigms in the sixteenth-century influenced the conquistadors' notions of success. First, old Iberian values stressing the importance of status,

Diane Langmore, "The Problems and Pleasures of Prosopography: Writing a Group Biography,” in Biographers at Work, ed. James Walker and Raija Nugent (Nathan, Qld.: Institute for Modern Biography, 1984), 63-71; Lawrence Stone, "Prosopography," chap. in The Past and the Present (Boston: Routledge and Keagan Paul, 1981), 45-73; Pierre Bourdieu, "L'illusion biographique," Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales 62-63 (Paris, 1986); Giovanni Levi, "Les usages de la biographie," Annales ESC 44:4 (N ovem bre- décembre, 1989); 1325-1326; Sabina Loriga, "La biographie comme problème," in Jeux d'echelles. La micro-analyse à la expérience, ed. Jacques Revel (Paris: Gallimard Le Seuil, 1996), 209-231; Moutoukias, "Narraciôn y andlisis," 234-235. 12 fame, glory, royal titles, and land ownership in conveying honor to

the peninsular nobility; these values also influenced the hidalgos,

commoners, and villagers, who later played the role of

conquistadors.*5 Thus the old practices of sharing booty and other

rewards resulting from winning both men and land for the king and

the true faith remained and merged with other, newer practices. I n the new milieu, and as a result of their successful enterprise,

hidalgos and commoners became colonial elites who emulated the

already victorious peninsular knights and lords who had triumphed in the long Iberian Reconquest during which those practices rooted in honor were converted to habitus. Second, mercantile practices were incorporated within the New World, where commerce and

money were the means of "valer mds" and the road to social ad vancemeni.“> In sum, old customs, norms, dispositions, and institutions combined with strategies that emerged in a new colonial environment of abundant resources. Success and social status allowed the conquistadors in this new land to advance socially, to reconstruct their past, and to reinvent their family histories.

Habitus is a system of deeply rooted and transposable social arrangements, which mediate between structures and practices. The habitus is an entire body of social norms—expressed in practice — that reflect the social structure which produced them. These durable social norms, a product of history, produce collective and individual

A hidalgo was a member of the lesser Spanish nobility.

*6 "Valer mds" refers to the aspirations of the immigrants to acquire eminence, distinction, notabilty, prestige, in sum, honor, by means of service to the king. 13 practices inscribed in the institutions of each society. These norms are changeable and dynamic, since they are capable of generating practices in fields other than those of their original acquisition. As a durable system of normative behavior, the habitus generates practices and perceptions in response to the conditions of existence of its production and reproduction, but it also generates strategies that respond to new stimuli, though always within a structured range of possibilities that define a style of life.'^ The habitus' universe of stability and flexibility provides a useful framework for explaining the behavior, strategies, and practices of the encomenderos of La Plata. They were men who molded Old World institutions and organizational schemes to suit their new identities and business interests in the New World.

In other words, the conquistadors—responding spontaneously to their social and economic needs—behaved pragmatically, and adjusted to the requirements of each new situation rapidly and successfully. The conquistadors’ dedication to their objectives and commitment to their enterprise was manifest in their willingness to take advantage of every economic opportunity, which led them to build their own traditions and techniques according to the needs of the new milieu.

Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 73; Id., La Distinction: critique sociale du jugem ent (Paris: Les Editions de Minuit, 1979), 189-197; Id., The Logic o f Practice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 52-65.

James Lockhart, "Trunk Lines and Feeder Lines: The Spanish Reaction to American Resources," in Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans and Andeans in the Sixteenth Century, ed. Kenneth J. Andrien and Rolena Adorno (Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991), 90-91. 14 The quest for profit, the aspiration to become wealthy, the

importance given to money, and the exercise of mercantile

opportunities did not contradict their spirit of adventure, their fascination with war and the ideal of knighthood. Mercantile trade was a complementary and innovative response, resulting from the strategies developed by conquistadors, who combined the two antagonistic paradigms of a modern and an ancient society prevalent in early sixteenth-century Spain.

In spite of the Castilian crown's restrictions on exploitation, production and commercialization of resources and goods, the

encomenderos of Charcas developed a wide range of strategies designed to circumvent such prohibitions. Although some of these

restrictions could be overcome by personal manipulation of the judicial apparatus and a looser interpretation of the law, such activities also took place in a restricted social context, w h e re everybody knew each other, and where the encomenderos’ activities took place under the protective umbrella of real and symbolic kinship. This explains why personal networks provided access to the colonial system and the mechanisms of its formation and reproduction.-o

Bert F. Hoselitz, "The Early History of Entrepreneurial Theory," Explorations in Entrepreneurial Historv iii:4 (April 1951): 193-220; Fritz Riedlich, "The Origins of the Concepts of "Entrepreneur" and "Creative Entrepreneur’," Explorations in Entrepreneurial Historv i:2 (February 1949): 1-7; Richard Konetzke, "Entrepreneurial Activities of Spanish and Portuguese Noblemen in Medieval Times," Explorations in Entrepreneurial Historv vi:2 (December 1953): 115-120.

Moutoukias, "Narracidn y andlisis," 229. 15 Personal Networks: Kinship and Business

The encomenderos of Charcas' personal networks addressed in

my study constituted an entrepreneurial organization built up around the possession of a finite grant, the encomienda, which gave

birth to other businesses. Kin, clients, agents, and countrymen were members of an extended social network. My purpose is to explore the multiple roles performed by encomenderos in their personal

circle, where kinship and business were joined. Furthermore, - I will examine how those multiple roles diversified according to kinship and short-term needs. The specific set of linkages within social networks, where roles and relationships are defined, provide a

description of a densely connected, close-knit network. In an attempt to chart the relations that comprised the social network. 1 will examine in detail the relatives involved, the various specific

businesses, and political activities.

The Almendras family constitutes a good example of a connected or dense network. The nucleus of a network was usually a

specific individual who manipulated and organized the nexus of personal relationships. In such socially centralized networks, I refer to a specific individual—an Ego (Francisco de Almendras)—who gave his name and identity to the network. In this study, the core of each

personal network was the institution of the encomienda and its grantee, who became the center of the network because of his social status. The multiple business activities related to the encomienda also have a place in the network, where names and businesses

16 configure zones that responded to personal and family interactions and articulations.-! The status of an encomendero within the social hierarchy was easily recognized within the personal family network and was central to the web of kinship. In a personal network there could be more than one encomendero, but always one held power and patronage over the rest by accumulating the majority of political, social, and economic resources. The distance from the central patron of the network indicates both the nature of kinship and of power.-- In my study, trends which assess reciprocal and asymmetrical bonds can be verified.

In addition, these social webs correspond to the structures of political authority.Certain enterprises combined with these structures of political authority, sometimes evolving from them or benefiting from certain institutional arrangements, to manipulate or permit the development of business enterprises.-^ The encomenderos, as notable citizens of La Plata, were assured representation in the cabildo or town council. As a local institution, the cabildo represented the corporate interests of those who possessed a labor force and managed the production, and regulated consumption in the internal market. Furthermore, the encomenderos' economic power and political influence were the

-■ J. Clyde Mitchell, "The Concept and Use of Social Networks," 5-20; Bott. Familia v red social. 98, 142-149, 365; Gribaudi, "Les discontinuités du social," 192, 204-207; Levi, Inheriting Power. 120-121.

-- Gribaudi, "Les discontinuités du social," 207-218; Gribaudi et Blum, "Des catégories aux liens individuels," 1385-1399; Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Brokers and Clients in the Families of the Elite in Colonial Caracas, 1595-1627," The Americas xxvi;l (July 1979); 90-95.

-3 Moutoukias, "Narraciôn y anâlisis," 223. 17 means to manipulate decisions at institutions such as the Audiencias

of Lima and Charcas. At the same time, they knew how to put pressure on corregidores and other local officers to control the regional government.^^ Power was determined by one's primary bonds—symbolic kinship, friendship, and place of birth in Spain. The principal purpose of my study is to examine personal

networks which were built around a grant transferred b y inheritance. Consequently, I have analyzed the encomenderos' lineages to understand the nature of these social relations. Furthermore, I have used a methodology drawn from family history

to explore the reproduction of the social system. In addition, genealogy has been a useful tool to trace family links, matrimonial alliances, and the inheritance of wealth and power. My research does not make use of genealogy simply to illustrate the processes of birth, death, or succession. In my research, genealogy is an approach to studying social practice and the logic of the social actors since it allows me to establish an accounting of their personal and family relationships in order to examine how they shaped their day-to-day activities.-2 Close family ties in turn meant greater access to business activities and wealth. In terms of the language of the primary bonds, inter-family business transactions were guaranteed by kinship. Marriage was not an exception to these rules. In fact, marriages

Corregidores were district governors.

-5 Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory. 19. 18 usually were arranged by families previously linked through kinship and commercial transactions.-^

Among the encomenderos, lineage was distinguished from other investments since the marriage profits went to further ends other than building material wealth. Since family networks

protected one's business and social position, I examined those

patterns of family structure which the first vecinos of La Plata constructed. These social patterns can only be understood within the socio-cultural and economic context in which they were produced.-"^

Therefore, 1 went back to the local and viceregal historical background and related them to the more distant, transatlantic origins, the ideology and mentality of the conquistadors, in order to

trace the norms and dispositions related to the selection of spouses and their availability within the market of Charcas. Migration, like marriage, was an economic undertaking

pertaining not only to isolated individuals, but also to the m igrants' kin network, their closest family members. As I will discuss later in this study, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo left for Peru with his younger brother and his uncle, and while traveling, he met the man who later became his father-in-law. The four Mendieta-Zarate brothers came to Peru together following the advice of a countryman and relative, who was among the "Men of Cajamarca." They also received assistance from an uncle, an accountant at the House of Trade. The

Bourdieu, The logic of practice. 115-116.

In early sixteenth century, a vecino was an ecomendero or feudatary. 19 oldest brother married his uncle's daughter after returning from

Charcas to Spain.

Migratory Enterprise

Immigration was common in the Iberian Peninsula. Transhumant pastoral activity associated with the Mesta and inter­ regional migration were Castilian social practices turned into habitus

during the seven hundred years that Spaniards tried to expel the Moors.-® It was then that the rural population migrated to newly

conquered areas in order to find not only security but better, more abundant resources. Population growth accelerated at the beginning of modern times, as well as during the late feudal era of the

Reconquest, driving petty rural landowners, landless peasants, artisans, laborers, and unemployed commoners to be part of a massive internal migration.-^

Overseas migration, stimulated by the lure of wealth in Peru, was notable in districts such as Extremadura, homeland of the conquistador Francisco Pizarro, and in Andalusia, whose ports had opened up ancient European frontiers. Migration to the New World

-® Mesta refers to the peninsular stock owners’ association.

Ida Altman, "Emigrants and Society: An Approach to the Background of Colonial Spanish America," Comparative Studies of Society and Historv 30:1 (January, 1988): 170-174; Id., "A New World in the Old: Local Society and Spanish Emigration to the Indies," in "To Make America" European Emigration in the Earlv Modern Period, ed. Ida Altman and James Horn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 31; David E. Vassberg, The Village and the Outside World in Golden Age Castile (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 67-72. 20 involved risks which eventually became the opportunities for

acquiring everything from wealth to a new social status. Immigration was a collective undertaking carried out by hidalgos and commoners who differed in occupation, status, and place of birth. From the first generation of conquistadors to those w ho

followed after the assassination of Atahualpa, it is difficult to find nobles and knights among the emigrants to the New World. The

majority of the emigrants—villagers, commoners, and poor hidalgos-

-moved to the Indies and served assoldiers in order to find the social mobility which would always elude them in Spain. Family, kinship, and connections with someone from the same province or

town who had migrated previously increased the chance for success

in the New World. Moreover, migratory itineraries and the resulting settlement demonstrated an individual's strong sense of identity with his place of birth. Devotion to the homeland gave

encomenderos the chance to cultivate a special kind of bond th at provided them with a permanent group of clients. Symbolic kinship among the immigrants, such as patronage and clientelism, may have

evolved from biological or ritual kinship, but over time these bonds surpassed the others in importance within the whole social nexus. With these asymmetrical, reciprocal bonds, the conquistadors exchanged goods, services, protection, and loyalty within the established peninsular social hierarchies, whose associated roles and duties were strengthened after settling in the New World. A considerable number of clients gave the patron the right to exercise

21 authority and power, and continually provided honor, labor, and

goods.3°

Continued contacts with family and friends on the peninsula were important in establishing migratory chains, a diverse network of investments, charitable donations in the patria chica, and financial

aid for relatives.^! All of these strengthened local and regional feelings. However, a person's peninsular status was determined b y the office he held and by birthright. By emulating the nobles' ideal of life, the ideal of those who were skillful in the art of war, economically powerful, and invested with honor, the immigrants desperately sought those social promotions after gaining wealth in the New World. Thus, what could not be achieved by birth could be achieved through services to the king and through the law of conquest. These services could be initially legitimized by certain colonial authorities, but they needed ultimate approval by the m onarch.

The cédula real that granted an encomienda to an individual was not only a legal document, but also recognized the grantee as a member of aprivileged group that enjoyed the highest rewards that

Altman, Emigrants and Society: Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 179-189; Id., "Moving Around and Moving On: Spanish Emigration in the Age of Expansion," Working Papers N° 15, Department of Spanish and Portuguese, University of Maryland (College Park, 1994), 3-11, 14-15; Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin in Seventeenth-Century Caracas; A Methodological Essay in Colonial Spanish American Social History," Hispanic A m erican Historical Review 54;2 (May 1974): 260-283; Id., "Patrons, Brokers and Clients," 90-115.

3‘ P atria chica expresses the small local or regional place w h ere someone was born. 22 a conquistador could expect: men and their labor. This system based its colonial production and social reproduction on similar

metropolitan patterns. In that sense, migrants to the New World were the heirs of the Reconquest tradition and the convivencia along

with those Peninsulars, despite the obvious differences in their status, rank, and race. To settle in Peru entailed geographical mobility and promised genuine social mobility as well.32

Marriage Enterprise

Marriage was an integral part of an encomendero's businesses and professional career. An encomendero viewed his marriage as one more among different strategies of investment to reproduce or extend his assets. Family formation was mandatory for a n encomendero, whose heir inherited a grant that involved both the

status and wealth of his lineage. The encomenderos’ m arriage

strategies and the nature of their family networks reflected the peninsular social hierarchies. Within this socioeconomic context, the role of the head ofa family in determining the norms of succession, and the system of property transmission, in conjunction with such

matters as kinship and blood ties, were the determining issues in

22 Ida Altman and James Horn, "Introduction," in "To Make America." European Emigration in the Early Modern Period, ed. Ida Altman and James Horn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 15-20; Altman, "A New World in the Old," 33; Id., Emigrants and Society, pp. 3-7, 11-12, 43; John H. Elliott, The Old World and the New. 1492-1650 tCambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979), 74-76; Id., "Final Reflections. The Old World and the New Revisited," in America in European Consciousness 1493-1750. ed. Karen Ordahl Kupperman (Williamsburg: Univeristy of North Carolina Press, 1995), 391-406. 23 making or re-enforcing alliances. The strategies of marriage and

succession had been inscribed in the habitus since they responded to

norms and dispositions regulated and enforced by custom and law. These strategies allowed for the reproduction of both family and social hierarchies.33

An encomienda was an asset endowed with material and symbolic capital. Since it could be transmitted to the next generation, marriage to an encomendero involved an alliance that enforced social connections, bettered the interests of a family, and guaranteed the expansion of material wealth. Marriage transactions involved material assets such as land, real estate, bullion, and jewels, in the form of dowry and a r r a j —the endowment of the bride by the groom: it also included social capital or numbers of prominent relatives. and symbolic capital. The last benefit represented important assets such as status, prestige, fame, and public offices. As a synthesis of a lineage's social reputation, symbolic capital was rooted in the nature of legitimate acquired power, accumulated through several generations. For a family's reputation within the conquest society, honor was the most valuable asset and possessing it gave unmatched power. Honor was transferred by inheritance but.

F. Chacon Jimenez y J. Martinez Lopez, "La historia de la familia e n Espana durante la Edad Moderna, Notas para una reflexion metodoldgica," i n Historia Social de la Familia en Espana. Aproximacion a los problemas de familia. tierra y sociedad en Castilla (ss. XV-XDO. ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez (Alicante: Instituto de Cultura Juan Gil Albert, 1990), 33-35; Joan Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar. Reflexiones en torno a las estrategias matrimoniales cercanas," in Poder. familia v consanguinidad en la Espana del Antiguo R egim en , ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez y Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), 107-156; M. Dolors Comas d'Argemir, "Matrimonio, patrimonio y descendencia. Algunas hipdtesis referidas a la Peninsula Ibérica," in Poder. familia y consanguinidad. 157-175. 24 in early modern times, the accumulation of material capital provided

the chance to gain and safeguard honor. This explains the

importance of entrepreneurial activities to the conquistadors during the first years of the conquest.^'*

Conquest gave the conquistadors access to material capital and

allowed them to obtain symbolic capital. Belonging to the exclusive team of the "Men of Cajamarca" meant seniority in the conquest. I n stable political and social conditions, seniority would have given a

conquistador the opportunity to have an unchallenged career of wealth and fame. However, such power and status in the anarchic, troubled, and unpredictable political environment of early Peru had to be re-legitimized by making alliances with the right faction. An

incorrect alignment could jeopardize all of the assets gained previously. To survive and succeed in such a competitive arena, last- minute alliances were commonly made both to accumulate and to safeguard honor and wealth. With one exception, the encomenderos of La Plata referred to in this study did not belong to that privileged group of the first conquistadors of Peru. Nevertheless, all of them

Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice. 112-161; José Antonio Maravall. Poder. Honor v Elites en el Siglo XVII (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1979); Julio Caro Baroja, "Honor and Shame: A Historical Account of Several Conflicts," in Honor and Shame: The Values of Mediterranean Society, ed. J. Peristiani (Chicago; The University of Chicago Press, 1985), 80-137; Id., "The city and the country: reflections on some ancient commonplaces," Mediterranean Countrymen. Essavs in the Social Anthropology of the M editerranean, ed. Julian Pitt-Rivers (Paris and La Haye: Mouton & Co., 1963), 27-40.

25 gained seniority during the Civil Wars, were politically well

connected, and pretended to be from families of a known l i n e a g e . ^ ^

While primarily focusing on the economic activities of the encomenderos of La Plata, my research fits the historiography of regional social histories by portraying the social dynamics of the

first conquistador group in Charcas. James Lockhart’s books. The Men of Cajamarca: A Social Biographical Study of the First

Conquerors of Peru and Spanish Peru, 1532-1560. A Colonial Society,

provided much of the inspiration for starting this research. By emphasizing the family, social, professional, regional, and migratory background of the 168 men of Cajamarca, Lockhart shows how some stories acquire a new dimension in the context of the collective undertaking of the conquest, which represents the initial step in the history of colonial Peru. The conquistadors' social and professional background of the first generation of settlers in Peru narrated in

Spanish Peru, inspired me to adopt a new approach to study the encomienda. Since the institutional dimension of the encomienda was well-known thanks to the invaluable work of many earlier scholars, my concern was to address the encomenderos' networks as the key to understanding the mercantile activities of early Spanish Peru. There, the availability of abundant resources became the stimulus to turning the conquistadors' imaginations towards mercantile success. After the assassination of Atahualpa, the

Cf. Lockhart, Spanish Peru. 17; Marc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1961), ii: 284.

26 conquistadors did not hesitate to battle for possession an d redistribution of these natural and human resources.

Sources and Organizational Framework

The central questions in my study are: How can scholars recreate the networks of social relations characteristic of life in sixteenth-century Charcas? How can we solve the heuristic problems that arise from the lack of oral history or firsthand written testimonies? How can we establish the links between the individuals within their personal networks without listening totheir own voices? Since sixteenth-century Spain deeply trusted and valued writing over orality, most of the sources for this study consist of records produced by colonial public notaries. Colonial notarial records, these tedious and voluminous sources, encapsulate the daily life experiences of the individuals and represent an endless flow of information.

The Escritiiras Piiblicas of the city of La Plata between 1549 and 1620, located at the Archive Nacional de Bolivia (Sucre), form the foundation of my study. From my investigation in Sucre I obtained data from the Libros de Acuerdos de la Audiencia d e Charcas, Cedulario de la Audiencia de Charcas, Expedientes Coloniales, Reales Cédulas, Minas, and Tierras e Indios, that support this research. In addition, I included information provided by the Protocoles Coloniales de Cochabamba znà. the Escrituras Piiblicas de Potosi, located at the Archive Municipal de Cochabamba and Archive

27 Histôrico de Potosi, respectively. Other collections useful to this

research are population data from the Archive General de la Nacion in Buenos Aires and transcriptions from Coleccion Caspar Garcia Vinas de Copias de Documentas del Archiva General de Indias located in the Biblioteca Nacional, also in Buenos Aires, Repûblica

Argentina. Some sources from the Archiva General de Indias w ere also consulted.

Primary sources were examined along with edited collections

of documents such as those published by Roberto Levillier like La

Audiencia de Charcas. Carrespandencia de Présidentes y Oidares, Audiencia de Lima. Carrespandencia de Présidentes y Oidares,

Gabernanies del Peru. Cartas y Papeles. Sigla XVI and Nueva Cronica de la Canciuisia del Tucumdn\ Coleccion de documentas inéditas relatives al descubrimienta, canquista y calonizaciôn de las pasesianes espanolas de América y Oceania edited by Joaquin F.

Pacheco, Francisco de Cardenas and Luis Torres de Mendoza, and the Coleccion de documentas inéditas para la historia de Chile in tw o editions by José Toribio Medina. Processing and filtering through the voluminous data from these documents permitted me to distill and reconstruct each encomendero's personal network. This research is organized in seven chapters. The chapters are organized to illustrate the political events that took place specifically in Charcas, which largely contributed to the organization and development of the colonial economy and state in Peru. Chapter 2, "The Environment, the Resources, the Population," provides a general overview of Charcas by addressing its geography, the abundance of

28 resources, the southern expansion of the conquest into this region,

and the first Spanish settlements in the area. In the following four chapters, I will introduce four personal networks affiliated with the

same number of encomenderos of La Plata during the two generations prescribed by law for the enjoyment of their grants.

Chapter 3 focuses specifically on the personal network centered around Francisco, Diego, and Martin de Almendras and Martin de Almendras Holgum, all of them encomenderos of Tarabuco (60

kilometers east southeast of La Plata). Francisco de Almendras belonged to the exclusive group of the first one hundred and sixty eight Spaniards to enter Peru in 1532 and participate in the events

of Cajamarca in 1533. His role of criado of the Pizarro family led him to take his seniority to La Plata where he enjoyed his encomienda

and public offices and became a lieutenant of Gonzalo Pizarro during the rebellion of 1544. The encomienda of Tarabuco was passed on to

his nephews in 1548, who developed sagacious strategies to build the Almendras lineage and safeguard the family assets.

The second personal network to be portrayed is that of Pedro Hernandez Paniagua in Chapter 4. Paniagua, another emigrant from Extremadura (though of higher status), arrived in Tierra Firme with the expedition of Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca who was appointed by King Charles 1 to suppress the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro. During

1546, Paniagua became Gasca's ambassador charged w ith negotiating with his fellow countryman, Gonzalo Pizarro, to end his revolt. His participation in the Civil Wars on the loyalist side led

Paniagua to receive an encomienda in Pojo (Mizque) which was later

29 inherited by his successor Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa. The

Paniagua de Loaysa family developed successful migratory and

matrimonial strategies to consolidate the Charcas branch of the lineage. Status and wealth were crucial in every step in selecting candidates for marriage who would enhance the family business.

Chapter 5 is centered around Juan Ortiz de Zarate, who enjoyed

a grant of Indians in Carangas. Zarate migrated from Orduna, Biscay, with three brothers. The elder, Lope de Mendieta, was an encomendero in 1540 and amassed an impressive fortune that w as inherited by Juan Ortiz de Zarate after his brother's death in 1553.

Like all of the encomenderos of his generation, Zarate participated in the Civil Wars from which he gained his own encomienda. The profits obtained from his charges were so high that Zarate attempted to buy another grant during the viceregency of the Count of Nieva. when the Royal Commissaries were appointed to study the quest of perpetuity. His leadership in the conquest the Rio de la Plata illustrates how the personal network of Juan Ortiz de Zarate enabled negotiations with royal officials and manipulations of the laws through colonial institutions during the 1560s. Finally, I will address Licenciado Polo Ondegardo's and Don Jeronimo Ondegardo’s personal network in Chapter 6. Both enjoyed the encomienda of Santiago del Paso in the Cochabamba valley. Licenciado Polo was the first encomendero, and perhaps the only one, to excel as a professional lawyer and an entrepreneur in Peru. Licenciado Polo applied various strategies to increase his fortune, build a family, and plan a fu tu re for his offspring that reveal a profound understanding of the

30 socioeconomic development of the Viceroyalty of Peru and the evolving nature of the colony by the 1570s. Collectively th e encomenderos depicted in these chapters were selected because they represent the salient historical trends among the thirty-one encomenderos, who inhabited the city of La Plata throughout the 1550s (see Appendices A and B).

Succession was an issue that meant the transfer of power from one grantee to another. As in any succession, the heir was loaded with the material and symbolic legacy that safeguarded the balance of family capital. Through the description of these generational changes, I will try to highlight differences related to the management of power in the personal network, the maintenance of family stability, and how economic changes and the expansion of the colonial market affected each personal network. Finally, the conclusion is a synthesis of this research. The common and contradictory characteristics of the four personal networks are discussed to show how the lure of profit and the quest for honor ruled the socially heterogeneous encomendero group, forcing them to develop different strategies to perpetuate their wealth and increase their status, an enterprise that for many would last no more than three generations.

Listed in the two appendices are the two generations of encomenderos of Charcas before and after the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro. Genealogical charts are included to better illustrate family alliances and succession. A glossary of Spanish and Quechua words is

31 adjoined to define frequently used terms and those with a specific local meaning.

32 CH APTER 2

THE PHYSICAL ENVIRONMENT, THE RESOURCES, AND THE

PEOPLE

A Peculiar Geography and Its Inhabitants

TheAndes, a continuation of the tertiary heights initiated in the Rocky Mountains, enter Bolivian territory through the Nudo de

Vilcanota (Apolobamba) which lies between Cusco and Lake Titicaca to form two mountain chains, the Cordillera Oriental and the Cordillera Occidental. The Cordillera Oriental starts from the

Cordillera Real peaks whose axis runs across the Departments of La

Paz, Oruro, and Cochabamba until it reaches the mountainous area of Tapacari. There two other mountain chains rise up; one runs southward forming the Cordillera de los Asanaques, then crosses the Department of Potosi and continues downward with the Cordilleras de los Frailes, Chichas and Lipes. The other runs from west to east along the Cordillera de Cochabamba to Pojo, to join the tropical Amazonian plains by the yungas of Munecas, Larecaja, and Inquisivi located in the Department of La Paz, and Corani, Chapare, El Palmar, Vandiola, and Totora in the Department of Cochabamba. The yungas provide the perfect environment for crops such as coca and tropical

3 3 fruits. In the south, the mountainous transition is remarkable,

because hills and plains alternate in the so-called mesothermic

valleys whose rivers flow to the Rio de la Plata basin.> The volcanic Cordillera Occidental starts south of Lake Titicaca, from the 17th parallel in the hills of Berenguela to end at the 2 2nd

parallel in the slopes of Lipes. The row of extinct volcanoes ends in the Salar de Coipasa, where the distance between the Cordillera

Oriental and the Occidental becomes wider. The mountain chains are separated by a distance of two hundred to three hundred

kilometers. The intermediate area is occupied by a dry great plateau, a semi-desert like fringe known as the altiplano.-

The northernmost limit of the altiplano lies in the Abra de la

Raya in southern Peru, and the southernmost limit lies in the Puna de Atacama, in Chile. The altiplano is a closed basin; its n o rth ern portion is a dry plain, the puna, including several hydrographic

basins such as Lake Titicaca, the Desaguadero River, Calam arca-

Sicasica, and Caracollo-Oruro-Poopo. The southern section of the altiplano surrounds Lake Poopo, forming a dry and desert-like zone that ends when the Cordillera Oriental and the Cordillera Occidental join in Lipes.^

'Ismael Montes de Oca, Geografi'a y Recursos Naturales de Bolivia (La Paz; Editorial Educacional del Ministerio de Educaciôn y Cultura, 1989), 157-158. : Ibid., 151.

3 Olivier Dollfus, "The tropical Andes: a changing mosaic,” i n Anthropological History of Andean Polities, ed. John V. Murra, Nathan Wachtel, and Jacques Revel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986). 11-22; Id., El reto del espacio andino (Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos, 1981); Montes de Oca, Geografi'a y Recursos Naturales. 151-153. 34 The northern altiplano contains Lake Titicaca, an enormous

mass of fresh water, located at 3,812 meters above sea level. The lake receives the Azangaro River and drains at the Desaguadero River which runs southwest, like both Cordilleras, to the salt waters of Lake Poopo at 3,690 meters. South of Lake Poopo acold, salt water basin begins at the Salar de Uyuni and the Salar de Coipasa, where the environmental conditions for human life are extremely harsh (see Figure 2.1).

Climatic and ecological zones vary according to the altitude and latitude. Moving up or down this vertical landscape exposes a variety of minor ecological zones within a relatively short distance. Humidity decreases as one travels westward from the Amazon. Two seasonal changes are characteristic of this region. The rainy season lasts from November to April, and coincides with summer in the southern hemisphere. The dry season lasts between May and

October and is characterized by a notable variation of temperature between night and day. These notable daily fluctuations in temperature--which also threaten crops—allowed Andeans to develop effective techniques to preserve food, particularly the dehydration and freezing of tubers and cereals. Chunu, the dehydrated potato that constituted the basic meal, could be stored for years/ Despite the rigors of the climate and the limited ecological diversity in the Altiplano, Andeans in the region succeeded in

John V. Murra, "El Aymara Libre de Ayer," in Rafces de América: El Mundo Avmara. ed. Xavier Albo (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1988), 59. 35 Meters 13,123 4,000 6,562 2,000 3,281 1,000 1,640

Playa 220 km. 140m.

UYUNi SALT

Figure 2.1 Bolivia: Physical Features

36 accumulating surplus food, which helped them survive the invasions of the Incas and Spaniards.^

This rugged landscape was predominantly inhabited by the Aymara nations. They occupied the altiplano between southern Cusco, bordering Lake Titicaca, southwards to Lipes (the fo rm er

Collasuyo or the southern quarter of the Inca Empire). In order to maintain self-sufficiency and to control resources in the region, the Aymara settled peripheral colonies in the yungas (Antisuyu, the eastern quarter) and the Pacific basin (Cuntisuyu, the western quarter). Before the Inca expansion in the Collasuyo by mid fifteenth-century, the Aymara were distributed among various senorios or chieftancies. By the sixteenth-century some of them were grouped in larger and more sophisticated political organizations such as federations and confederations (see Figure 2.2). When the Spaniards invaded the altiplano, the Aym ara population was approximately 2 million. The Aymara population today is approximately 1.5 million.^

Self-sufficiency—the basic principle of material life--required the Aym ara to scatter into dispersed patterns of settlement adapted to multiple ecological zones and rigorous climatic circumstances.

5 Ibid., 57-60.

^ Thérèse Bouysse-Cassagne, "Urco and uma: Aymara concepts of space," in Anthropological History of Andean Politics, ed. John Murra, Nathan Wachtel, and Jacques Revel (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 201-227; Id., La Identidad Aymara. Aproximacion histdrica fSiglo XV.Siglo XVH (La Paz: Hisbol, 1987), 85-88; John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1970), 242.; Xavier .Albo, "Introduccion," chap. in Rafces de América. El Mundo Aymara. ed. X-vier Albo (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1988), 30. 37 PANAS

CANCMIS^^ "X

[COLLAS CMAS

LUPACAS PACAJËS

CHARCAS •ACAJES

CARAWG

CARACARAS . URCU.

CHAS

Figure 2.2 The Aymara Senorios Source: Thérèse Bouysee-Cassagne, "Urco and uma: Aymara concepts of space," Anthropological History o f Andean Polities (Cambridge, 1986), p. 204.

38 Dispersed settlements limited the importance of crop failures, curtailed economic risks, and stressed the diversification of resources. The Aymara enjoyed a sophisticated political organization with centralized authority over the population exercised through vertical control over the altiplano transverse fringes. These peoples were rich in camelid herds and accumulated expertise in cultivating tubers and high altitude cereals at their principal core settlements. There they established peripheral settlements or colonies to obtain complementary resources such as maize, uchu, cotton, wood, coca, and fruits. In this way, the Aymara lords transferred groups from their main population centers to take advantage of the multiple ecological zones available in the surrounding territory. The inhabitants of the altiplano also moved from their dry and salty punas to the slopes of the upper valleys (sierra), to the lower and warmer inter-mountainous valleys and also to the Pacific coast and the hot Amazonian slopes (yungas). The valleys of Larecaja,

Capinota, Cochabamba, Yamparaez, Pilaya, Pazpaya, and Tarija and certain oases at the Pacific basin were occupied by Aymara colonists from different nations or chiefdoms. The Andean ideal of self- sufficiency rested upon a non-contiguous pattern of settlement where kinship was the key to strengthen reciprocal bonds including the exchange of goods and labor.^

^ Karl Troll, "Las culturas superiores andinas y el medio geogrdfico," Revista del Instituto de Geografi'a 5. Universidad Mayor de San Marcos (Lim a, 1958); John V. Murra, Formaciones econdmicas v politicas del mundo a n d in o (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1975), 59-115; Steve J. Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest. Huamanea to 1640 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 5-26. 39 The very existence of peripheral settlements or archipelagos of mitmaqkuna or colonists controlling different resources at short or long distances from their core settlements suggests the hierarchical nature of their centralized political organizations. The Aym ara lords substituted for the absence of a market system with a self-sufficient domestic economy, where the division of labor rested primarily on ethnic and kin bonds. Kinship had its social counterpart in the ayllii, which was the basic structure of the Andean organization. A group of ay I lus engaged in different levels of political organization based on solidarity, reciprocity, and cooperative relationships. Status and wealth depended on access to a labor force that could guarantee a reciprocal exchange of goods and services within a web of kinship. Unequal or even equal exchange of services did not represent social homogeneity. Recognition of hierarchies and obligations to local lords and their families was the norm among the Aymara.^ However, the Aymara were not the only inhabitants of

Charcas. Far from being a no-man's land, Charcas was densely populated not only by the Aymara nations but also by other ethnic groups with different socio-cultural and linguistic characteristics. Besides the aymara language, there were peoples who spoke

Uruquilla, Pukina, and Quechua in Charcas.^

® Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples. 5-13.

^ Thérèse Bouysse-Cassagne, "Pertenencia étnica, status economico y lenguas en Charcas a fines del siglo XVI," in Tasa de la Visita General de don Francisco de Toledo ed. Noble David Cook (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1973), 312-327. 40 The Uru were mostly fishers and gatherers, who inhabited a vast region strung out along an axis of bodies of water which crossed the altiplano (the Azangaro River, Lake Titicaca, the Desaguadero River, Lake Poopo, the Lacajahuira River, and Lake Coipasa) and the arid Pacific coast between Arica and Cobija.*° All along the mountain valleys and close to the eastern slopes, other Andean groups had settlements. To date, it is difficult to determine their ethnic identity or to define their areas of origin. At the same time, these groups shared space and resources with colonists or mitmaqkuna of diverse nations, who were relocated to satisfy their basic community needs or to provide complementary goods needed to attain ethnic or state self-sufficiency. Moreover, the Incas made use of state colonists to protect and to safeguard their mobile eastern border from groups of Arawak origin that settled close to these frontier zones. These peoples had a wary relationship with both Incas and later, the Spaniards, a relationship which on occasion broke down in warfare and sometimes led to fragile temporary alliances. They lived under a less sophisticated political order, and supported themselves by bartering, hunting, gathering, and plundering.“

Nathan Wachtel, "Men of the water: the Uru problem (sixteenth and seventeenth centuries)," in Anthropological Historv of Andean Polities, ed. John V. Murra, Nathan Wachtel and Jacques Revel (Cambridge: C am b rid ge University Press, 1986), 283-286. ' ‘ Ana Marfa Presta ed., Espacio. Etnias. Frontera. A te n u a c io n e s Politicas en el Sur del Tawantinsuyu. Siglos XV-XVIII (Sucre: Antropdlogos del Sur Andino, 1995), xi-xii. 4 1 Thus, once the Spaniards expanded from Cusco to the south to

conquer Charcas, they encountered Indian resistance organized b y

centralized Amerindian polities capable of drafting and mobilizing fierce warriors.

The Expeditions to Charcas

After conquering the Central Andes, the Spaniards were willing to explore other regions previously under Inca rule. However, the process of territorial expansion was endangered by a deep cleavage within the company formed by Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro. The discontent started around 1534, when these leaders disagreed about the boundaries of the territories each claimed. According to Charles Is instructions, Peru was to be divided into two provinces; New Castile, or the northern portion of the former Tawatinsuyu that was to remain in Pizarro's hands, and New Toledo, the southern region including Cusco, that would be governed by Almagro. The sacred Cusco, capital of the four regions of the world, as well as Charcas were included in Almagro's territory. The hidden conflict was delayed once Almagro decided to seek his fortune in the conquest of far-away Chile in 1535. Charcas can be identified with the heterogeneous territory located in southern Cusco, the Collasuyu—Collao—the southern quarter of the former Tawantinsuyu. Charka was also the name of a group of inhabitants of the Altiplano and northern valleys of Potosi.

Together with other Aymara neighbors, the Charka constituted a

42 powerful confederation integrated into the Tawantinsuyu. The

confederation would be later divided by the Spaniards into different

political segments and tributary units.*2 Today the Republic of Bolivia encompasses most of the territory formerly ascribed to the Real Audiencia de Charcas, inaugurated in the city of La Plata on September 7, 1561.

Almagro and his crew were the first Spaniards who crossed into Charcas. Almost two years after Diego de Almagro and his unfortunate fellows came back from the disastrous Chilean expedition, the old conquistador and the Pizarros (Francisco and his brothers) found themselves in dire straits because of mounting disagreements and rivalries, which led to factionalism and civil war.

At that time, the Greek Captain, Pedro de Candia—a veteran of Cajamarca—offered his services to finance an expedition to extend the conquest farther south. The journey was encouraged b y

Hernando Pizarro, Francisco's younger brother, who wanted to get rid of a group of his enemies, since many Almagrists had enrolled in

Candia's enterprise. Three hundred men departed from Cusco to

'2 Josep M. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. Orfgenes historicos de u na sociedad c o lo n ia l (La Paz: Centro de Investigacidn y Promocidn del Campesinado, 1973),17; Waldemar Espinoza Soriano, "El memorial de Charcas. Cronica inédita de 1583," Cantuta 1 (Chosica, Peru 1969): 117-152; Mercedes del Rfo, "Estructuracidn étnica qharaqhara y su desarticulacidn colonial," i n Espacio. Etnias. Frontera. Atenuaciones Polfticas en el Sur del T aw an tin su yu . Silgos XV-XVIII ed. Ana Marfa Presta (Sucre: Antropdlogos del Sur A ndino, 1995), 3-47; Tristan Platt, "Entre ch'axwa y muxsa. Para una historia del pensamiento politico aymara," in Tres reflexiones sobre el p e n sa m ie n to andino. ed. Thérèse Bouysse-Cassagne, Verdnica Cereceda and Olivia Harris (La Paz: Hisbol, 1987), 61-132. •2 Roberto Levillier, La Audiencia de Charcas. Correspondencia entre Présidentes v Oidores (Madrid and Buenos Aires: Coleccidn de P u b lica c io n e s Histdricas de la Biblioteca del Congreso Argentine, 1918), i:xviii. 43 Ambaya in the Antisuyu, the Inca name for the Andes' eastern

border (between Tambomachay in the northeast and the Huatanay

River in the southeast). The Antisuyu also included the coca fields surrounding the Upper Madre de Dios River and the prairies around the Beni, Carabaya, and Mamoré Rivers (see Figure 2.1). The lure of

wealth, the dream of finding El Dorado, and the greed for conquering peoples and resources enticed the men of Candia's expedition. However, the expedition was a fiasco and only a few survived. I n

the meantime, after the assassination of Diego de Almagro, some of those who came back from Ambaya instigated a rebellion against the Pizarros to avenge Almagro's murder.'-^

After the events of Cajamarca in 1533, Francisco Pizarro built

alliances with Manco Inca, a son of Inka Huayna Capac. Together, Pizarro and Manco. controlled the central section of the Inca Empire- -the territory roughly corresponding to modern-day Peru. The

southern section or Collasuyoremained loyal to Paullu Inka, Manco's brother. The Pizarros-Paullu alliance facilitated the conquest of a territory whose wealth and resources were well known through the testimonies of the relatives of the last Inka.i^ Furthermore, to

conquer Charcas meant entering definitively into Almagro's territory by taking advantage of his death.

En route to Charcas, Hernando Pizarro suppressed the rebellion staged by men who were part of the expeditionary force to Ambaya

Rafael Sdnchez-Concha Barrios, "Las expediciones descubridoras: la entrada al pais de Ambaya (1538)," Boletin del Instituto Riva A g ü ero 17 (L im a. 1990): 347-372;

‘5 Hemming, The Conquest of the In ca s. 151, 174. 44 and appointed Pedro Anzurez de Campo Redondo to lead a journey to Chunchos (Charcas* northeastern border). Anzürez's expedition was to explore the Upper Beni River, Mojos, and Apolobamba. Hernando—accompanied by his younger half-brother Gonzalo— advanced along the lowlands to the eastern hills. The strong Indian resistance on the western shore of the Titicaca prevented the Spaniards from crossing the lake to penetrate Charcas. The Spaniards eventually managed to subdue the Lupaqa kingdom, on the western edge of the lake, and moved eastwards. The final battle between the Aymara nations and the invaders took place in Cochabamba (Qutapampa or Cotabamba in the chronicles either in

Aymara or Quechua). Over 70 Spaniards and 5,000 of their loyal Indians, who responded to Paullu Inka's summons, defeated the

Charka confederation. Seven Aymara nations, the Charka, Qaharaqhara, Sora, Killaqa, Caranga, Chid, and Chicha entered into alliances to resist the European invasion, and they also received support from other ethnic groups and Inca mitmaqkuna

This resistance did not long deter the Spaniards from taking the wealth of Charcas. TheCharka confederation was defeated when additional reinforcements came from Cusco, headed by Hernando Pizarro. A superficial reconnaissance of the territory allowed the new owners of the land to corroborate the rumors of rich silver mines in Porco. These mines had already been exploited by the neighboring Indians and the Incas. The Governor, Francisco Pizarro,

'6 Ibid., 243-247. 45 granted his brothers, Hernando and Gonzalo, the mines of Porco as a reward for their conquest of Charcas. In the meantime, the survivors of the disastrous expedition to the eastern plains camped in Larecaja. With considerable reinforcements. Captain Candfa was authorized again by Francisco

Pizarro to pursue his march south. In May of 1539, the group left Larecaja and made their way along the Incas' tambos, passing by Huarina, Ayo Ayo, Caracollo, and Paria. Candfa met up with Pedro Anzurez in Paria at the end of June 1539 (see Figure 2.3). A nzurez was appointed a lieutenant of Francisco Pizarro to conquer Charcas, where he was to found a city. Since they had different missions, they left Paria; Anzurez went to Cinti in order to invade Chuquisaca while Candia proceeded to Tupiza through Aullagas to explore the valleys of Tarija.'® The underlying purpose of the Pizarrist expeditions was to rid the Central Andes of the former Almagrists in order to govern the land.

Aware of the existence of silver ore in the altiplano, Anzurez looked for a hospitable place to build a Spanish city. He found it and the Villa de Plata was settled in a warm and dry valley, located between the Sicasica and Churuquella hills, at an altitude of 2,900 meters and close to the Charka village of Chuquisaca. The new city was surrounded by warm low valleys, plains, hills, and punas th at allowed the establishment of orchards, sugar mills, estates, chacras.

Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 33-34.

'® Rafael Sanchez-Concha Barrios, "Las expediciones descubridoras: la entrada desde Larecaja hasta Tarija (1539-1540)," Boletm del Instituto Riva A giiero 16 (Lima, 1989): 75-104. 46 Puura Nicssie

C«r«buce Chueai

ruc«r«m

Caliam irts Ciquiavi

Sica Siej

Caracollo

ChwQwicot#

Andamarea Micha

Funo : preciie scale /^bvroaporoximate

Figure 2.3 Inka Roads and Way Stations Used by the Spaniards to Conquer Charcas Source: Thérèse Bouysse-Cassagne, "Urco and uma: Aymara concepts of space," Anthropological Historv of Andean Polities (Cambridge, 1986), p. 219.

47 and ranches. Like any sector of the Andean territory, the landscape surrounding the Villa de Plata varied significantly within a range of

only five to ten kilometers, displaying different resources and climates. The rivers Pilcomayo, Cachimayo, and Grande cross the land from north to south, watering the valleys of Pocopoco, Mojotoro, Luje, Tococala, Guanoma, Chuquichuqui, Mollescapa, Oroncota, Guanipaya, Tomina, Mataca, Pazpaya, and Pilaya (see Figure 2.4). Along these valleys the encomenderos founded their chacras and

estates where they grew a plethora of fruits, legumes, vegetables, and cereals, and produced wine and sugar. Moreover, in the nearby punas they established ranches, where they raised livestock.'^ Near

La Plata and close to Tomina, the Almendras had their encomienda. Northwest of La Plata are the rich cereal valleys of Cochabamba. Surrounded by mountains and in the middle of swamp lands, the valleys of Cochabamba became the granary of Potosi, supplying the regional market with fruits, vegetables, and cattle. Among the valleys of Cochabamba, Tapacari is located in the middle of the cold hills whose punas were rich in potatoes, barley, and oca. The fertile and warmer valleys east of Tapacari, located at 2,500 meters, were suited for cultivating maize and wheat. Quillacollo and Capinota, at the foothills of Tunari and Tapacari, are fertile irrigated regional valleys. In the east, the hot yungas of Chapare, Corani, Colomi, Tiraque, Pocona, El Palmar, Pojo, and Totora provided abundant coca leaves, another source of income for the

Pedro Ramirez del Aguila, Noticias Polfticas de Indias [1639] Iran s. Jaime Urioste Arana (Sucre: Imprenta de la Universidad, 1978), 17-22, 28-34; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 34. 48 encomenderos of Cochabamba. Between Cochabamba and Pocona lies

the valley of Cliza, where the best maize and wheat of Charcas grew. In the southeast, the valleys of Mizque—watered by the Mizque River—are rich in vineyards and vegetables. Passing the ravines of

Aiquile and Chinguri, the Rfo Grande irrigates the land with abundant water. In this region don Fernando de Zarate, Licenciado

Polo Ondegardo, don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, Antonio Alvarez, and Martin Monje enjoyed their encomiendas and owned rural properties (see Figure 2.4).

The personal disagreements among the conquistadors finally ended with the assassination of Diego de Almagro, Pizarro's partner and rival, on July 8, 1538. The long conflict with Almagro, who governed Cusco and the southern territory and challenged the authority of the Pizarro family, delayed the expansion into Charcas. However, after 1538 the south experienced a constant flow of expeditions to the Chunchos, Mojos, Charkas, Larecaja and Tarija, leading to the foundation of the Villa de Plata surrounding the Charka village of Chuquisaca between July 1539 and early 1540.-"

During the last few decades, Bolivian historians have argued about La Plata's date of foundation. Adopting the traditional position, some agree th e foundation took place on 9-29-1538, while others assume it happened at the end of the same year, or more precisely on 5-4-1539. Based on d o cu m en ts addressing the grant of lands by Pedro Anzurez, Gunnar Mendoza asserts the foundation occurred during 1540. After a careful reading of the first explorations of Charcas, it is possible to consider the foundation was done not before May, 1539 or 4-19-1540, if considering the date Pedro Anzurez g ra n te d land to the first neighbors, whose copy can be located at ABAS, Archivo del Cabildo Eclesiastico de Sucre, Titulos de Propiedad de la Catedral, Tomo 2, N° 1. 1540-1598. 49 Figure 2.4 La Plata and Environs

50 Spanish Settlement and the Reordering of the Landscape of Charcas

Between 1534 and 1535, even before the conquest of Charcas, Francisco Pizarro had granted large Indian depôsitos to some of his fellows.-* The precise ethnic boundaries, the villages' resources, the

names of the ethnic lords and their hierarchies, and the exact

number of Indians involved in each grant indicated a thorough knowledge of Charcas' indigenous population and their resources.

The records of the Inka accountants or khipukamayos and

conversations with Manco Inka, when Spaniards and Incas were still "negotiating" the conquest before Manco declared war in 1536, provided Francisco Pizarro with first hand information to grant accurately the first encomiendas in Charcas.--

-* A depàsito is a "genuine Peruvian way" that made the encomienda a conditional grant enjoyed by a conquistador in compensation for his military service to the crown. Deposits should have been amended, arranged, o r confirmed after a promised "repartimiento general" which the assassination of Francisco Pizarro left unfinished. See: Manuel Beladnde Guinassi, La encomienda en el P eru (Lima: Ediciones Mercurio Peruano, 1945), 51.

-- Fruitful conversations with Catherine J. Julien allow me to sustain this argument. Additionally, early documents from the AGI, whose copies Julien kindly gave me, stress how Francisco Pizarro received in fo rm a tio n about Indian settlements and population directly from Manco Inka. See: AGI Charcas 56; AGI Escribania de Camara 406, Pieza 6, ff. 51-54; AGI Escribania de Camara 843c, Pieza 2, ff. 78-79, I06v-108v; 111 v-113v; AGI Justicia 658 N° 2, ff. 33, 68v-69; Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Historia General del Peru (Segunda P arte de los Comentarios Reales de los Incas) [1617] (Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores S. A., 1944), 1:242-243; Rafael Loredo, Bocetos para la nueva historia del Peril. Los R epartos (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda, 1958), 141-193; Beladnde Guinassi, La encomienda en el Peru. 35-36; Francisco Pizarro granted his brothers Hernando and Gonzalo two encomiendas that practically dividedCharcas into two portions. The eastern belonged to Hernando and the western to Gonzalo. These grants were made during the so-called "Primer Repartimiento General," that took place in Jauja in 1534. 5 1 Prior to acquiring Charcas for the Crown of Castile, Gonzalo and

Hernando Pizarro were granted vast encomiendas in the region. Those encomiendas divided both the Indians of Charcas and their territories into two segments. The encomiendas also included zones

not contiguous to Charcas, such as certain towns surrounding Cusco, the Collagua Indians from Arequipa and those from northern

Collasuyu and, at the same time, the lands that had supported the endowment (panaca) of Pachakuti Inka and Tupa Inka Yupanki, the ninth and tenth Inca rulers, respectively.23

After the discovery of silver in Porco and the foundation of the Villa de Plata, the first vecinos started to enjoy new encomiendas granted by Francisco Pizarro. These new grants modified the repartimientos issued previously, although without substantially dismembering the former ethnic boundaries.

A historical reconstruction of the first decade of La Plata and its citizens (1540-1550) is impeded by the turmoil of the Civil Wars. The failure to uncover the formal documents of foundation, and the loss of the Libros de Acuerdos of the City Council darken the first years of existence of the first Spanish city located in Charcas.2-» The initial history of La Plata is linked to the bloody episodes of the Civil Wars, in which its vecinos were active participants. Although the identity of the first encomenderos of La Plata is known (see

Appendix A), it is impossible to reconstruct their mercantile activities, their social universe, and the pattern of their personal

23 Ibid.

2“* Loredo, Los R epartos. 40. 52 networks. Only the military role of the vecinos and the circumstances under which they lost their lives during the Civil

Wars (1541-1548) can be found in the accounts of several early chroniclers.25

It is important to examine Francisco Pizarro's interest in the city and its resources, his personal involvement in granting solares to the first settlers, and his issuance of instructions for governing the city and the surrounding lands. Pizarro granted the Church, the King, himself and his brothers Gonzalo and Hernando each two lots of land in the urban center. The future bishop, the priest, the City

Council, and the vecinos each received one lot. The first vecinos were Diego de Rojas, captain Pedro Anzurez, Gomez de Alvarado, Diego Lopez de Zuniga {alcalde), Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa, Francisco de Almendras. Juan de Carvajal, Hernando de Aldana, Gaspar Rodriguez. Rodrigo de Orellana {regidor), Alonso Pérez de Castillejo, Pedro del

Barco, Luis de Ribera, Diego Ortiz de Guzman, Juan de Villanueva. Garcilaso de la Vega, Luis Perdomo, don Gomez de Luna, Francisco de Negral, Galaor de Loaysa, Juan Vazquez, Francisco Retamoso {regidor), Antonio de Orihuela, Pedro de Vivanco. Figueredo, Rodrigo Pantoja, and Alonso de Manjarrez.-^

Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Crdnica del P eru . Cuarta Parte, 3 vols. (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peru, 1991-1994); Diego Fernandez de Palencia, Primera y Segunda Parte de la Historia del P eru [1571] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles vols. 164-165 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1963), Pedro Gutierrez de Santa Clara, Ouinquenarios o Historia de las Guerras Civiles del Peru [1600?] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vols. 165-167 (Madrid; Ediciones Atlas, 1963-1565).

ABAS Tftulos de Propiedad de la Catedral, Tomo 2 No. 1, n /f . Figueredo's first name was not found in the documents I used. 53 With the end of the Civil Wars in 1548, however, it is possible

to attempt a reconstruction of daily life in the city and the region. By 1549 only four of the original vecinos had survived the Civil Wars or remained settled in La Plata—Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa, Rodrigo de Orellana, Juan de Villanueva, and Galaor de Loaysa. They inhabited the city until the end of the 1550s. Hernando Pizarro, the sole surviving member of the conquistador family, spent his remaining

days incarcerated at La Mota de Medina (in Spain) for his role in th e assassination of Diego de Almagro. In the meantime, his encomienda and belongings were administered by his representatives and eventually reverted to the Crown. After the defeat of Gonzalo

Pizarro in 1548, a new group of vecinos enjoyed encomiendas in Charcas. Among the newcomers were those 1 will discuss in this study.

The turning point in the economic development of Charcas,

however, came with the discovery of the Potosi silver mines in 1545. The enormous quantity of ore located in the Cerro Rico attracted a flow of capital and immigrants that made the mining camp an additional source of income to the wealthy encomenderos of La Plata. In addition, Potosi provided wealth to independent investors and merchants who braved the challenge of living in this high, harsh plateau. Although initially only a mining camp, Potosi grew and was elevated to the status of a Villa Imperial by Charles I,

54 although it remained under La Plata's rule until 1561, when it finally acquired an autonomous city council.-^ Once the Civil Wars ended and political stability was attained, Charcas entered a phase of economic prosperity, which coincided with the golden age of the encomienda (1550-1560). With the foundation of Nuestra Se nor a de La Paz (in the former indigenous village of Chukiyapu) in 1548, Oropesa del Valle de Cochabamba in 1571, and San Bernardo de la Frontera de Tarija in 1574, the circle containing "nuclear Charcas" (the focus of my study) was completed (see Figure 2.5).-^

The foundation of La Paz facilitated communication with the altiplano. It served as a link between the central and the sou thern

Andes. Cochabamba was founded in the middle of the most fertile valleys of Charcas, which were populated by Indians who were the descendants of Inca colonists transferred from different zones during the government of Inka Huayna Capac. Finally, the foundation of the Villa de Tarija attempted to safeguard the territory from Chiriguano invasions. These inhabitants of the eastern plains ravaged the Spanish settlements and threatened the nearest mining centers that provided the wealth the colonists enjoyed. The rich supply of gold and silver in Charcas also lured settlers to the area. The city of La Plata owed its name to its closeness to

Porco. After the discovery of Potosi, other deposits such as those at

Lewis Hanke, "Estudio Preliminar," in Luis Capoche, Relacion G eneral de la Villa Imperial de Potosf [1585] ed. Lewis Hanke, Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 122 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1959), p. 29. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. pp. 32-40. 55 Faet Meteis :## 13.123 ■ 4,000 ejS62 "=2.000 3.281 IflOO a T a r ij à 1.&TO j=500 ^ (1574) eS6g|200 o9o Playa 180 km. 100 m

Figure 2.S Spanish Chies In Charcas

56 Berenguela (close to Cochabamba), Lipes (southeast Potosf), Sicasica

(district of La Paz), Oruro (northern Altiplano), Tupiza, Tatasi,

Esmoraca and Chocaya (Chichas), San Antonio del Nuevo Mundo, San Antonio de Padua and San Cristobal de Aullagas increased the availability of ores in C h arcas.

Peter Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain. Indian Labor in Potosf. 1545-1650 (Albuquerque: Universityof New Mexico Press, 1984), 64-65. 57 C H A P T E R 3

ALMENDRAS

This Chapter analyzes the personal network of the A lm endras family which was initiated by Francisco de Almendras, an encomendero whose seniority in the Conquest—he was part of

Francisco Pizarro's expedition to Cajamarca—provided him with high social status.

The origins of Francisco Almendras’ migratory enterprise, as well as his own personal history, are difficult to trace. Apparently he joined Francisco Pizarro's expedition to the New World, but h e lacked relatives or primary ties with other conquerors at the beginning of the conquest of Peru. As a countryman, close friend, and client of the Pizarros, he forged links with others in the circle of emigrants from Extremadura. His two nephews followed him to the

New World after the distribution of the ransom of Atahualpa, to accumulate wealth, status and power.

Francisco de Almendras is an example of a sixteenth-century

Spanish migrant who came from a relatively low social estate but who aspired to "valer mas." He fits the paradigm of a conquistador as adventurer, living on the edge, killing, and inviting death b y campaigning and battling to accomplish the Pizarros' immediate

58 goals. He appeared to be unaware of the need to perpetuate his assets through a legal line of descent. Although Francisco d e Almendras produced twelve children without being married, he left unfinished the task of building a lineage around the encomienda of Tarabuco, his most valuable asset, which was granted to his nephews soon after his death. He made it possible for his blood relatives, his nephews, to migrate to Peru and to take advantage of his status and connections to amass their patrimony upon the foundation of his own. The younger Martin and Diego de Almendras assumed the task of building and consolidating a lineage to be passed down to their own families. The Almendras brothers developed a well-executed plan to safeguard the family patrimony by incorporating into the lineage their uncle's natural offspring and their inheritance.

The Initial Generation. From Plasencia to Cajamarca and from Cusco to Charcas

.Arriving in Peru after migrating from Plasencia, Extrem adura, Francisco de Almendras did not belong to the principal branch of the renowned peninsular Almendras family. The same can be said of his nephews, who followed him to Peru. The family background of each one of them is absent in the extensive probanzas de méritas y servicios made by their successors.' In a period when successful

' AGI, Paironato 124, Ramo 5. Probanza de Mérites y Servicios del general Martin de Almendras, presentada per Martin de Almendras, su hijo. I am grateful to Martti Parssinen and Catherine J. Julien, who supplied me w ith copies of the document. 59 men bragged about their patrimony and boasted about their ancestry, a possible explanation for such an omission may be that these three Almendras came from poor families or that they were even natural or illegitimate children.- In this context, the Almendras chose to omit their genealogy in official documentation.

Generally speaking, migrants to the New World established a network of relatives, friends or acquaintances based on either blood or loyalty. This was particularly true among immigrants who developed a system of relationships or networks of solidarity and clientelism.3 Most of them came from the same place in Spain, where their families knew one another. Such familiarity contributed to the strengthening of family ties and the retention of the peninsular family structure in the New World. These ties were based on an acknowledgment of the individual's previous status in Spain. Once in

- I will refer to natural children and illegitimate children on numerous occasions. A natural child is defined as the offspring of an unwed couple, whereas an illegitimate child is defined as the offspring of a couple in which one or both partners are already married.

^ Francisco Chacon Jimenez, "Identidad y pareniescos ficticios en la organizacidn social castellana de los siglos JC/I and XVII. El ejemplo de Murcia," in Les Parentés Fictives en Espagne CXVIe-XVIIe S iè c le s), ed. A g u stin Redondo (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1988), 37: Ida Altman, "A New World in the Old: Local Society and Spanish Emigration to the Indies," in "To Make America" European Emigration in the Earlv Modern P eriod , ed. Ida Altman and James Horn (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 39, 43; Stephanie Blank, "Patrons, Clients, and Kin in Seveteenth Century Caracas: A Methodological Essay in Colonial Spanish American Social History," Hispanic American Historical Review 54:2 (May 1974): 261-280; Id., "Patrons, Brokers and Clients in the Families of the Elite in Colonial Caracas. 1595-1627," The A m ericas xxxvi: 1 (July 1979): 90-115; J. Clyde Mitchell, "The concept and Use of Social Networks," in Social Networks in Urban Situations ed. J. Clyde Mitchell (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1969), 1-50; M aurizio Gribaudi, "Les Dicontinuités du Social. Un modèle configurationnel," in Les Formes de l'expérience. Une autre histoire sociale ed. Bernard Lepetit (Paris: Albin Michel, 1995), 187-221 60 the New World, the conquistadors constructed and maintained relationships among themselves by equating kinship with territorial identity. At the same time, similar personal stories and objectives contributed to uniting men like Francisco de Almendras to their leader and fellow countryman, Francisco Pizarro, also a natural son of the hidalgo Gonzalo Pizarro, called "el largo" (the long o n e ) /

As was true of most emigrants to Peru, the Almendras were not members of the great Spanish nobility but of the provincial nobility.^ Despite the differences in rank, status, and property that separated both estates, the provincial nobles shared the habitus, the norms and code of values and behavior of the great nobles. Such similarity made hidalgos aspire to the same lifestyle instituted, rooted and learned from the Reconquest which spread the honor, fame, glory, and status inherent in the ideal of life of an hidalgo in peninsular society.

The Spanish society of estates, which was based on hierarchies conditioned by the monarch’s strong authority and also built along guidelines that demarcated privileges, had evolved in a constant struggle over territory. Instead of modifying the established privileges, this situation widened the gap between rich and poor.

* James Lockhart, The Men of Cajamarca. A Social and B io g ra p h ica l Study of the First Conquerors of P eru (Austin: University of Texas P ress,1972), 138; Man'a Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Dona Francisca Pizarro. una ilustre mestiza. 1534-1598 (Lima: Institute de Estudios Peruanos, 1989), 54.

5 Even though the work had been criticized and even condemned b y the Holy Office of the Inquisition for presenting parental inaccuracies that attempted to elevate the author's status, offending their countrymen fro m Extremadura and outsiders, See: Pedro Mexi'a de Ovando, La Ovandina. Vol. 1, Coleccion de Libros y Documentos Referentes a la Historia de America XVII (Madrid, 1915), 149. 6 1 and between nobles and taxpayers. However, warfare also strengthened the economic and kinship ties among them.<^ The ties

between individuals spread noble values, incorporating them into the Spanish habitus. However, each corporate group knew its own obligations and duties toward each other. In the case of sixteenth- century Peru, participants in the conquest tried to gain honor and

rewards just like those who had participated in the Spanish Reconquest.

Despite its rigidity and lack of social mobility, the social stratification of the peninsula was altered by the conquest of

America. In the New World, natural or illegitimate children, such as Francisco Pizarro. with scarce possibility of climbing socially, later gained titles. Some hidalgos even served commoners, who achieved higher status and position during the events at Cajamarca. Later in the Spanish colonization period the preservation of the old hierarchies emerged.^ The personal government of Francisco Pizarro and the nepotism and clientelism that characterized the first stages of the Spanish colonization were able briefly to circumvent Old World ranks and status.

In the new loyalties and power relationships resulting from the Peruvian enterprise, Francisco de Almendras was one of the one hundred sixty-eight men of Cajamarca. Included in the group of

^ Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society. Extremadura and America in th e Sixteenth Cbnturv (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 41.

^Julio Retamal Favereau and others ed., Familias Fundadoras de C hile 1540-1600 (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1992), 56-57. 62 marginal hidalgos and commoners studied by James Lockhart,

Francisco de Almendras was a foot soldier who rose to power after

getting a portion of the ransom of Atahualpa in 1533.* Though the exact date of his birth is unknown, he was reported to be around 2 3 years old when the ransom was distributed. By 1537 he had moved to Cusco, but in 1534, before the foundation of Villa de Plata, Francisco together with Lucas Martinez Vegazo obtained a deposito of the Indians of Caracollo in the future jurisdiction of Charcas.^ Pizarro had to comply with the Real Cedula of August 17, 1529, which demanded an assessment of the tributes that the Indians were required to pay before he could grant encomiendas. Compelled by his companions to distribute the Indians before the completion of such a tribute assessment, Pizarro issued depôsitos or conditional grants of Indians. Indians granted conditionally were supposed to give their masters only personal service. However, the deposits of 1534 were included in the first general distribution of Indians that took place soon thereafter in Jauja, when Pizarro granted his clients Indians for personal service.'o

When La Plata was founded, Francisco Pizarro removed the Indians of Caracollo from the control of Francisco de Almendras and

* From the distribuition of the booty he had obtained 181 silver m a r cs and 4,400 pesos in gold. Lockhart, The Men of C aiam arca. 100.

^ Ibi'd., 313; Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Crdnica del P eru. Cuarta Parte. Vol. 1 Guerra de las Salinas (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peru, 1991), 194; BN CGGV Doc. 542 1534-1566. Apuntes sobre las encomiendas de Paria, Caracollo, Tapacana (sic) y Sipisipi.

Manuel Belaunde Guinassi, La Encomienda en el Peril (Lima: Ediciones Mercurio Peruano, 1945), 30-38. 63 Lucas Martinez Vegazo, because they had already benefited immensely in Charcas and Arequipa from the distributions of 15 3 8 and 1540. As a resident of the newly founded city of La Plata,

Francisco de Almendras obtained the encomienda of Tarabuco and the office of regidor perpetuo in the city council.* •

Francisco de Almendras showed profound devotion to his relatives, friends, companions and countrymen. These attitudes were not uncommon among sixteenth-century emigrants from Extremadura. In addition, Francisco de Almendras combined such feelings with an obstinate and arrogant personality, demonstrating a

total indifference to those outside his circle.'- The conquistadors from Extremadura often treated each other as members of their family, although they were not related by blood. This was m ainly because they were born in a poor and isolated environment, which fostered contact among people from different ranks and occupations.

* * ABAS Archive del Cabildo Eclesidstico de Sucre. Tftulos de Propiedad de la Catedral, Tomo 2, N° 1. In the distribuition of urban lots conducted by th e founder of Villa de Plata, captain Pedro Anzurez, Francisco de Almendras is included among the first inhabitants and received a solar, Lockhart, The M en of Cajamarca. pp. 312-314; BN CGGV Doc. 542 1534-1566; Rafael Loredo, "Relaciones de repartimientos que existian en el Peru al finalizar la rebel ion de Gonzalo Pizarro," Revista de la Universidad Catolica del Peru viiirl (Lima, 1940): 56. * * - Peter Boyd-Bowman, Indice Geo-biogrâfico de Cuarenta Mil Pobladores Espanoles de America en el Siglo XVI. 2 vols. (México: Editorial Jus. 1968), ii:XV. The author calls attention to the tendency the conquerors showed to migrate with their countrymen and form strong social nuclei and factions in the New World. Likewise, he understands that the same solidarity the people from Extremadura displayed in Peru was also found in Nicaragua, a land conquered by men from Segovia, and in Mexico and Tierra Firme, w h e r e people from Andalucfa prevailed, as well as among the Portuguese in the Rfo de la Plata and the Basque almost .everywhere; Lockhart, The Men o f Cajamarca. 313. 64 Similarly, in Extremadura the incompatibility between manual labor and a privileged social status was not absolute, and during the

Reconquest social interaction and mobility between hidalgos and commoners was even more evident than in other regions in the peninsula. Success in the conquest resulted in the accumulation of assets by people who had previously lacked any resources, which eventually allowed them to establish ties through marriage with families of a higher rank and a well-established lineage.

These regional and local attachments can also be explained b y the unconsolidated and fragmented nature of "Spain." Spain, the mother country, was not a nation state in the sixteenth-century. The concept of a "Spaniard" or any sense of a national identity was absent. The people identified with their patrici chica, the town, city, bishopric, or kingdom in which they were born. This explains w hy amidst the battles of the conquest extra-familiar relationships emerged, involving individuals who were part of the same company or who participated in the same expeditions. Consequently, ties of patronage and ritual or symbolic kinship (compadrazgo) were even more common than ties rooted in consanguinity.'^

■3 Altman, Emigrants and Society. 42.

Even though it is not possible to know the kind of relationship th at united the chronicler with the conqueror, when referring to the captains appointed by Gonzalo Pizarro before leaving for Cusco to fight Viceroy N u n ez Vela, Garcilaso de la Vega Inca says "y para descubrir mas su intento enbid a Francisco de Almendras (mi padrino de bautismo) al camino de la Ciudad de los Reyes, para que, con veinte soldados que llevava y con los indios, donde parasse tuviesse gran cuidado de que ni de los que fuessen del Cozco ni de los que viniessen de Rfmac no se le passasse alguno." Inca Garcilaso de la V ega, Historia General del Perd. Segunda Parte de los Comentarios Reales de los In cas [1617] 3 vols. (Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores S. A.. 1944), ii: 33. 65 These patterns can be seen in the life of Francisco d e Almendras. He was an unconditional ally of the Pizarros, and his role

as their employee and criado always placed him within Pizarro's family circle. In 1544 the last of the Pizarros living in Peru reb e lle d against the Viceroy Nunez Vela in a desperate effort to keep th e privileges gained by their family and peers. Francisco de Almendras became Gonzalo Pizarro's captain and the commander of the rebel army stationed in Huamanga, and eventually Governor and justicia mayor of La Plata. As Governor of La Plata, Francisco de Almendras committed all kinds of arbitrary acts and political mistakes, such as the execution of political enemies and the expropriation of encomiendas from their legitimate beneficiaries in order to give them to the followers of his boss, Gonzalo Pizzaro. This loyalty cost him his life in 1545 when Diego Centeno—whom Almendras loved as dearly as his son—defected from the Pizarrist faction, and supported

66 by prominent vecinos of La Plata, ordered his execution.‘5 M om ents

before his execution, Almendras asked for mercy because he was the father of twelve children. Although he had never married, Almendras had assumed responsibility for all his children. The natural offspring of Francisco de Almendras can be traced from the Notarial Records of the city of La Plata between 1549 and

1620. These sources identify ten of the twelve children that Almendras claimed to have fathered. Except for Maria, a nun from Carrion, Spain, the rest of the children remained in Charcas and were the basis for his extended family that had many local, regional.

Regarding the symbolic kinship between Centeno and A lm en d ras. the Inca himself says "porque toda la conquista de aquel Imperio, en la cua! Diego Centeno entrd muy moço, Francisco de Almendras, que era hombre mu y principal y rico, simpre le havia acudido en todas sus necesidades y enfermedades (que tuvo algunas muy graves) tratdndole como a proprio hijo, de tal menera que Diego Centeno, reconociendo los beneficios en pdbhco y e n secreto, le llamava padre, y Francisco de Almendras le llamava hijo. Y assi fue notado de ingratitud cuando despues lo mato; pero como fuessen mayores las fuerças del servicio de su principe y del bien comün, vencieron a las particulares de su obligaciôn." Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales. ii:68- 69. Among the criminal acts committed by Francisco de Almendras there should be mentioned the execution of don Gomez de Luna, an hidalgo born i n Badajoz, encomendero of the carangas and a vecino of La Plata, just fo r having expressed in private his feelings for the king; Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Crdnica del P eru . Cuarta Parte. Guerra de Quito (Lima: Pontificia U n iversid ad Catdlica del Peril, 1994), 1:377-381; Pedro Pizarro, Relacidn del D escu b rim ien to V Conquista de los Reinos del Peril [1571] (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peril, 1986), 227; Boyd-Bowman, Indice G eo -b io g rd fico . i:920. Once triunphant the heterogenous and not always loyal group that joined the licenciado Gasca, president of the Audiencia de Lima, it was ordered th at "Francisco de Almendras, vecino de la villa de Plata, natural de P la sen cia , Capitan y Teniente de Gonzalo Pizarro, por traidor, e perdimiento de bienes, y le sea asolada la casa, arada de sal, e puesto un padrdn con letrero." Joaquin F. Pacheco, Francisco de Cdrdenas and Luis Torres de Mendoza eds., Coleccion de documentos inédites relativos al descubrimiento. conquista v colonizacidn de las posesiones espanolas en America v Oceania. 42 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta de Frfas y Compania, 1864-1889), xx:486, 534. Cieza de Ledn, Crdnica del P er il. Guerra de Quito, i:389. 67 urban and rural ties. The remaining two children, who might have

been conceived before their father went to Peru, may died during childhood or lived in Extremadura. The natural offspring of Francisco de Almendras in Charcas included Dona Cecilia de Aguiar, Dona Inès de Aguiar, Hernando de Almendras, Dona Catalina de Almendras, Dona Ana de Almendras, Bartolomé de Almendras, Doha Elvira de

Almendras, Doha Beatriz de Almendras and Doha Perpétua de A lm endras. Like most conquistadors' mestizo children, Francisco’s were incorporated into the urban and rural dynamics of Charcas and attained a secure economic position. Real social status, however, was reserved for his daughters because of their parentage and the shortage of women. By marrying encomenderos, rural proprietors and businessmen from the same jurisdiction, Francisco de Almendras' daughters forged kinship ties with the peninsular

Almendras--Francisco's nephews and followers, who migrated from Extremadura in 1534 and arrived in Peru with Hernando Pizarro in 1535.17

The lack of administrative documentation during the turbulent five years when Francisco de Almendras lived and exercised power in La Plata (1540-1545), makes it difficult to determine the value of

■7 a g i , Patronato 124, Ramo 5. Probanza de Méritos y Servicios, f. 62. 68 his patrimony.*® The supreme authority exerted by the bosses-- headed by the Marquis, Francisco Pizarro, his brothers Hernando and Gonzalo, and their clients or lieutenants—mirrored the weakness and inefficiency of the emerging colonial state. These bosses distributed mercedes and encomiendas to reward their loyal kinsmen, countrymen, clients and eventual supporters.

Coincidentally, the lack of royal authority combined with the conquistadors' ignorance of the law make it extremely difficult for any historian to determine the economic potential of the encomiendas, the tribute assessments of the Indians, and their other obligations.*9

The wealth accumulated by Francisco de Almendras, his encomienda, estates, and business apparently produced enough income before his death in 1545 to pay the dowries for his daughters and for his heirs to maintain his rural properties. The first president of the Real Audiencia of Charcas, Pedro Ramirez de

Quinones, was named trustee and administrator of Almendras’ possessions after his death, indicating that his patrimony was never confiscated as decreed by law after his execution for treason.

*® Shamefully, the Actas Capitulares of La Plata have disappeared. Even though Rafael Loredo insisted that they were in theAGI, not one single folio has been found so far; Rafael Loredo, Bocetos para la Nueva Historia del Peril. Los R epartos (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda, 1958), 40. On the other hand, th e Escrituras Publicas of the same city from 1549 on are available. However, th e daily life of the city and its actors during the Civil War years remain shrouded in darkness.

Kenneth J. Andrien, "Spaniards, Andeans, and the Early Colonial State in Peru," in Transatlantic Encounters: Europeans and Andeans in the Sixteenth Centurv. ed. Kenneth J. Andrien and Rolena Adorno (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 121-124. 69 The Second Generation: The Construction of a Family Network

During the formative years of colonial society in Charcas, the Almendras faced the task of configuring their own family network. That construction was developed around the encomienda, an institution that involved ties with the lives of two other generations of encomenderos, relatives, countrymen, clients and agents. Since the encomienda was passed on for only two generations, the long­ term stability and reproduction of the patrimony and the status that it generated depended on the socioeconomic ties established by the holder. The second generation of Almendras constructed a family network that incorporated individuals who shared blood ties, peninsular origins and the same conquistador or encomendero status as the founder, Francisco de Almendras.

The ties established between Francisco de Almendras' natural children and his nephews demonstrates the exploitation of resources, the administration of property, and the conservation of patrimony by direct relatives around a specific familiar authority, recognized by all. For several generations the Almendras, enjoyed great status and notoriety, and they relied on marriage to perpetuate the family patrimony. The family had to strengthen alliances that would guarantee not only their material capital but also the symbolic capital that they had accumulated, such as status, prestige, and other traits that shaped the families' local power,

70 constituting their "nonmaterial leg acy .T o increase and protect the

family wealth in order to contribute to the lineage's reproduction, the Almendras used a wide variety of strategies that guaranteed the

retention of their patrimony within the family. The brothers, Martin and Diego de Almendras, were nephews

of the founder of the Almendras lineage in Charcas and, together with Francisco de Almendras' natural children, formed the family's second generation, based on reciprocal but asymmetrical bonds.

Martin and Diego de Almendras were two arrogant, opportunistic and ambitious young men, according to contemporary witnesses. Like their uncle, they were loyal to the Pizarros, at least until the President of the Audiencia of Lima and Governor of Peru, Licenciado

Pedro de la Gasca, defeated Gonzalo Pizarro in Xaquixaguana.--

Pierre Bourdieu, El Sentido Practico (Madrid: Taurus. 1991). 245-246; Giovanni Levi, Inheriting Power. The Storv of an Exorcist (Chicago; The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 120, 136; Joan Bestard Camps, "La e stre c h e z del lugar. Refle.xiones en torno a las estrategias matrimoniales cercanas," i n Poder. familia v consanguinidad en la Espana del Antiguo R e g im en , ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez y Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), 151.

-• Diana Balmori, Stuart F. Voss and Miles Wortman, Notable Fam ily Networks in Latin A m erica (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1984), 17-18; Giovanni Levi, "Family and Kin - A Few Thoughts," Journal of Fam ilv Historv 15:4 (Winter 1990); 567-578; Ida Altman, "Spanish Hidalgos and America; The Ovandos of Caceres," The Americas xliii;3 (January 1987); 323- 346; Bourdieu, El Sentido P ra ctico . 251.

-- Cieza de Ledn, Crdnica del Peril. Guerra de Quito, i;41; Rafael Loredo "Alardes y derramas," Revista H istdrica Tomo xivriii (Lima, 1941); 223-224; Diego Fernandez de Palencia, Primera v Segunda Parte de la Historia del Peril 11571 ] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vols. 164-165 (Madrid; Ediciones Atlas, 1963), i;2l, 46, 61-62; José Toribio Medina, Coleccidn de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de Chile 30 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta Elzeviriana, 1896-1900), vii;l64. Memorial del Provincial de la Orden de Santo Domingo en el Peril sobre los traidores y aliados de Gonzalo Pizarro. Ano 1551. 7 1 Martin and Diego started their military careers b y

participating in the siege of Cusco against Manco Inka in 1536. Later

they were part of the armies of Captains Pedro Candia, Pedro Anzurez, and Diego de Rojas in their expeditions to the Chunchos, to

the Chiriguanos through Tarija, and also to Charcas.23 Both of them

knew the importance of victory in order to upgrade their credentials at the time of receiving mercedes. After supporting the cause of Gasca, the brothers received an unexpected but long-desired reward:

the encomienda of Tarabuco that previously belonged to their uncle, the discredited "traitor" Francisco de Almendras.-"^ Until the death of Diego in 1554, Diego and Martin de

Almendras were much more than brothers. They were comrades

and partners, fighting in the same faction and company, employing the same representatives, buying and selling for their common

profit, and sharing possessions. They also hired the same manager to

administer their assets in Charcas and even drew up a joint will.-5

AGI. Patronato 124, Ramo 5, Probanza de Méritos y Servicios, f. 94; Rafael Sdnchez-Concha Barrios, "Las expediciones descubridoras: la entrada desde Larecaja hasta Tarija (1539-154)," Boleti'n del Instituto Riva A g ü ero 16 (Lima, 1989): 86. -■* The redistribution of encomiendas by Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca benefited those who contributed to his victory over Gonzalo Pizarro: James Lockhart, Spanish Peru 1532-1560. A Colonial Societv (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968), 16. Loredo, "Alardes y Derramas," 224; Roberto Levillier, Audiencia de Lima. Correspondencia de Présidentes y Oidores (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1922), i: 146-147. Minutes before the battle was over, the Almendras switched sides to Licenciado Gasca's cam p. They imprisoned their former boss, patron, benefactor, and c o u n tr y m a n Francisco Carvajal, Gonzalo Pizarro's right hand man and comander of his troops.

25 a NB, EP Vol. 1 Gaspar de Rojas - Villa de Plata, Mayo 18 de 1553, f. ccxxxiii r; Ibid., Octobre 5 de 1553, f. ccc; Ibid., Noviembre 30 de 1554, f. xvii r. 72 These actions denote their identification with the enterprise of conquest whose risks and ventures they pursued as though they were one and the same person struggling for the sake of his family. There is clear proof of that closeness between the brothers and their shared objectives in the will that they wrote together. Having made the will together means that there were no differences in the aspirations of the two brothers for their family network, and apparently either of them could assume the other's responsibilities or rights in their carefully planned life. That is why, given the unification of goals for their patrimony, both men agreed about the necessity of an endogamie marriage for one of them. Their main objective was to maintain family solidarity and to contribute to the cohesion and safety of their patrimony, amassed during an era of conquest and the years of internal struggles and treachery that followed. The other brother, on the other hand, had to agree toan exogamie union, to provide the family's second generation with fruitful alliances that would enhance the lineage through ties to other prominent family networks.-^

Status and wealth depended on Indian labor, which is the reason why the matrimonial strategies revolved around the encomienda—the. most prized possession. That led Captain Diego de Almendras, who owned half of the encomienda of Tarabuco, to marry his cousin and the daughter of Francisco de Almendras and

Bourdieu, El Sentido Practico. 270-271; Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar," 107. 73 Francisca, an Indian.-"^ That marriage between parallel cousins not only broke the rules established by canon law (the prohibition against marriage until the fourth level of consanguinity), but it also challenged common marriage practices. Men and women were supposed to marry candidates from outside of their own lineage to promote new ties and, of course, to avoid incest.Nevertheless, the canonical prohibitions often had little relevance for close relatives intent on marrying to sustain kinship. Assuming that the objective of endogamy was to erase the distinction between lineages, the marriage between Diego de Almendras and Dona Inès de Aguiar was to reinforce the lineage's integration and to limit its tendency to fragment. Economically, the union between cousins served to preserve the patrimony in the hands of r e l a t i v e s . I n su m m ary, marriage with a cousin, a mestiza and the heiress of a conquistador, constituted an example of what can be called "love of lineage," which did not require the existence of love between the pair.-^

Because of his marriage, Diego de Almendras received 5,000 pesos ensayados as a dowry from the President of the Audiencia of Charcas, Licenciado Pedro Ramirez de Quinones, administrator of the possessions and money of his deceased uncle.^o Taking into account

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Gaspar de Rojas - La Plata, Enero 1° de 1555, f. xxii; EP Vol. 53 Francisco de Pliego - La Plata, Junio 15 de 1589, fs. 372-377v. Bourdieu, El Sentido Practico. 267-270; Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar," 107, 112.

Raul Merzario, "Land, Kinship, and Consanguineous Marriage from the Seventeenth to the Nineteenth Centuries," Journal of Familv H istorv 15:4 (Winter 1990): 530.

ANB, EP Vol. 12 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Febrero 24 de 1575, fs. 40-47. 74 the fact that Dona Inès de Aguiar had seven sisters who were single, that amount of money was a considerable share of the patrimony.

Meanwhile, Diego de Almendras strengthened his leadership within the family of Francisco de Almendras. The marriage between Diego de Almendras with his cousin however, did not last long and produced no heirs, although he fathered a natural son, Gaspar, who by 1568 also lived in Charcas.^' As one of the six Captains of the

infantry of Marshal Don Alonso de Alvarado, commander of the Royal troops engaged to fight the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Giron, Diego de Almendras died before the Battle of Chuquinga in 1554.32 As a result. Dona Inès de Aguiar inherited half the encomienda, which originally had belonged to her father and which she enjoyed until her death in 1593.33 Despite not having lasted

long, the marriage between the parallel cousins had achieved its objective of keeping the encomienda of Tarabuco, in its totality, in the hands of the Almendras family.

3' ANB, EP Vol. 22 Diego Bravo - La Plata, Marzo 19 de 1568, fs. 136v-I37v.

32 During the rebellion of Francisco Hendndez Giron, who made the last attempt to defy the crown in favor of those who had not been rewarded b y Gasca in 1548, the Almendras served the royal party. Martin was then a n alcalde ordinario La of Plata staying at Potosi adninistering justice. It was from Potosi that he gathered many vecinos of La Plata in favor of the cr o w n . Diego lost his life before battling the rebels. Two days from Parinacochas w ith the royal army. Diego went hunting when he spotted a runaway slave belonging to Sergent Mayor Diego Villavicencio at the entrance of a cave. While trying to arrest him, the slave took his sword and fatally wounded h im . After being taken to Parinacochas, he died on 6-17-1554. AGI, Patronato 124, Ramo 5, f. 64; ANB, EP Vol. 1 Gaspar de Rojas - La Plata, Junio 5 de 1553, f. ccxliii v; Manuel de Mendiburu, Diccionario Histdrico-Biogrdfico del Peru. 2nd. Edition, 11 vols. (Lima: Libren'a e Imprenta Gil, 1931-1935), i;170; Ferndndez, Historia del Peru, ii: 10: Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales. iii:135-136.

33 ANB, EP Vol. 44 Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Agosto 28 de 1593, fs. 579- 580v. 75 Diego de Almendras' brother, Martin, who enjoyed the other

50 percent of the encomienda, also married a mestiza. Dona Constanza Holgum de Orellana. Through that marriage Martin d e Almendras not only established an alliance with a family of prestigious lineage but he also reinforced his position among his

countrymen from Extremadura. Pedro Alvarez Holguin who was Doha Constanza's father was born in Caceres, Extremadura, and h e

had a friendly relationship with the Pizarros and their clients. After

he arrived in Peru with the Almendras brothers in 1535, A lvarez

Holguin served Governor Vaca de Castro as a general in the battle against Diego de Almagro, "el mozo," (the younger). In 1542,

Almagro "el mozo" was defeated in Chupas and Alvarez Holgum lost his life. Alvarez Holgum had belonged to a well-known lineage in Extremadura, and together with Francisco de Godoy and Lorenzo de

Aldana, who arrived a year before him with Don Pedro Alvarado's army, he completed the famous trio of cousins from Caceres.

General Alvarez Holguin's early death deprived him of secure rewards. His cousins, however acquired wealth and encomiendas',

Godoy was granted Pachacamac in Lima's jurisdiction and Lorenzo de Aldana enjoyed Paria in Charcas.^^ Despite his short life in Peru, General Pedro Alvarez Holgum had left natural descendants—it is not certain whether he was married—in Cusco, who later settled in

34 a g i , Patronato 124, Ramo 5, Probanza de Méritos y Servicios, fs. 6 5 v, 75; Altman, Emigrants and Societv. 196-197; José de la Puente Brunke, Encomienda v Encomenderos en el Peril, Estudio social v politico de u n a institucidn colonial (Sevilla: Exma. Diputacidn Privincial de Sevilla, 1992), 39, 443; Teodoro Hampe M., "Relacidn de los encomenderos y repartimientos del Peru en 1561," Historia v Cultura 12 (Lima, 1979): 82. 76 Charcas. After his death, his threemestizo children were left u n d e r the care of their "uncle," Lorenzo de Aldana, who was appointed as

their tutor and who eventually married off his two nieces to wealthy peninsular men living in Charcas. The elder child of General Alvarez Holgum was Dona Marfa de Aldana, who married Martin Monje,

encomendero of Casabindo and Aiquile (now Province of Jujuy,

Argentina and Department of Cochabamba, Bolivia, respectively). The next child was Hernando Alvarez Holgufn, who had died b y 1576. Doha Constanza Holguin de Orellana, the youngest of the

children of General Alvarez Holgufn, was married to Captain M artfn de Almendras.35

The second generation of the Almendras clan included the natural children of Francisco, the founder of the lineage in Charcas. Another of his daughters, Doha Cecilia Aguiar, whose mother was

Ana Falla, an Indian from Cusco, married Martfn de Tortoles de Villalva, who was born in 1515 in Plasencia, Extremadura. Tortoles

belonged to the Almendras circle and his union with Doha Cecilia de Aguiar was part of a strategy designed to integrate a traditional ally

BN CGGV, Tomo 131, docs. 2336 y 2637. Lockhart (Spanish Peril. 16) as well as Altman ("Spanish Hidalgos and America," 330 and Emigrants and S o cietv . 233) erroneously maintain that Dona Maria de Aldana was th e daughter of Lorenzo de Aldana, the encomendero of Paria. The r e la tio n sh ip between these two relatives—Aldana and Alvarez Holgum— must have been so close that Dona Man'a received the last name of Aldana and the eldest son o f Dona Man'a de Aldana and Martin Monje was given the full name of h is mother's early tutor, Lorenzo de Aldana. Also, the presumption that H ern an do Alvarez Holguin died in 1576 is based on the fact that Doha Maria de A ld ana claimed her successive right to his father’s vacant mayarazgo in Spain. I f alive, Hernando Alvarez Holguin—though without chance of obtaining it because of his mestizo condition--would have had to claim succession in the entail. ANB, EP Vol. 13 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 18 de 1576, fs. 1164-1168. 77 of the family into their clan.36 Like the Almendras brothers, Tortoles

was an encomendero. Francisco Pizarro had granted him the Indians

of Titiconte (by the Iruya River, province of Salta, now in Argentina) which he could never enjoy because that region was not incorporated into the colonial government. Tortoles de Villalva, like his countryman and brother-in-law Diego de Almendras, died during the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Giron in 1554. From his sh o rt marriage there survived a daughter. Dona Inès de Villalva y

Almendras, whom he never met as she was born while he was away from Charcas campaigning against Hernandez Giron. To reinforce the existing family alliances. Dona Inès de Villalva y Almendras later married Martin de Almendras Holguin, the elder son of Captain

Martin de Almendras and Dona Constanza Holguin de Orellana. That marriage reinforced and consolidated the kinship and secured the maintenance of the family's inheritances.^^ Through his will. Tortoles de Villalva recognized two natural sons, Cristobal and Martin de Tortoles, who were later linked with their bother in law, Martin de Almendras Holguin, in various operations and businesses (see Figure 3.D.38

3^ Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lu gar." 129. 3^ John Davis, Land and Family in Pisticci (New York: Athlone Press, 1973), 142-145; Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar," 128-130.

38 a GI, Justicia 1125. El capitdn Cristobal Barba con el adelantado Ju an Ortiz de Zarate sobre los indios moyos-moyos, f. 81b; ANB, EP Vol. 4 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio de 1561, fs. Ixxxvi-lxxxviii; Ibi'd., Setiembre 13 de 1561, fs. 989v-990; EP Vol. 12 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Junio 20 de 1575, fs. 233- 235v; Loredo, "Alardes y Derramas," 293; Boyd-Bowman, Indice G eo -b io g rd fico . ii:89; Davis, Land and Family in P isticc i. 142-145. 78 Francisco de Almendras General Pçdro Alvarez Holguin -

Da. Inès dê Àguier—Diego de Almendras Da. Cecilia de Aguiar—Martin Martin Da. Constanza Holguin Da. Maria MartinMonje HemènAl deToittyes de Almendras de Orellana ^A ldana Holguin r Da. Inès de Villalva *M. de Almendras Diego Da.:a.I Juana Sancho de Pi LFigueroa Holguin —Da. Ana

Da. Maria ' 'Francisco Orellana

Figure 3.1 The Second Generation o f the Almendras Family: A Reinforcement o f Alliances At his brother’s death in 1554, Captain Martin de Almendras

became the head of the lineage. He used the political connections

that his designation as a vecino provided and played a significant role as alcalde ordinario in the local cabildo of La Plata during the

1550s. He organized the local militia, for example, and adm inistered justice during the uprising of Egas de Guzman in Potosi, then u n d e r the jurisdiction of La Plata.^^ Later, in the ongoing search to validate his own status and honor and to increase his existing patrimony. Captain Almendras carried out missions assigned by the Real Audiencia of Charcas. 1 n 1564 he went to the neighboring province of Chich as--south we stern La Plata—to ensure that the local Indians did not join the rebellion of Juan Calchaqui, a cacique who had mobilized many Indians of the region. After successfully finishing this mission he was appointed as

Captain and justicia mayor of the provinces of Tucuman. Juries, and Diaguitas to conquer, to populate and to govern them after the murder of the Governor, Francisco de Aguirre, allegedly by the Diaguitas, Casabindos, Apaiamas and Omaguacas Indians, who

inhabited what today is northern Argentina. To undertake this journey, Almendras invested money of his own together with a loan of 10,000 pesos in gold from the audiencia deposited in the cajas reales of Potosi from tributes of the repartimiento of Chayanta (northern Potosi), which had belonged to Hernando Pizarro, then imprisoned in Spain. With that money and some more resources

3^ANB, EP Vol. 1 Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Junio 5 de 1553, f. ccxliii v ; Mendiburu, Diccionario H istorico. 1:169-170. 80 from his properties Almendras gathered 120 men, 300 horses and

about 500 Indians to accompany him to southern Charcas. The loan

was to be canceled in three years, but as collateral Almendras mortgaged the tributes of the Indians of his encomienda in T arabuco in favor of the royal treasuryH is brother-in-law, Martin Monje, was part of his expedition because of his position as an encomendero

of the region to be conquered. Monje's repartimiento was about 140 leagues from La Plata and was located in the middle of the lands of the insurgent Indians they were trying to suppress.'^' During his journey to Tucuman, in September 1565, to su b d u e

the rebellious Indians, Captain Almendras died at the hands of the Omaguaca Indians. Soon thereafter his expedition fragmented and

his second in command. Jeronimo Gonzalez de Alanis, took Captain Almendras' belongings and, to finance the trip back to La Plata, sold

them in a public auction in Jujuy. Having plenty of debts--among

them one with the royal treasury that led to the embargo of the

tributes of Tarabuco—and with five children to raise. Captain Martin de Almendras' widow immediately opened a protracted lawsuit in the name of her children against Gonzalez de Alanis to recover the

ANB LAACh Vol. 4 - La Plata, Febrero 21 de 1565; EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Febrero 22 de 1565, fs. xliii-xlv; AGI, Patronato 124, Ramo 5, Probanza de Méritos y Servicios; Roberto Le vil l i e r , Audiencia de Charcas. ÇoirespondencLa__de£resid^nte y_Q.idores (Madrid and Buenos Aires; C oleccion de Publicaciones Historiens de la Bilioteca del Congreso Argentine, 1918-1922), i:!37-138; 183-184; 206-208; ii: 445-447.

Medina, Co.Leçciôii_cie Documentos .Ine^itg^, vii:339-344; AGI, Justicia 655, Ramo 1. El capitdn Martin Monje, vecino de la ciudad de La Plata, con el fiscal de sm sobre cierto repartimiento de indios que le encomendd don Francisco Pizarro. Copy from Museo Etnografico, Facultad de Filosoffa y Letras, Universidad de Buenos Aires. 8 1 assets her husband lost in Jujuy. The lawsuit was continued b y

Captain Almendras' offspring and son-in-law for many years after his death

Around the same time that Captain Martin de Almendras was killed by the Indians of Jujuy, Pedro de Castro faced similar problems. He was the second husband of Doha Inès de Aguiar, who held the other half of the encomienda of Tarabuco. He was also ordered by the audiencia to organize an expedition against the Chiriguanos (inhabitants of the Amazon basin, now eastern Bolivia) via the province of Condorillo. Like his in-law, Captain Martin de

Almendras, Castro invested much of his assets to finance the expedition. He also borrowed 6,000 pesos ensayados, which had accumulated from the tributes of the encomiendas formerly granted to Hernando Pizarro, from the cajas reales of P o t o s i . - * ^

Both Almendras and Castro headed military missions that might have given them material and symbolic benefits. If they had been successful, the regional government and the crown would have

•*- ANB, EP Vol. 7 Lazare del Aguila - La Plata, Noviembre 5 de 1565, fs. cccclxxi-cccclx,xvi v; EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 22 de 1567, fs. 955-960v; LAACh Vol. 2 - La Plata, Setiembre 22 de 1567, fs. 217v - 218; 230- 230v; 242v- 243; 258v-259; 308; Medina, Coleccion de Documentos Inédites. XXX-.287-29I; Id., Coleccion de Documentos Inédites para la Historia de Chile Segunda Serie, 6 vols. 1561-1603 Informaciones de Méritos y Servicios (Santiago: Fonde Historico y Bibliogrdfico J. T. Medina, 1963), vi:41. Although the city of Jujuy was founded in 1593, we must understand that the auction o f Almendras' belongings in 1565 took place somewhere in a region named Jujuy. ANB, EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 6 de 1565, fs. 36-47; Ibid., La Plata, Julio 19 de 1566, fs. 369v-370; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Noviembre 23 de 1568, fs. 475v-476; AGI, Patronato 124, Ramo 5. Probanza de Méritos y Servicios, fs. 64v -65; Levillier, Audiencia de C harcas. i: 137-138: 184, 207, 251.

82 capitalized on their access to the new territories and resources, many of which would probably have been distributed among other loyal individuals. But what emerged as a result of setting up both expeditions was the immediateaccess to credit for the encomenderos. As soon as the audiencia appointed Captain Martin de Almendras and Pedro de Castro to take over the conquest of Tucuman and the respectively, loans were secured by the royal treasury to help in the organization of both military missions. Undoubtedly, the tributes of an encomienda were a guarantee of payment because royal officials could easily confiscate them.

Both encomenderos of Tarabuco lost their lives at the end of

1565 and, as a result, both halves of the encomienda were passed on to the next generation. Captain Almendras' half was inherited by his six year-old son Martin. The other half of the encomienda rem a in e d in the hands of Dona Inès de Aguiar. Now, twice widowed a n d childless. Dona Inès had to remarry to keep enjoying her share of the encomienda, so in 1567 she contracted marriage with Juan

Falcon. No women who inherited an encomienda could remain unmarried. Women had few choices when selecting their next husbands and had to remarry almost immediately. Local and viceregal authorities often arranged encomenderos' w idow s marriage to accomplish customary norms and satisfy the m a n y aspirants to an encomienda^^

ANB, EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Noviembre 5 de 1565, fs. cccclxx-cccclxxvi v; EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 26 de 1567, fs. 874; Ibid., La Plata, Octubre 25 de 1567, f. 486; Lockhart, Spanish P eru . 157-158. 83 The encomienda of Tarabuco was populated mainly by the

remaining mitmaqkuna of the old Inca state. Some groups had had their original settlements in northern Collasuyu and in areas close to Cusco. The lands of the Indians of the encomienda of Tarabuco were located in the mesothermic valleys and the cold punas close to La

Plata, a territory which later became the corregimientos of Tomina

and Yamparaez. The number of Indians in the encomienda of Tarabuco decreased for various reasons. First, a number of mitmaqkuna probably returned to their original regions, thinning out the number of tributaries. Second, it was hard to keep the initial 3,500 tributaries when their towns were close to the hostile border with the Chiriguanos who frequently invaded their villages, killing and pillaging. Finally, they were incorporated into th eir encomenderos' missions and campaigns in which they participated and surely died in considerable numbers. The power struggles of the encomenderos relied heavily on their Indians' participation to accomplish their goals in the Civil Wars, in the subsequent revolts of the 1550s, and in the conquest and defense of the territory of Charcas.-’^

During the visita general (1572-1575) ordered by Viceroy Toledo, the encomienda of Tarabuco included 2,876 people, of whom

Mercedes del Rio and Ana Maria Presta, "Un estudio etnohistdrico e n los corregimientos de Tomina y Yamparaez; casos de multietnicidad," i n Espacio. Etnfas. Frontera. Atenuaciones polfticas en el Sur del T aw an tinsn vu . Sigios XV-XVIII. ed. Ana Marta Presta (Sucre: Antropdlogos del Sur A n d in o, 1995), 189-218. 84 531 were "tributarios miîimaes" including 52 llactarunas^^ In 1573

the inspector, oidor Juan de Matienzo, concentrated the Indians of

the encomienda of Martin de Almendras Holguin and his aunt Dona

Inès de Aguiar into two towns—San Pedro de Montalban de Tarabuco and Deleitosa de Santiago de Presto. The visitador

mentioned that the Indians had inhabited 50 villages, spread over a

radius of 35 leagues, prior to the reduction.^"^ The gross amount of the tax appraisal assigned to 440 of the

531 Indians of Tarabuco and Presto amounted to 3,080 pesos ensayados. Of the remaining 91 tributaries, one was reserved for the cacique and the rest were assigned to labor in mitas or rotation of 30 tributaries in three yearly rotating cycles, in the coca plantations. The responsibility of the Indians assigned to the coca miia was to provide 480 baskets of coca a year from their chacras in

AGN, Sala IX, Leg. 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tasas de las Provincias Contenidas en este Libre hechas en tiempo del Exmo. Senor Don Francisco de Toledo Virrey que fue de estes Reynos, fs. I57-157v; Noble David Cook ed.. Tasa de la Visita General de Francisco de Toledo (Lima: U n iversid ad Mayor de San Marcos, 1975), 31. "Tributarios mitimaes" refer to th ose taxpayers who were the descendants of colonists resettled either by their own highland chieftancies or the Inca State to cultivate lands at lower altitudes or to defend the frontiers of the state. Most of the taxpayers concentrated i n Tarabuco during the survey of Viceroy Toledo were not originally from the village. On the contrary, the llactarunas or townsmen were Indians from Tarabuco, their llacta or place of origin. Both mitimaes and llactarunas paid the same amount of tribute to their encomendero. ^^.AGN, Sala IX, Leg. 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tasas, f. 157v. San Pedro de Montalvdn de Tarabuco was founded over the old Indian town o f Tarabuco, on a flat and high hill east-southeast of La Plata and 60 k ilo m eters from the city in the corregimiento of Tomina and at a height of 3,400 meters. The town of Presto, founded as La Deleitosa de Santiago, resembles the town known as Deleitosa in Extremadura and was founded in a low warm valley 120 kilometers from La Plata, belonging also to the corregimiento o f Tom ina. Diccionario Geogrdfico del Departamento de Chuquisaca (Sucre: Imprenta Bolivar de M. Pizarro, 1903), 320-322, 255-258. 85 Chuquioma (in the yungas of Pocona, a few days away from their major towns). Once collected, the tributaries of Tarabuco had to transport the coca to Tiraque (eastern Cochabamba), the location of the region's coca warehouses. The encomenderos, for their part, had to divide the tribute in two equal halves of 2,000 pesos ensayados (the amount remaining from the 3,080 pesos ensayados a fter deducting the cacique's salary and the costs of justice, defendants of naturals and doctrines) and the 480 baskets of coca. Traditionally, the Indians paid the cash tribute every six months on San Juan day (June 24) and on Christmas day. The coca baskets were deposited in Tiraque every four months."**

Regarding the encomienda of Tarabuco, the lack of any tax assessments prior to the one ordered by Viceroy Toledo makes it impossible to gauge the encomienda's income during its golden age

(1550-1560). The amount of money that the encomenderos vcce'wcd after 1572, however, was very small compared to the thousands of pesos ensayados that were collected in previous decades.

Nevertheless, during the 1570s when the colonial economy was evolving, wealth was still measured primarily in terms of hu m an resources. The encomenderos monopolized the labor needed in local mining and agricultural activities almost without competition until the 1560s. By late sixteenth-century, however, the struggle for labor increased as local corregidores and priests challenged the

**.A.GN, Sala IX, Leg. 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tasas, fs. 157- 158v; Tasa de la Visita G eneral, p. 31; Mercedes del Rio and Ana Marla Presta, "Un estudio etnohistdrico," 197. 86 encomenderos' hegemony. In addition, the Almendras family's

encomienda in Tarabuco was exempted from the mita for Potosi.-* In sum, during the second generation the A lm endras constructed a close knit family network to secure their lineage. The strategies adopted by the Almendras to marry relatives and countrymen of equal or greater status concentrated the patrimony

within the family and ensured greater control over the family inheritance. As a result, the family remained tightly connected b y ties of blood and affinity with relatives and countrymen in a network that would be consolidated further by the following generation.

The Third Generation. Family Consolidation

Analyzing the third generation of the Almendras family will

show how they diversified their investments and took advantage of the profits from their encomienda. Such an analysis also demonstrates how this extended family developed its own strategies in order to perpetuate its patrimony and construct its own identity. The Almendras achieved their goals by developing a network of relatives and business partners among the elite of Charcas.

Thierry Sainges, "Las etnfas de Charcas frente al sistema colonial (S. XVIII). Ausentismo y fugas en el debate sobre la mano de obra indfgena, 1595- 1665," Jahrbuch fur Geschichte _von Staat. Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft L atein am erikas. Band 21 (Koln, 1984): 27-75; Id., "Caciques, Tribute and Migration in the Southern Andes. Indian Society and the 17th. C en tu ry Colonial Order (Audiencia de Charcas)," Occasional P ap ers 15, Institute o f Latin American Studies (London, 1985). 87 Captain Martin de Almendras’ marriage to Dona Constanza

Holguin de Orellana produced five children, two boys and three girls. The oldest son, Martin de Almendras Holgum, inherited the encomienda that belonged to his father; the second son was Diego de Almendras, and the daughters were Dona Juana de Almendras, Doha

Ana de Almendras and Doha Marfa Holguin de Orellana. When Captain Martin de Almendras died, all of his children were minors. As specified in their father’s will, their mother, Constanza Holguin de Orellana, became their tutor and guardian. She hired managers and stewards to administer the chacras and estates of Cororo, Lamboyo and Tacopaya and the mines in Potosf; all were eventually in herited by the younger children.^o

Years later, Inigo de Villafahe, Doha Constanza’s second husband, assumed responsibility for supervising the property of the Almendras. He was dismissed from his duties as trustee of the children’s inheritance for corruption and was replaced by Sancho de Figueroa, who became a key character in the Almendras family. Figueroa was born in Caceres, Extremadura, and he married Doha

Juana de Almendras, who was the eldest daughter of Captain Martin de Almendras and Doha Constanza Holguin. Figueroa received a dowry of 8,000 pesos ensayados and was given the responsibility of administering and increasing the family’s fortune. Undoubtedly, that marriage aimed to incorporate into the family “an established Figure

Cororo and Lamboyo were located in the vicinity of the Indian to w n of Tarabuco about 70 kilometers from La Plata, and Tacopaya was located about 100 kilometers from the city in the neighboring Corregimiento of Tomina. Diccionario G eografico. 80, 80, 313; ANB, EP Vol. 2 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata, Enero 28 de 1573, fs. 19v-20. 88 in commerce and finance with the objective of adding capital and

mercantile efficiency to their business operations.”5' As a successful

merchant of Castilian products, Figueroa owned commercial enterprises with a branch in Arequipa, where he supplied Charcas and Tucuman with products such as iron, wine and slaves. In the

network of his countrymen from Extremadura, he served as an agent and representative. He was also the administrator for Lorenzo de Aldana, one of the wealthiest men in Charcas and previously a tutor of his mother-in-law. Sancho de Figueroa was a patron, an agent, and a client, as well a “connecting relative” who mediated between the Almendras clan and their families; thus he developed close personal and economic ties with the Almendras family.^- I n addition, he was the representative of wholesale merchants, land and mine owners, and the administrator of the tithes from Charcas, as well as the alcalde ordinario of the city council and the algiiacil mayor of the audiencia.^^

^ ' John Kicza, "El papel de la familia en la organizacidn empresarial e n la Nueva Espana," Familia v Poder en Nueva Espana. Memoria del T ercer Simposio de Historia de las Mentalidades (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia, 1991), 77.

5- Elizabeth Bott, Familia v red social (Madrid: Taurus, 1991), 181-185.

ANB, EP Vol. II Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Agosto 31 de 1565, fs. d v-di; EP Vol. 9 ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 28 de 1567, fs. 875-877v; Ibid.. La Plata, Junio 30 de 1567, fs. 878v-882v; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata. Julio II de 1568, fs. 1241-I242v; EP Vol. 2 Garcia de Esquivel - La Plata, Setiembre 9 de 1572, f. dlv; EP Vol. 12 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Julio 30 de 1573, fs. 90v -97v; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Octubre 17 de 1568, f. 568; Ibid., Marzo 8 de 1569, f. 761; Ibid., La Plata, Marzo 8 de 1569, f. 762; Ibid., La Plata, Marzo II de 1569, fs. 769v-770; Ibi'd., Marzo 14 de 1569, f. 1053; Ibid., La Plata, Marzo 17 de 1569, fs. 1060v-1062; Ibid., La Plata, Marzo 31 de 1569, fs. 1081-1082; EP Vol. 18 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Agosto 31 de 1581, fs. 832v- 836; EP Vol. 57 Fernando de Medina - La Plata, Agosto 5 de 1592, fs. 552-554; AHP EN Vol. 4 Martin de Barrientos - Potosi, Diciembre 15 de 1572, fs. 13v-20. 89 In consolidating its wealth and power, the third generation of

Almendras family in Charcas used its kinship ties to extend and operate their business networks. At the same time, the encomienda generated and mediated informal relationships between relatives, peers, friends, companions, employees, agents, and clients. The network of relationships created around the encomienda p ro v id ed other political ties, which originated as the encomenderos becam e vecinos who participated in local and regional governmental institutions in Charcas. The encomienda also generated economic ties resulting from the mercantile opportunities available to these lords of the Indians ranging from mine exploitation, farming and cattle breeding, to commercial, speculative and financial businesses. 1 n fact, the Almendras family network took shape precisely during a period when the encomienda was at its zenith. To enjoy an encomienda resulted in an intense interaction among people grouped around the institution. In the case of the Almendras, the network transcended the place of residence of the encomenderos and their nuclear families and expanded to neighboring rural areas and to the mining camps of Potosi and Porco, where the encomenderos owned mines and, in some cases, com plete veins.S'*

In this way, the business of Dona Inès de Aguiar and h e r successive husbands, Diego de Almendras, Pedro de Castro, Juan Falcon and finally Jeronimo de Hinojosa, were associated with those

Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La renta de la encomienda en la década de 1550. Piedad Cristiana y desconstruccidn," Revista de In d ias xlviii. ner. 182- 183 (Madrid, 1990): 109-146. 90 of her cousin and first brother-in-law. Captain Martin de Almendras, and later to her second cousin and nephew, Martin de Almendras

Holguin. Sharing the Indians of the same encomienda gave both owners the chance to strengthen other types of linkages, particularly commercial ties, because kinship helped promote the exploitation of the resources. This explains why this network was significant for its numerous and overlapping bonds of kinship, on which their related businesses were constructed. Despite his short residency in La Plata between 1548 and

1554, when the political turbulence kept him at war rather than at home in Charcas, Diego de Almendras invested vast amounts of capital in organizing a freight and cartage enterprise to distribute merchandise from his estates to the Potosi market. By 1553 he owned 600 llamas worth 10,000 pesos ensayados.^^

Pedro de Castro, Doha Inès de Aguiar's second husband from 1555 to 1565, administered the encomienda of Tarabuco in its totality, and extended his own and Martin de Almendras’ businesses to include cattle breeding and related farming activities. The Indians themselves were not strangers to commercialenterprises, maintaining a tile works with their encomenderos. An oven for manufacturing roofing tiles and bricks was located in one of Almendras’ urban lots behind the convent of San Francisco, in La Plata.56

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Octubre 5 de 1553, f. ccci; Ibid., Octubre 13 de 1553, f. cccv v.

56 ANB, EP Vol. 4 Ldzaro del Aguila - Potosi, Marzo 12 de 1561, fs. 1326v- 1327. 9 1 The administration of his wife’s encomienda and assets led

Pedro de Castro to play a significant role in the kin group. He also served as a “connecting relative” since his brothers had married into

the Almendras family. Castro had settled in Charcas with two of his brothers, Lope de Castro and Caspar de Villagomez, who married Doha Catalina de Almendras, Doha Inès de Aguiar’s sister and Doha Isabel de Almendras, Doha Inés’s niece, daughter of her sister Doha

Beatriz de Almendras and Pedro Lopez Manojos. Pedro de Castro’s natural daughter married Doha Inés’s brother, Bartolomé de

Almendras.These marriages among relatives constituted a common strategy of preserving and strengthening their socioeconomic position. Lope de Castro, as well as Lopez Manojos, an active merchant and land owner from Valladolid, each built large nuclear families with ten children, which nurtured and extended the Almendras family.^s

This sub-group of relatives bought and profited from various rural properties, such as those located in Mojotoro, near La Plata. I n addition, Villagomez, Lope de Castro and Lopez Manojos together with Hernando de Almendras (Doha Inès de Aguiar's brother) acted

ANB, EP Vol. 2 Caspar Lopez - Valle de Tomina, Setiembre 13 de 1571, fs. 27-29; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Abril 19 de 1571, f. cx; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Mayo 30 de 1573, fs. 322v-323v; EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 22 de 1566, fs. 546-549; EP Vol. 28b Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Setiembre 19 de 1594, fs. 1455v-1462v.

58 ANB, EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 6 de 1565, fs. cccclvi v -cccclviii v; EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 6 de 1565, fs. 36-47; EP Vol. 2 Caspar Lopez - Valle de Tomina, Setiembre 13 de 1571, fs. 27v-29; EP Vol. 26 Diego Sdnchez - La Plata, Diciembre 11 de 1589, fs. 7004-7005; EP Vol. 49 Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Diciembre 9 de 1602, fs. 856-859; EP Vol. 28b Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Noviembre 19 de 1594, fs. 1455-1462v. 92 as the administrators and managers of the enco mender a in her

of Tacopaya, Tomoroco and the ranch of La Punilla, near the town of Presto, where certain groups of her encomienda Indians lived.59

Pedro Lopes Manojos, progenitor of the Lopez de Almendras,

Almendras Bozos and Ramirez de Almendras, rose to be a skillful landholder and merchant. He owned various farms in neighboring valleys close to La Plata. His property assets included estates such as La Media Luna in Mojotoro, Cocheguasi, Guanoma, Soroma, Pasopaya,

Chuquichuqui, Vila Vila, Aromasi and El Palmar (in Cinti), chacras of cereal crops, ranches, and a sugar refinery in Chuquichuqui', where he manufactured all kinds of sugar-coated and stuffed oranges, syrups and glazed fruits. Almost all of Francisco de Almendras’ descendants owned chacras in the valley of Mojotoro, next to the lands of the Indians of Tarabuco. The biggest estate in Mojotoro was exploited by the Castros, together with Lopez Manojos. This was a huge farmstead of pan llevar, with black slaves, equipment, oxen, and houses, which their wives had inherited from their father, Francisco de Almendras. They improved the estate in the 1550s and transformed it into a sugar refinery. Sancho de Figueroa acquired the estate of Mojotoro in 1570 to expand on a property he owned in

ANB, EP Vol. II Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Setiembre 24 de 1560, f. ccxxv; EP Vol. 4 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 6 de 1561, f. 1198; EP Vol. 5 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 11 de 1563, fs. 704v-705; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Mayo 23 de 1573, fs. 294-296; Ibid., La Plata, Marzo 18 de 1576, fs. Ixiii v-lxv; EP Vol. 12 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Junio 10 de 1572, fs. 69- 71V. The estate of Tacopaya, in the province of Tomina, was located 100 kilometers east of La Plata and 55 kilometers from Presto and one was bordered by an estate with the same name that belonged to the children o f Captain Martin de Almendras. Diccionario Geografico. 255-258, 313-314. 93 Ana Palla- -Frandsco de Almendras^ -Fiandsca, India

Cristôbal

1. Da Maria 2. Da Cedlia de Aguiar Martin de Toitoles 3. Da Inès de Aguiar Diego de Almendras 4. Hernando de Almendras Da Mariana (Nun in Spain) | de Villalva ■ Pedro de Castro | ______deCérdoba Martin Juan Faloôn J J Jerônimo de Hinojosa I|a Inès de Villalva y Almendras Martin de Almedras Holguin D a Fiandsca dc Almendras

SiDa Catalina de Almendras Lope de Castro i 6. D a Ana de Almendras Melchor Pardoi 7. Bartolomé Leonor de Castro VO , 1 1 ' — * I de Almendras 1 Pedro de Castro 2. L (^ de Castro 3. Frandsco de Almendras AngelPardo 4. Estdran de Almendras S. Melchor 6. Gaqrar 7. Juan Gil 8. Baltasar + 2 female children de Villagômez de V de V de V

8. Da Elvira de Almendras Juan de Vega 9. Da. Beatriz de Almendras Pedro Lopez Manojos 10. Da Perpétua de Almendras Nicolas Nuflez

1. Gaqrar Lôpez de Almendras 2. Juan Ramirez de Almendras D a Jerônima de Almendras 3. Da Isabel de Almendras 4. Francisco de Almendras Bozo S. Da. Mariana 6. Da. Catalina 7. Melchor 8. Miguel 9. Pedro 10. Baltasar

Figure 3.2 Francisco de Almendras’s Kindred the same valley, where his in-laws, the heirs of Captain Martin de

Almendras, also owned much land.^o

For his part, Sancho de Figueroa, administrator of the holdings of the children of Captain Martin de Almendras—whose elder daughter he later married—used his experience as a businessman

and landowner to increase the family assets. Under his

administration the family owned the 84 varas of mines in the Cerro Rico of Potosi, located in the Veta de Centeno (24 of which were

his), the hacienda of Paracti, a chacra, vineyard and orchard in Mojotoro, the estates of Cororo, Lamboyo and Tacopaya and the main houses in the city of La Plata with African domestic servants.^' Figueroa continued to be the patriarch of the family until his death

in 1592, although in 1580 his sister-in-law Maria Holguin de Orellana married Francisco de Orellana, another native of Extremadura and encomendero of the Indians of Tiquipaya. in

Cochabamba.^- In his will and codicils Figueroa claimed he was ow ed

50,000 pesos ensayados in the form of loans and other com m ercial debts. The real value of this debt claimed by Figueroa would have

ANB, EP Vol. 3 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 6 de 1558, fs. 546v-547v; EP Vol. 11 Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Setiembre 13 de 1560, f. ccviii; EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 28 de 1567, fs. 875-877; Ibid., Junio 27 de 1567, fs. 906-909v; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Octubre 30 de 1570, fs. 423-424.

Cf. note 50. Paracti was located northern Tomina, at the western shore o f Taacopaya River, Diccionario G eogrdfico. 229; Luis Capoche, Relacion General de la Villa Imperial de Potosf [1585] ed. Lewis Hanke, Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 122 (Madrid; Ediciones Atlas, 1959), 79. AMC, PCC 3 Cristobal Navarrete - Villa de Oropesa, Diciembre 27 de 1587, f. 106; ANB, EP Vol. 42 Cristdbal de Aviles- La Plata, Setiembre 21 de 1588, fs. 184v-185v; EP Vol. 58 Pedro de Cervantes - La Plata, Octubre8 de 1592, fs. 1 246-1 254v. 95 equaled the value of several urban properties or three times the

dowry of a wealthy family's daughter. In those days, an unfurnished

house close to the Plaza Mayor of the city of La Plata cost an average of 2.000 pesos ensayados. The most expensive, luxurious, and furnished houses, were appraised at between 8,000 and 12,000 pesos ensayados. The house of Sancho Figueroa, located facing the Convent of Santo Domingo (today Calvo and Bolivar streets) and one block from the Plaza Mayor was valued at 10,000 pesos ensayados

in 1602 when included in the dowry of his daughter, Doha Maria de Figueroa. Her dowry amounted to 20,000 pesos ensayados and included the family house, two slaves for domestic service, gold jewelry, pearls, and other valuables, a fruit tree farm and 10,000 pesos ensayados in cash. In addition, the groom—Juan Ortiz de Zarate's grandson (see. Chapter 5 Zarate)—endowed the bride with

8,000 pesos ensayados in arras.^^ Figueroa was also the collector of the tithes of Tomina, Sopachuy, Tacopaya, Soroche, Tarabuco, and El Villar (valleys near the city of La Plata).

Martin de Almendras Holgum, who enjoyed one half of Tarabuco in the second generation, was married to Doha Inès de

Villalva y Almendras. She was his cousin on her mother’s side (her mother, Doha Cecilia de Aguiar was Francisco de Almendra’s natural daughter) and in addition linked to the Almendras by friendship and equal peninsular origin on the paternal side. The marriage of Martin de Almendras Holgum with his cousin reinforced previous

ANB, EP Vol. 57 Hernando de Medina - La Plata, Agosto 1 de 1592, fs. 581-599 v; ABN, EP Vol. 99 Philippe de Godoy - La Plata, Marzo 23 de 1602, fs. 379-385. 96 alliances designed to consolidate the family. This reinforcement of an alliance was a means to strengthen the lineage through kinship in

order to safeguard material capital. In this case, the assimilation of a natural branch contributed to the lineage consolidation when Dona Cecilia de Aguiar married Martin de Tortoles de Villalva, and their

daughter married Martin de Almendras Holgum in two consecutive generations.^^ Like his brother-in-law Sancho de Figueroa, Martin de Almendras Holgum participated in diverse business enterprises.

Besides taking advantage of the income in cash and kind from his encomienda, his Indians served him in many agricultural enterprises. Martin de Almendras Holguin used the inheritance

received from his father to make sound investments. He acquired various urban properties, manor houses, and the chacras of Escana, Alcantari, and Campoco, close to the Indian village of Yamparaez an d also the chacra of Patascapa, in the neighboring Tomina and tw o other estates in Charcauma, on the way to Cusco. Curiously, many of these properties were located in lands formerly belonging to the Indians of his encomienda before the reductions made by the Viceroy Toledo’s visitors in 1573. Individually or with his brothers- in-law, Martin de Villalva and Sancho de Figueroa, and relatives of Dona Inès de Aguiar—the co-holder of the encomienda—he set up

Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar,” 128-129. 97 r ::.Æ -?-

ligure 3.3 Properties owned by the Almendras Family

98 business to import both domestic and Castilian products, to Potosi and La Plata.^^

Political activity led Martin de Almendras Holgum to become regidor of the local cabildo in 1582, lieutenant to the corregidor in 1589 and justicia mayor of the city of La Plata and its rural area in

1590.^^ In 1606 he was appointed as alcalde ordinario of the city of his residence and in 1613 he accepted the position of governor and lieutenant of captain general of the neighboring province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra.^^ This example shows vividly the strategies for gaining power utilized by an encomendero whose economic situation gave him access to local and regional political positions—salaried or unsalaried—which helped him to increase his prestige and to defend his patrimony/'*

After the death of his brother-in-law, Sancho de Figueroa, and his sister Doha Juana de Almendras, Martin de Almendras Holguin became the tutor of his nephews and nieces. Like Figueroa, he took care of the preservation and diversification of the family’s patrimony by finding wealthy brides and grooms for his nephews

ANB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 8 de 1582, fs. 214V-216; EP Vol. 58 Pedro de Cervantes - La Plata, Setiembre 12 de 1592, fs. 1062-1063; EP Vol. 44 Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Febrero 15 de 1592, fs. 3 8 v -3 9 ; EP Vol. 47a Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Febrero 8 de 1598, fs. 237v-238v.

ANB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 8 de 1562, f. 214; EP Vol. 26 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Noviembre 8 de 1589, f. 1589; EP Vol. 41 Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Mayo 7 de 1590, f. 530v.

ANB, EP Vol. 64 Alonso Navarro - La Plata, Julio 29 de 1606, f. 327; AGI, Patronato 144. Informacidn de Servicios de don Gabriel Paniagua, el mozo, y de sus antepasados, f. 92v. I am grateful to Fray Mauricio Valcanover, OFM for handing me a copy of this document. Levi, Inheriting Power. 144. 99 and nieces. Similarly, he arranged the marriage of his niece Dona

Maria de Figueroa with Don Juan Alonso de Vera y Zarate, son of the judge Juan Torres de Vera y Aragon and Dona Juana de Zarate (see Chapter 5, Zarate).

Among the members of the elite of Charcas and especially in the Almendras family, the concern for the future of the soul after death was as significant as their concerns regarding property rights, patrimony and the social status of the family during life. Some clauses in an encomendero's will regarding the funeral ritual generated anxieties within the family that resulted in huge expenditures to perpetuate in the public memory the recognition earned by the encomendero and his heirs. Before dying, Sancho de Figueroa expressed his desire to acquire a chapel in the convent of San Francisco to shelter his remains with his legitimate heirs and his in-laws, the Almendras. In February 1592, Figueroa and Martin de

Almendras Holgum agreed to make use of the right given by the Franciscan Friars to build and decorate a chapel in the convent of the Order in La Plata, in the main building of the church. The space assigned to them had previously been given to Licenciado Polo Ondegardo. However, Polo's relatives disregard for certain clauses imposed by the friars led them to forfeit their claim to this space and they had to remove the remains of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo. Martin de Almendras Holgum and Sancho de Figueroa were authorized, perpetually, to be buried with their heirs if they built the chapel within two years. Accepting the Friars conditions, the

ANB, EP Vol. 99 Philippe de Godoy - La Plata, Abril 16 de 1602, n.f. 100 Almendras adorned their chapel with an altarpiece, grates, and their

family's coat of arms and heraldry. In this way, they left indelible memories of their glory for their successors.^° Thus it was in the third generation that the extended family eventually consolidated its economic and societal position. The strategies of promoting family cohesion and social reproduction led them to forge alliances within the kin group and with peninsular countrymen which are visible in the marriages of Martin de

Almendras Holgum with Dona Inès de Villalva y Almendras, Dona Juana de Almendras with Sancho de Figueroa and Dona Maria Holgum de Orellana with Francisco de Orellana. The network remained rooted in the same personal and professional ties, but with wider economic connections. Economic expansion and diversification assumed by the third generation speaks to their awareness that the next generation would no longer enjoy the encomienda, the family's main source of labor and produce.

Conclusions

The encomienda guaranteed status and contributed to the economic success of its holder. Wealth was passed on from one generation to another by means of careful administration that relied on personal networks. Centered around the encomienda, the

ABN, EP Vol. 57 Fernando de Medina - La Plata, Febrero 22 de 1592, fs. 571-572; Pierre Chaunu, "Mourir a Paris (XVIe-XVIIe-XVIIIe siècles),” A n n a le s E.S.C.. 31:1 (Paris, 1976): 30; Philippe Aires, L'homme devant la mort 1. Les temps des puisants (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1977), p. 190. 101 individuals incorporated into the network performed different roles addressed to oversee the development, diversification, and integration of multiple businesses. In sum, families played an important role in the social, political, and economic spheres of sixteenth-century colonial life. The close interaction of family members in the economic and political spheres aided in the accumulation of wealth, as did Almendras, who used shrewd family alliances to increase their limited financial resources. The Almendras were able to control a considerable portion of the production and distribution of goods by holding municipal positions that led to the designing and enforcement of commercial regulations. This could be effected by means of kinship and business alliances to increase and consolidate the patrimony of the family.

The Almendras network relied on a complex combination of economic and social forces. The connectedness or density of their network depended on the degree of kinship alliances and business partnerships among relatives strengthened by their access to inheritance.^' Such is the case of the links built by Sancho de Figueroa, who was partner with his mother-in-law and his brother- in-law and cousins and most of the Almendras, not to mention the partnership set up between the sub-group of relatives brought to the family by Pedro de Castro, the second husband of the encomendero, Doha Inès de Aguiar. The personal network built up by this encomendero family reflected a determination to keep the encomienda within the family, which allowed them to control the

Bott, Familia v red social. 142-149. 102 means for ensuring their own preservation and social reproduction J-

Encomienda, land ownership, mine ownership and kinship linked emigrants from the same peninsular region, and attracted and favored forms of consanguineous marriages, despite ecclesiastical prohibitions against marrying blood relatives up to the fourth degree. Thus family needs were able to erase the frontiers of kinship, ignoring the rules that prevented unions between those who share the same blood line. Neither kinship nor religious interdiction were effective in separating cousins from their family's desire to preserve or enforce the lineage. Moreover, specific family roles and public offices, commerce and diverse investments, were performed with enough flexibility to allow an individual to be simultaneously patron, agent and client, as were Francisco. Diego and Martin de Almendras, and Sancho de Figueroa.

The Almendras built a social network which allowed them to found a lineage that began only with their emigration to Peru. Their practices focused on marriages that could bring the prestige and material capital to a newly created family. Regional affinities were common in the first generation, a trend that persisted during the second generation, although marriage within the kin group became a more common strategy to safeguard the patrimony and the very existence of the lineage. By the third generation kinship and

Gribaudi, "Les discontinuités du social," 204; Mitchel, "The C oncept and Use of Social Network," 18. 103 clientelism became stronger, emphasizing loyalties and solidarities from and to patrons, friends, and relatives with great wealth.

The Almendras achieved, by means of the construction of an extended family—including natural and illegitimate sons and daughters—a socioeconomic standing that kept them among the most prominent citizens of Charcas between 1540 and 1600. It was this wealth and status that allowed themto claim hidalgo status despite their humble origins in Spain.

104 C H A PT E R 4

PANIAGUA DE LOAYSA

This Chapter focuses on the lives, careers and family of Pedro

Hernandez Paniagua and his son Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, who inherited the encomienda. The Paniaguas' network excelled among the rest because of the peninsular status achieved by the

founder of the family in Charcas, Pedro Hernandez Paniagua de

Loaysa, who had gained his reputation by participating at Charles I's side during the Revolt of the Communities of Castile in the early 1520s. Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was married and fathered six children who remained in Plasencia, Extremadura, his patria chica, by the time he emigrated to the New World. His m igratory enterprise was carefully planned like the administration of his assets at home. This explains why his heir, Don Gabriel Paniagua de

Loaysa, remained in Plasencia until the death of his father, which led him to settle in Charcas where an encomienda, estates, and opportunities to diversify businesses placed him on the road to economic success.

The Paniaguas enjoyed leadership among their affines, fellow countrymen, peers, and the royal bureaucrats whom they knew how to manipulate in order to achieve their goals. By maintaining a

105 coherent set of strategies to achieve their expectations of strengthening their patrimony by means of marriage alliances, they

interacted with other families settled in Lima, or even in the distant Plasencia. They always maintained their links with their place of origin where offices and properties allowed them to keep fluid communications and a double residence.

Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, the architect of a well- connected family network achieved high status and fortune which he strengthened by his discreet use of political power. Don Gabriel acquired power through his status, which he enforced by serving several times as corregidor of Cusco. Moreover, political power was reinforced by alliances with prominent royal officials and churchmen serving in the viceregal administration. Don Gabriel's father, Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, arrived in Peru during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, and his public activity as an emissary of Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca gave him the opportunity to start a military career and, soon thereafter, the acquisition of wealth through an encomienda. Although brief, the experience of Pedro Hernandez Paniagua in Peru was successful enough to allow his successors to enjoy a large patrimony for m ore than four generations.

An Ambassador from Extremadura and the Origins of His Lineage in Charcas

The decade between 1540 and 1550 was crucial to the settlement and evolution of the colonial state. The Viceroyalty of

106 Peru was established in 1542. The appointmentof the first viceroy,

Blasco Nunez Vela, and the enforcement of the New Laws, which were meant to protect the Indians and limit the power of th e encomenderos, posed a formidable threat to the personal and nepotistic government of the Pizarros. The dynastic aspirations of the Pizarro family were crushed in the early 1540s after th e assassination of the Marquis, Don Francisco Pizarro, on July 26,

1541. Juan Pizarro had died during the siege of Cusco in 1536,

Hernando was imprisoned at La Mota de Medina from 1538 until his death for murdering Diego de Almagro, and Francisco Martin de Alcantara was assassinated with his half brother, Francisco, in 1541. By 1542 only Gonzalo, the youngest of the Pizarro brothers, remained in Peru. By kinship and seniority in the conquest Gonzalo assumed he was endowed with the right to govern Peru. He managed to retain his power and resisted all attempts of the crown to modify the political status quo from 1544 to 1548.

Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas and his followers repeatedly condemned the atrocities committed by the conquistadors and the exploitation of the Indians under the encomienda system. Back in Spain in 1539, Las Casas stressed in his condemnation of the encomienda, that it was contrary to the well-being of the Indians and against the welfare and service of God and king. In this period

Las Casas' wrote his Brevisima Relaciôn de la Destrucciôn de las Indias, a vivid account of the Spanish crimes including statistics of their depredation. The result was the "black legend," a legend of excessive Spanish cruelty that generated either condemnation or

107 defense of the Spaniards' performance. This forced King Charles to rethink the policy of 1536 that validated the encomienda holdings for two generations and to appoint a group of notable men to formulate a policy designed to improve the administration of the Castilian colonies as well as protect the Indian population. Even before the New Laws were enacted in Barcelona on November 20,

1542, rumors of the forthcoming changes evoked discontent, distrust, and the mobilization of the encomenderos in Peru. The new ordinances represented a dramatic change in the administration of the encomienda system. Among other issues, the laws required the Indians to be assessed precise amounts of service and tribute, which were to be supervised and collected by royal officials. In addition, royal officials and churchmen were to lose their enconiiendas, whose titles were to be revised to prevent large numbers of Indians from being assigned to one grantee. However, what threatened more the interests of the encomendero group were the clauses stating: 1. that Indians would be removed from those encomenderos who participated in the disturbances in Peru; 2. no grants would be made in the future; and 3. the existing ones w ould revert to the crown after the death of the holder. Considerable speculation and concern by the encomenderos preceded the arriv al of the New Laws in Peru in 1544 together with the first judges of the Audiencia of Lima and the first Viceroy Blasco Nunez Vela, an arrogant and ill-tempered individual. The viceroy, as representative of the king of Spain, was the highest royal officer entrusted with power to establish a state apparatus and the laws to

108 govern Peru. His mission was expected to limit the unmatched

power of the encomendero group. However, Nunez Vela's

authoritarian temperament collided with the anarchic aspirations of the encomenderos, who customarily solved their differences through seditious acts based on links of patronage and clientelism.

In their aspirations to become local lords, the encomenderos had forgotten that they were merely vassals of the king of Spain.'

Gonzalo Pizarro, appointed as Procurador General by the

vecinos of Arequipa, Cusco, Huamanga, and Charcas—his place of residence, wrote a letter to Viceroy Nunez Vela on behalf of those cities and their encomenderos to protest against some of the clauses in the New Laws. The letter was to challenge Nunez Vela and the king of Spain, who had enacted the laws and appointed the viceroy.

In October 1544, Gonzalo confronted the viceroy in Lima. The irreconcilable positions held by Gonzalo Pizarro and Nunez Vela led to battle. Pizarro killed Nunez Vela who—be it in the name of King Charles—had dared challenge his authority and the interests of his comrades. On January 18 1546, in Ahaquito Gonzalo Pizarro obtained only a temporary victory. His arrogance prevented him from calculating the consequences of a fight with a royal official who was equally selfish. Confronting Nunez Vela, Gonzalo Pizarro

' John Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas (New York: Harcourt Brace & Company, 1970), 266-267; Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Cronica del Peril. Cuarta Parte, Vol. Ill Guerra de Quito, (Lima: Pontificia Universiad Catdlica del Peru, 1994), i:2-4, 231-232, 382-383; Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso ed., Cronica.s del P eril. Biblioteca de Autores Espaholes vol. 164 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1963), xxxvi; José Antonio del Busto Duthurburu, La Pacificacion del Peru (Lima: Librerfa Studium Editores, 1984), 49-50. 1 09 challenged the sovereign authority of the king, whose response was faster than Gonzalo had imagined.^

Royal policies designed to protect the Indians were temporarily suspended in order to pacify the encomenderos. To reconcile the encomenderos, the king revoked the irritating clauses that forbade royal officials to grant new encomiendas and the removal of Indians from those who had been involved in civil strife. However, his main concern was to pacify rebellious Peru. I n February 1546, from Flanders, King Charles appointed Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca to pacify Peru. Gasca belonged to the Council of the Holy Inquisition and had already served the King in delicate and confidential missions. Gasca was granted the office of President of the Real Audiencia de Lima and Comisario Real del Peru. He w as a sagacious man who enjoyed wide powers to check the seditious encomenderos and to bring peace to the land.^ Once Gasca arrived in Panama, he started to negotiate with Gonzalo P iz a rro s emissaries, who patrolled the Pacific Ocean from Panama to Peru to detect movements of Gasca and his crew. Wisely, Gasca explained the king's revocation of some of the New Laws and reminded the rebels of their obligations to their sovereign. At the same time. Gasca sent a personal emissary to interview Gonzalo Pizarro. The

- An outstanding interpretation of the initial colonial government i n Peru and its aftermath until the settlement o f the colonial state is provided b y Kenneth J. Andrien "Spaniards, Andeans, and the Early Colonial State i n Peru," in Kenneth J. Andrien and Rolena Adorno eds., T ransatlantic Encounters: Europeans and Andeans in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991), 121-148; Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas. 267-270.

^ Cieza de Ledn, Cronica del P eru . Guerra de Quito, ii:590-593. 1 10 emissary was to deliver a letter to the rebel from the king and another from himself and try to moderate his aggressive aspirations and pave the way to a peaceful agreement. The emissary was Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, who traveled with Gasca from Spain to Panama along with his natural son Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa.'* Hernandez Paniagua registered his request for passage to the

Indies in 1512. He claimed to be the son of vecinos from Las Garrovillas, in Extremadura. In reality, he did not travel until 1546 arriving in Tierra Firme with Gasca. His wife, several children, and assets—among them an entailed estate—remained in Plasencia.^ By means of his status and his peninsular origins in Extremadura.

Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was appointed to negotiate with Gonzalo Pizarro. Peninsular localisms and regionalisms were elements for regulating social relations; they were also crucial for building links and for solving quarrels. This explains the appointment of an emissary from Extremadura who enjoyed status like Hernandez Paniagua's to negotiate with the youngest of the Pizarros, a

4 Ibid.. 11:729-732. 733-743. ^ CatdlooQ de Pasajeros a Indias. 1509-1533 (Madrid: Espasa-Caipe. 1930). i:101; Peter Boyd-Bovvman. Indice Geo-biogrdfico de Cuarenta Mil Pobladores Espanoles de America en el Sigio XVI. (Mexico: Editorial Jus, 1968). i:34; AGI Patronato 142, Informaciôn de pedimiento de don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaissa de los servicios de su padre y abuelos, f. 1; AGI Patronato 146, Carta de M éritos de don Antonio Paniagua, f. 133. I thank Fray Mauricio Valcanover O.F.M, from Cochabamba (Bolivia) his extraordinary generosity in giving me full transcribed copies of Probanzas de Méritos y Servicios that belonged to various members of the Paniagua de Loaysa family located at the Archive General de Indias. 1 1 1 countryman who headed the rival faction and held a position difficult to reconcile.

Not even the dialogue with an old countryman could convince Gonzalo Pizarro to change his mind. Gasca organized his trip to Peru in mid-1547. The followers of Gonzalo Pizarro had started to abandon the rebel camp because of fear of Gonzalo's brutality and

the anticipated punishment of the king, whom Gasca represented. In October 1547, both armies met at Huarina, on the so u th eastern shores of Lake Titicaca. It was Gonzalo's last victory before his final defeat at Xaquixaguana, near Cusco on April 9, 1548. Here Gasca's army attracted a vast number of former Pizarrists, some defecting just hours before the battle and many literally crossing over and joining ranks with the royalists on the battlefield. The following day Gonzalo Pizarro and his fearsome lieutenant, Francisco Carvajal. were executed.^

After Xaquixaguana a new distribution of bullion, Indians, and land took place in Guaynarima in August 1548. Gasca awarded his ambassador, Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, 2,000 pesos ensaycidos from the vacant tributes and the encomienda of Pojo, whose

Indians were settled around the yungas of Pocona, Totora, Chamorro, and Chuquioma, northeast of La Plata. From 1548 until

his death in 1554 Hernandez Paniagua enjoyed vecindad at La Plata.7

^ Hemming, The Conquest of the Incas. 270-272.

^ Rafael Loredo, "El reparte de Guaynarima," Revista Historien xiii (Lima, 1940); 118; AGI, Patronato 142, f. 2v. 1 1 2 Grants awarded by Gasca did not fall to traditional royalists, nor those who held seniority in the conquest. On the contrary, his rewards went to those who helped him defeat Gonzalo Pizarro, though many of them switched sides at the last minute without conviction.® This attitude generated a new mass of malcontents, who subsequently rebelled in La Plata, Potosi and Cusco in 15 5 3 and 1554. Hernandez Paniagua sided with the colonial authorities and defended the established institutions. He died in 1554 from wounds received in the battle of Pucara.

Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was married to Dona Maria d e

Trejo, daughter of Gutierre Bermudez de Trejo, lord of the villages of Grimaldo and Corchuela, in Extremadura. Hernandez Paniagua was also a relative of Fray Jeronimo de Loaysa, a native of Trujillo, who was the first Bishop and later the Archbishop of Lima."^ Furthermore, the Hernandez Paniagua family was heir to the office of dean at the Cathedral of Plasencia, an office whose benefits were added to the assets obtained by Pedro Hernandez Paniagua in Peru. Although Hernandez Paniagua was from a well known family and was always surrounded by a group of his fellow countrymen, over whom he exercised patronage, he did not enjoy the title of "Don."

That title was reserved for his legitimate elder son, Don Gabriel

® Manuel Belaünde Guinassi, La encomienda an el Peril (Lima; Ediciones Mercuric Peruano, 1945), 113, 114-117; James Lockhart, Spanish Peru 1532- 1560. A Colonial Society (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1968). 16. ^ AGI, Patronato 146, f. 123v; Ida Altman, Emigrants and Society. Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1989), 21-22, 237. I 13 Paniagua de Loaysa. In light of Pedro Hernandez Paniagua's support

of the king during the Castilian Rebellion of the Communities,

Charles 1 awarded him the habit of the Order of Calatrava for his eldest son, who was then only ten years old. Beginning with th a t award, the title of Don was a patrimony of the family as proof of the privilege conceded to Pedro Hernandez Paniagua's hidalgui'aJ^ Hernandez Paniagua lived only six years in La Plata, several of which he spent in military campaigns; he was mortally wounded during the repression of his countryman Francisco Hernandez Giron. However, in the short time he spent in Charcas, he pursued many business ventures in La Plata. He purchased ranches and estates for stock raising and agricultural production that became the foundation of the family fortune. During that time, he also acted as middleman in real estate ventures while administering the assets of his countryman and partner, general Pedro Alonso de Hinojosa, one of the wealthiest encomenderos in Charcas, who was assassinated during the upheaval of 1553 in La Plata. Hernandez Paniagua also profited from the administration of decedent estates while in partnership with Juan Ortiz de Zarate—whom 1 will address in a later Chapter. As a vecino of La Plata, Hernandez Paniagua served as alcalde ordinario, administering local justice between 1550 and

AGI, Patronato 146, f. I23v; Raul A. Molina, "On'gen del Don," B ole tin de la Academia Nacional de la Historia xxxviii. Primera Seccidn (Buenos Aires, 1965): 297-303. 1 14 1551, one of the most important offices at the m unicipal

government level."

After Pedro Hernandez Paniagua died, his property and investments in Charcas were administered by his son, Alonso, who was prohibited from collecting the tributesof the encomienda because he was not the legitimate heir. The Indians of Pojo remained under the administration of the royal officials until 1558, when the legitimate heir and head of the house, Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, arrived in La Plata from Plasencia. •- The Paniagua de Loaysa family pursued a precise migratory strategy to further the interests of its lineage. The assets in

Extremadura deserved as much or more attention than those properties accumulated in Charcas. The need to attend to these peninsular assets explains the delay of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa in making his way to Peru. He was unwed when he left Plasencia, leaving his mother, five brothers and sisters, and a natural son. Don Gabriel was the representative of his fam ily ’s material and symbolic capital, and he was also a Knight ofCalatrava and lord of Santa Cruz. He became encomendero of Pojo and vecino of La Plata when he was 46 years old.'^

" ANB, EP Vol. I Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Diciembre 23 de 1550, fs. ccclvi-ccclvii; Ibi'd., La Plata, Marzo 9 de 1551, f. 30; Ibid., La Plata, Febrero 7 de 1553, f. cxlii v; Ibid., La Plata, Junio 14 de 1553, f. ccl.

‘2 a HP, CR 1. Potosi, Mayo 26 de 1556, f. 163; AHP, CR 2. Potosi, Julio 29 de 1559, f. 55v; Ibid., Junio 12 de 1560, f. 76; AGI, Patronato 142, f. 4v. *2 ANB, EP Vol. 3a Ldzaro del Aguila - Potosf, Mayo 23 de 1559, f. ccccxxix; EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Marzo 7 de 1563, fs. 1170-1171; AGI, Patronato 142, f. 53v y 55v. 1 I 5 The Comendador Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa; Status and Entrepreneurial Rationality

Don Gabriel Paniagua's entrepreneurial career does not differ from those of the other encomenderos I discuss in this study. However, Don Gabriel entered the New World endowed with a title that differentiated him from his fellow encomenderos and denoted his higher status. The title of "Don" provided him with a sym bolic capital, which increased his personal worth and allowed him to negotiate and to claim public responsibilities and viceregal offices. Social stratification was reflected in the Paniagua's personal network, which was organized under the hierarchical norms of the family—migration and marriage constituted the keys to understanding its configuration. I will argue that migration and marriage were two of the most profitable collective enterprises of the Paniagua family. Arriving unwed in Charcas may well have been a strategy laid down by Don Gabriel's family when he was a child. Clearly as in today's world, wealthy families never travel together as a group in order to prevent the lineage from disappearing because of a catastrophic incident. In sixteenth-century Iberian society a man conscious of his prestige, like Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, deliberately traveled with his natural son to seek fortune in the New World, leaving his elder legitimate son at home where, in case of his death, he would assume the prescribed responsibilities. I n Plasencia, Extremadura, Don Gabriel was the representative of the head of his lineage and the administrator of considerable assets. If I 1 6 fortune favored his father's migratory enterprise he had to leave

his country of origin to resettle in the New World. The death of

Pedro Hernandez Paniagua—who had received an encomienda and accumulated estates and fortune—made Don Gabriel's migration mandatory if he was to enjoy the family property as the elder son

and to create a family of his own. Marrying in the New W orld became the strategy chosen to build a branch of the family in the

place where Don Gabriel would acquire more economic assets and

gain political power. To make an alliance by marriage where grants

had already been acquired, and new businesses could be started, one required a permanent residence and a family including, at least, one heir to whom the assets could be passed.

Once he arrived in the New World to take over the fortune left by his father, Don Gabriel built a luxurious house in La Plata, i n

order to demonstrate his status. A display of status was the

necessary leverage to move to the next step and incorporate marriage in the strategy to build a lineage and secure a patrim ony that equated the lifestyle of a peninsular hidalgo. Following a brief engagement to the 12 year-old daughter of the encomendero Antonio Alvarez and Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo, Don Gabriel

married Dona Leonor Alvarez Verdugo, the sole heir of an encomendero family. Antonio Alvarez, a veteran of the conquest of

Tierra Firme, enjoyed two encomiendas; one at Totora in the yungas of coca close to the valleys of Mizque and Pojo and the other centered around the villages of Urinoca, Sabaya and Totora in the

1 17 cold altiplano of the province of Carangas (see Figure 4.2).'^ This

marriage constituted the union of two fortunes that were located in the same geographic area. The Paniagua encomienda at Pojo was close by his father-in-law's encomienda at Totora. Although Antonio Alvarez had gained seniority in the conquest and amassed a substantial fortune, Don Gabriel brought his peninsular status to the marriage.

Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa arrived in Charcas Just when the encomienda started its slow eclipse. In 1553, one of the clauses of the New Laws of 1542 that provoked the animosity of the encomenderos was enacted: Indians' personal service was abolished. Sensing a changing business climate, Don Gabriel, who needed to extract labor from his Indians, devised a plan to override the newly enacted clause. The need to expand the spectrum of his investments and strengthen the position of a family, whose primary source of profit was a grant that would expire after his death, led him to embark his Indians on an innovative enterprise.

During the 1550s and early 1560s, Don Gabriel Paniagua de

Loaysa was directly involved in the coca business. He profited from his chacras in the yungas of Chuquioma and had his Indians pay their tributes in baskets of coca.>5 Don Gabriel's coca fields represented access to a product in constant demand. The annual

There were two villages named Totora, one in the warm valleys near Cochabamba and the other in the middle of the altiplano, near northern Lake Poopo.

AHP, CR 1. Potosf. Mayo 26 de 1556, f. 163; AHP, CR 2. Potosi, Junio 12 de 1560, f. 76; ANB, EP Vol. 11 Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Junio 14 de 1561, f. Ixxxix-xc V.

1 1 8 harvests of coca produced high profits because it grew naturally in the wild and required no additional investment other than to possess land in the yungas and have an available labor force. Both free labor and the chacras were Don Gabriel's assets. After his marriage, Don Gabriel shared the coca business with his in-laws, who also profited from the coca. His father-in-law—as we will observe in the following section—provided the labor to work at the family's coca fields. This allowed Don Gabriel to set a new direction for his encomendados by the end of the 1560s, in an attempt to benefit from their free and unpaid labor. The Indians of Pojo became the key to building a textile enterprise of which Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa was the founder and architect.

In June 1568, Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa and Juan Ochoa de Salazar, a textile expert, set up a company for establishing an obraje that the encomendero planned to build in the warm valley of

Mizque, at the shores of the Tintm River. The main activity planned for the obraje was the production of cotton and woolen cloth like panos, say ales, frazadas de bayeta, cordellates, costales, jergas, and any other kind of cloth that the master recommended. Don Gabriel would be the sole investor and would be in charge of the construction of the galpones and the purchase and installation of the 8 looms and manufacturing equipment. The supply of raw materials and labor were also his responsibilities. He agreed to bring 10,000 sheep from his estancias to the obraje and draft 7 0 Indians in a continuous rotation from his encomienda.

1 19 Motivated by his own needs, Don Gabriel was able to convince the authorities to issue a provision re-establishing his Indians' personal service to work at his obraje. After appealing to the Audiencia de Charcas to grant him a special dispensation to utilize the personal services of his charges, Don Gabriel was granted the right to commute the Indians' tribute already assessed in cash an d in kind for labor. This is a prime example of how an encomendero like Don Gabriel used his status and influence to achieve a greater income by requesting a change in the legal mechanisms that prohibited the practice of Indians' personal services. Being aware of how to manipulate justice, Don Gabriel was successful in concealing a discourse that satisfied the Indians, the institutions, and his ow n interests. Don Gabriel's Indians had part of their tributary obligations assessed in baskets of coca, a product of high profit. Don

Gabriel wanted the incomes from the coca collection but he needed his Indians to work in his obraje. He devised a plan to convince the authorities that his Indians were dying from tropical diseases acquired at the yungas, while clandestinely using his fath er-in - law's charges to perform the same task. Masking his own needs for labor to start a new business, Don Gabriel was successful a t convincing the authorities to approve his argument that addressed the unhealthiness of working in the warm coca fields. After reviewing the archival material disclosing Don Gabriel Paniagua's economic interests in founding an obraje which h e completed by the end of the 1560s, it became clear why he chose to transfer the Chui Indians of his encomienda from Pojo to Mizque in

1 20 1563. Since he needed his Indians to work at the obraje, it w as

advantageous to concentrate them at Mizque. The Indians, however,

had to consent to leaving their villages for Mizque. A key person in securing the Indians' agreement was Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa, Don Gabriel’s half brother, who was their tutor and curator because

the Indians' were not allowed by law to administer their own

assets. With the Indians resettled in Mizque, where they were to perform their obligations to the encomendero, Alonso Paniagua

advised them to sell their lands located at the valleys of Cliza a n d Punata (the lands of Sacsa, Chavane and Muela).*^ This appears to

be a strategic manipulation performed by Don Gabriel and supported by his brother. The Audiencia of Charcas shared a part in

this manipulation by approving the curator's decision, which also demonstrates the power exercised by the encomendero over royal officials.

The Indians of his encomienda, however, were not the sole

labor force at the obraje. In devising the strategy of production the partners agreed to include nine African slaves with the encomienda

Indians. Three slaves were to be skilled in carpentry and dyeing, and the remaining six would work on general repairs. After th e obraje was constructed, if an increase in demand for labor was required, Don Gabriel would supply yanaconas, mulatos, a n d mestizos to work in the obraje. All of these would receive cloth from the mill's production as payment. Ochoa de Salazar agreed to

AMC, EC 6, Valle de Mizque, Noviembre 6 de 1563, fs. 1-13; EC 5, Valle de Mizque, Noviembre 6 de 1563, fs. 831-911. The mentioned lands were in south-southeastern Cochabamba. 1 2 1 pay a fourth of the salaries of yanaconas, mulatos and mestizos. Don

Gabriel was to be responsible for the remaining three quarters of the salary and to provide the food to maintain the laborers. A fter expenses, the profits were to be divided among the partners; Don Gabriel would take 75 percent and Ochoa de Salazar the remaining

25 percent. In addition, during the construction of the textile mill and for his work at the obraje, Ochoa would receive 800 pesos ensayados paid in cloth and Don Gabriel would provide him with lodging, food, and drink.

By the mid 1570s almost one third of the charges of Don Gabriel worked at the recently opened obraje. During Viceroy

Toledo's visita general in 1575, the official inspector, Pedro de Quiros Davila, confirmed Mizque as the sole pueblo de reducciôn. In the version of the Tasa located at the Archive General de la Nacion Argentina, 1 detected a remarkable difference in comparison with the document published by Noble David Cook. The visita performed during 1575 assessed 305 males between the ages of 18 and 5 0 years old and the total population was 1,343 people. The tributaries--exempted two caciques—were assessed 2,121 pesos ensayados and ordered to cultivate a chacra of 4 fanegadas of maize. The data published by Cook states that the inspection was conducted in 1579 and the tributaries were 227 which makes a difference of 78 Indians. If we consider that two were exempted as caciques, 76 tributaries were not accounted for, which allows me to

ANB, EP Vol. 10 Lazare del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 9 de 1568, fs. 217- 223; LAACh 2. La Plata, Lunes 6 de Octubre de 1567, f. 224v; Ibfd., Jueves 6 de Mayo de 1568, f. 270. 122 infer that 70 were working by their turns at the obraje and the missing six—given the four years difference between both surveys- -could have died or were absent. >8

It would have been desirable to have information about the amount and quality of cloth produced by the obraje as well as the profits from the commercialization of its cloth. Only discontinuous and partial records stating production quantities and commercial development, however, were found. Panos and sayales were mainly sold in Tucuman, where Don Gabriel had two agents, Diego and Santos Velazques (in Santiago del Estero), who sold yellow bayeta and white panoJ'^

The obraje established in Mizque was just one of the steps the encomendero climbed to build his immense patrimony, and was the starting point of the future textile industry in Cochabamba. Many other undertakings, however, distracted Don Gabriel from the commercial enterprise he started at the obraje. Although it is difficult to learn when the properties w ere purchased, haciendas, estancias, vineyards, chacras, cocales, orchards, houses, plots, and mines were included among Don Gabriel

AGN, Sala IX, Leg. 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tasas de las Provincias conttenidas en este Libro hechas en tiempo del Exmo. senor Don Francisco de Toledo, virrey que Cue de estos Reynos, fs. 161v-163. The data displayed by Noble David Cook in his edition of the Tasa de la Visita General de don Francisco de Toledo (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1973), 32 deffinitively belong to a later survey or were arranged to adjust the number of tributaries to the laws and instructions received by the inspector. The ca se of Mizque is not an exception to several inacuracies verified by comparing both versions of the survey. ANB, EP Vol. 2 Garcia de Esquivel - La Plata, Noviembre 10 de 1573, fs. 228v-229v; EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 9 de 1583, fs. 966- 967v. 123 Paniagua's assets. Geographically, the boundaries of the lands covered a wide range of territories and climates. Don Gabriel's

properties were scattered from the hot yungas in Pocona to the

warm valleys of Chuquisaca, in the stock-raising core of Charcas, passing through the city of La Plata to enter in the altiplano to the

mines of Potosf and Porco. The profits obtained from his diversified

enterprises led Don Gabriel to maintain the status of a well-to-do lineage whose prestige was socially appreciated. A portion of the

gains obtained from rural exploitation in Charcas went to increase

the income of Don Gabriel's mayorazgo in Santa Cruz de la Cibola (today Santa Cruz de Paniagua northwest Plasencia, Extremadura)

and to finance his official and military enterprises, whose benefits increased the family's symbolic capital. The accumulation of wealth

allowed Don Gabriel and his family to live a comfortable life. Economic position and social status were represented by his

wearing the habit of Calatrava—which provided him an extra

income of 12,000 maravedies a year. The symbolic value of being a Knight of a military order also led him to request habits for his sons

as well as offices in the city council or appointments in the viceregal administration.-^

-0 ANB, EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Febrero 19 de 1591, fs. I9v- 21; Angel Rodriguez Sanchez, "El poder y la familia. Formas de control y consanguinidad en la Extremadura de los tiempos modernos," in Poder. familia V consanguinidad en la Espana del Antisuo Regimen ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez and Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), p. 27. 1 24 Name L o c a tio n Exploitation Fanegadas Purchased at Sacaca Indians Chuquioma coca La Encina Chuquioma coca El Chaco Chuquioma coca ——— « « » — — 4.500* Chacarilla Nva. Chuquioma coca Obraje Mizque valley obraje ———————— Buena Vista close to obraje hacienda 52.088,4 Chimboata, Cola Totora chacras and ——— —— — 34.114 yo & Ardilla ranch Tipara Totora ranch Los Sauces Totora vineyard 20.286 El Novillero Valle Chinguri cattle ranch 25 maize chacra 25 Mizque valley Mizque valley maize chacra 22 Uyuchama Tintfn-Mizque ranch, maize 40 La Huaca Valle de Mizque wheat chacra 40 Houses Mizque main house 8.780 Houses La Plata houses for rent 28.200 Oroncota Yamparâez hacienda 27.890 Cachacacha Mojotoro valley hacienda 6.004,6 Pajcha Mojotoro valley vineyard, cha. 23.000 Cocurt Mojotoro valley hacienda Luxe - Tococala Sapse-Pocpo 4.000 Paslapaya Sopachuy Cocheguasi Yamparéez maize chacra 45 4.000 Guaya-pajcha La Plata orchard Tacancara 7 maize chacra 15 Salaca La Plata maize chacra 24 Mina de Cuadra Porco mine Veta del Estano Porco mines Veta Mendieta Potosi 7 1/2 varas Veta Mendieta Potosf 10 varas Urban lot Potosf 500 Mines Salinas Tunupa 45 varas Sub-total 213.363.2

Table 4,1 Détail of Don Gabriel Paniagua's properties. 1558-1604

Source: AMC MEC 3 Cotnposiciôn de las Cierras de Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa por Fray Luis Lôpez en 1593 n.f; Ibfd., Visita de yanaconas por el cap. Francisco Gutiérrez Bonifaz, corregidor y justicia mayor de este partido, Marzo-Abril de 1597; MEC 47 - Salinas del Rio Pisuerga, Noviembre 9 de 1646, fs. 92-94; ANB EP Vol. 4 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 14 de 1561, fs. Ixxxix-xc; EP Vol. 2 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata. Diciembre 9 de 1562, fs. 982; EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro de! Aguila - La Plata, Marzo 7 de 1563, fs. 1170-1171; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - Febrero 26 de 1568, fs. 348; Ibfd., Marzo 5 de 1568, fs. 155-156; Ibfd., Junio 9 de 1568, fs. 217-223; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Enero 23 de 1570, fs. 45-48; Ibfd., Julio 11 de 1570, fs. 274v-275v; Ibfd., Julio 28 de 1570, fs. 287-290; Ibfd., Mayo 7 de 1570, fs. cxl-cxli; EP Vol. 26 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 24 de 1576, fs. ccxxxviii-ccxxxix; EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 2 de 1568, fs. 968v-971v; EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 1 1 de 1583, fs. 1007v-1011; EP Vol. 33 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Abril 13 de 1585, fs. I7v- 20v; EP Vol. 34 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Mayo 28 de 1586, fs. 895-898; EP Vol. 44 Juan de Saldana - La Plat?, Diciembre 13 de 1593, fs. 777-779v; EP 29b Diego Sdnchez - (.a Plata. Setiembre 4 de 1336, fs. 1383v-1387. 125 % i#totora o uioma

^"^^^0k.Luje o o Mojotoro o La Plata

tosi j Sopachuy . Droncota 6

Figure 4.1 Properties owned by the Paniagua de Loaysa Family

126 It is possible to explore the Paniagua family's assets during the life of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa through the list of properties introduced on the previous page. Don Gabriel lived a long and prosperous life. As late as 1604 he appeared actively involved with signing contracts, hiring mayordomos, petitioning the authorities, and enjoying public offices.

Personal Networks and Family Business

The strongest links in the personal network of Don Gabriel Paniagua were his affectionate family and his commercial links with his elder and natural brother, Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa, who had arrived in Peru with their father, Pedro Hernandez Paniagua de Loaysa in 1546.

Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa was tutor and guardian for the Chuis Indians granted to his father and inherited by Don Gabriel. He was the counselor for all mercantile transactions and the adviser for any presentations or legal suits requested by the Indians, constituting a relational hinge between the Indians and their encom endero.-' At the same time, he was in charge of the various family ranches and had a particular interest in the sales of young bulls, cows, and sheep. To administer the business better, Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa established a commercial company with a person named Jeronimo de Villarreal. Along with stock-raising, the company sold Don Gabriel's cloth production from his obraje and

-' AMC, EC 6, Noviembre 6 de 1563, fs. 1-13. 127 thecoca from the family fields at Chuquioma.-- Thus, Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa was his brother's agent in two of his most important businesses, commerce and the encomienda. Initially a partner in his father's route to success in the New World and later his half brother's adviser, Alonso Paniagua had served in Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca's army against Gonzalo

Pizarro and later with Marshal Don Alonso de Alvarado during Francisco Hernandez Giron's uprising. Once relocated in Charcas,

Alonso Paniagua joined the expedition of Pedro Ramirez de Quinones—the President of the Audiencia of Charcas—to the province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra to settle a dispute betw een Andrés Manso and Nuflo de Chaves who, simultaneously, participated in the conquest in the region that is today eastern Bolivia. Later on, Alonso followed his brother Don Gabriel who. as Mciestre de Campo of Viceroy Toledo, participated in the conquest of

the Chiriguanos in 1575. For Don Gabriel's participation in the campaign against the Chiriguanos—in which he contributed by

taking along relatives and clients, funding soldiers, and supplying both arms and food—viceroy Toledo rewarded him with the office of corregidor of Cusco, where he relocated with his family and closest

-- ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 28 de 1564, fs. c c lx v i v-cclxvii; Ibi'd., Setiembre 25 de 1564, f. dxlviii; EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 28 de 1567, f. 913; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Noviembre 23 de 1568, f. 476; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 15 de 1570, f. 343; Ibid., Mayo 25 de 1571, f. clvi; Ibid., Junio 2 de 1571, f. clxxxvi; Ibid., Agosto 20 de 1571, f. ccxlvi; Ibid., Noviembre 12 de 1571, fs. ccccviii v-ccccix; EP Vol. 2 Garcia de Esquivel - La Plata, Julio 29 de 1572, f. dlxxvi; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Abril 28 de 1575, fs. cxxiv-cxxvii; Ibid., Diciembre 15 de 1575, ff. ccccix-ccccx; EP Vol. 16 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Mayo 25 de 1579. fs. 425v-426; Ibid., fs. 426-427; Ibid., Mayo 13 de 1583, f. 469; EP Vol. 17 Juan G arcia Torrico - La Plata, Mayo 25 de 1580, fs. 509v-510. 128 relatives. Don Gabriel served in Cusco for six years, during which time his brother Alonso became his alter ego in Charcas, acting as his representative and administrator of all the family assets and also serving as alcalde ordinario of La Plata.-^

Until 1585, when he left Charcas to return to Plasencia, Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa lived in the shadow of his half brother. His resettlement in Extremadura also furthered the family enterprise. Alonso Paniagua left Peru in the company of Don Gabriel's brother,

Don Luis de Trejo Paniagua, a resident of Cusco, Don Gabriel's sons Don Pedro and Don Antonio, and an African slave to serve them during the trip. Both uncles escorted the wealthy nephews, who were to study in Spain. Before departing to the peninsula, Alonso Paniagua settled with his brother, Don Gabriel, all of the accounts related to their common business. Alonso endowed his half-brother with 12,000 pesos ensayados from his accumulated profits. Don Gabriel instructed Alonso to take the 12,000 pesos ensayados with him to invest part of the money in annuities, with the rest to be added to the entail located in Santa Cruz de la Cibola. Moreover, Don Gabriel and his wife sent 30,000 pesos ensayados from the third and fifth parts of their assets to increase the inheritance of their first­ born son, Don Pedro Paniagua de Loaysa, who would inherit the entailed land in Extremadura and in Charcas. The money entrusted with Don Alonso was to go to Don Gabriel's closest relatives; Don

Garcia de Loaysa, his brother and dean of the Cathedral of Plasencia;

AGI, Patronato 142, f. 2-3v, 4v-5, 29v-30v, 54-55; EP Vol. 22 Juan B ravo - La Plata, Setiembre 3 de 1572, f. cccxi; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Octubre 6 de 1573, fs. 376v-377. 1 29 Don Luis de Trejo Paniagua, his younger brother; and Dona Maria de Zuniga, Marchioness of Mirabel, his sister-in-Iaw.24

In 1589 Don Garcia de Loaysa, dean of the Cathedral, died in Plasencia. Don Gabriel inherited the entire rights to enjoy the sehorio of Santa Cruz de la Cibola and its belongings, over which he had civil and criminal rights. Through his father, Don Gabriel, Don Pedro Paniagua de Loaysa inherited the office of dean at the Cathedral. The lack of legitimate heirs from the family branch in Plasencia caused the office of dean of the Cathedral to be passed on to the family branch in Charcas. The wealth accumulated by the Paniaguas in

Extremadura started to be enjoyed by those settled in La Plata, some of whose offspring were temporarily living in Spain. Don Gabriel and his wife conferred general representation and administrative powers on their brother Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa and their eldest son. Don Pedro. Only Alonso, however, had the right to usufruct over the assets.-5 A few years later Alonso Paniagua died without having married or produced an heir.

By marrying Doha Leonor Alvarez Verdugo in 1564, Don

Gabriel entered into the circle of a family with a tradition linked to the enterprise of the conquest. Within this circle, kinship meant an association that enlarged the scope of his family business but, overall, kinship created an ego-centered and close knit personal network. The in-laws, as well as his kin, provided Don Gabriel with

ANB, EP Vol. 21 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 3 de 1585, n.f; EP Vol. 34 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Marzo 3 de 1586, fs. 244-246v.

-5 ANB, EP Vol. 26 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Octubre 12 de 1589, fs. 1971- 1975v. 130 social capital to enlarge the scope of his network and with direct access to his father-in-law's and natural son's properties and labor, enabling him to diversify his already expanded business assets. Don Gabriel's personal network included his father-in-law,

Antonio Alvarez, and all of his kin. The bonds between Antonio Alvarez Melendez and the Paniaguas can be traced back to events from Peru's post-conquest period. During the Civil Wars, Antonio Alvarez and Pedro Hernandez Paniagua de Loaysa—Don Gabriel's father—started a friendship that later became a commercial partnership. They met during the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro fighting in the loyalist army led by Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca. After the reassignment of encomiendas that took place in

Guaynarima in 1548, they became vecinos of La Plata where they held offices in the cabilclo. Five years later Pedro Hernandez

Paniagua escaped death at the hands of Don Sebastian de Castilla who, took advantage of local factionalism to launch his rebellion from La Plata to Potosi.-^ In 1554, Paniagua and Alvarez were captains in Marshal Don Alonso de Alvarado’s army fighting against Francisco Hernandez Giron. Again, discontent over the lack of rewards after the Gonzalo Pizarro rebellion and the advent of the decree prohibiting Indians' personal service and the new tribute assessment, led Francisco Hernandez Giron and his fellows to rebel in Cusco. Before the death of Hernandez Paniagua after the battle of Pucara in October 1554, both Paniagua and Alvarez collaborated on

Diego Fernandez de Palencia, Primera y Segunda parte de la H istoria del Peru [1571] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles 164-165 (Madrid: E dicion es Atlas, 1963), ii:284-314. I 3 1 several transactions that proved their mutual confidence and solidarity.

Nevertheless, the income that theencomenderos such as Paniagua and Alvarez received from their Indians and the extraordinary profits they obtained through internal market management, did not seem enough to finance their luxurious lifestyle. Sometimes these wealthy colonial magnates had financial problems and suffered from a lack of cash, despite having accumulated valuable real estate. A modern banking system with accessible loans could have helped tosolve the encomenderos' temporary financial problems. Instead, they had to rely on the savings of Monasteries or Convents as well as the cash deposited at the city council's treasury or funds from capellanias instituted b y donations or endowments accumulated for the construction of public works. Only those who enjoyed status and office were in a position to get credit. They were the clients of majordomos and patrons of those non-traditional financial institutions, who by means of loans, payable in censos, reproduced their initial capital. Censos were a kind of mortgage loan that, by offering one or more properties as collateral, provided access to scarce cash resources. Set at a specific rate of interest (between 5 and 7 percent), the mortgages required semi-annual or annual payments. Although the capital was not redeemed, the interest had to be paid to avoid loss of collateral. This was how capital was accumulated to construct the Cathedral of the city of La Plata. In 1553, failure of Antonio Alvarez to pay his obligations, led the administrator of the funds to build the Cathedral

132 of La Plata to schedule a public auction of his properties had as

collateral. The administrator planned to auction Alvarez's properties

for 8,000 pesos ensayados, to recover the loan amount of 5,000 pesos ensayados that belonged to the construction funds. Because of the ties forged in the past when both men were no more than

ambitious conquistadors, Paniagua assumed responsibility for the

debts of Alvarez. His action prevented an embargo of the collateraled properties of Alvarez and canceled the auction of his assets^? Loyalty and camaraderie of this type were strengthened between peers who had previously shared the hazards of the conquest and certain business enterprises; the ties were further fortified through arranged marriages. Kinship provided a platform from which a lineage would grow and businesses develop. The marriage of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa with Dona Leonor

Alvarez Verdugo welded the link between the two families that began with the partnership of Pedro Hernandez Paniagua and Antonio Alvarez. The newly married couple established a residence in La Plata and Don Gabriel rapidly assumed the role of adviser to the kin group. Don Gabriel's official positions and the demands of his family's investments required the couple to move frequently.

Although being vecinos of La Plata, by the mid 1560s Don Gabriel and his in-laws had settled in Mizque. Since Don Gabriel and his in ­ laws enjoyed encomiendas within the jurisdiction of La Plata, they were obligated by the crown to provide military service for life as

ANB, EP Vol. I Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Febrero 7 de 1553, f. cxlii v. 133 one of the conditions for maintaining their grants. These services encompassed the safeguard of frontiers, the repression of seditious movements, and the conquest of new lands. Military duties or the exercise of the vecindad, could not be avoided. If temporarily absent from his residence, an encomendero had had to provide the local authorities with a replacement, to whom he delegated the obligations concerning the duties of a vecino. Don Gabriel’s personal and family businesses were, without doubt, more important than the fulfillment of his obligations as vecino. The following excerpt written in 1567 by Licenciado Juan de Matienzo, aider of the Audiencia de Charcas, to Licenciado Lope Garcia de Castro-- temporarily in charge of viceregal government—demonstrates the vecinos avoidance of their duties which they subordinated to their economic and political interests:

"Don Gabriel Paniagua [who] a dos anos o cerca dellos que con toda su casa y la de Antonio Alvarez y Hernân Cabrera esta ausente en Mizque y no vyene aunque le a sido mandado por provision desta audiençia."2s

Four years earlier, the same oidores who had blamed Don Gabriel (as the previous statement shows), recommended that he undertake the conquest of Tucuman at his own expense. The

Roberto Levillier, La Audiencia de Charcas. Correspondencia de Présidente v Oidores. 3 vols. (Madrid and Buenos Aires: Coleccion de Publicaciones Historiens de la Biblioteca del Congreso Argentine, 1918), i: 219. 1 34 audiencia agreed with the proposed enterprise because Don Gabriel

had a clientele of "muchos amigos" that would accompany him on

the journey. An expedition to Tucuman would be costly in terms of human loses, which would result in fewer "gente holgazana" returning to claim rewards.-^

The encomenderos commonly manipulated the audiencia and

the audiencia in turn, oftentimes, manipulated the encomenderos. The audiencia offered Don Gabriel a risky and costly mission in the

hope of controlling resources and lands of the newly-conquered to benefit the realm and, at the same time, getting rid of m any disgruntled Peninsulars whose claims could not be met. For his part, the encomendero was seduced by the chance to acquire fame, glory,

and honor that would result from a successful campaign. Thus, the relation between the encomenderos and the institutions was built on the basis of each exploiting the other for their mutual profit.

In 1567, when Licenciado Matienzo wrote his complaint to the viceroy regarding Don Gabriel's attitude, the obraje was Just getting started in Mizque. Don Gabriel began concentrating his family and

Indians in the valley of Mizque in order to benefit his new textile business. Don Gabriel Paniagua's father-in-law supported his business and offices adding to his assets the invaluable social capital

that a vast kin provided. When Antonio Alvarez Melendez died, Don Gabriel became the administrator of his father-in-law's properties, which he later passed on to his heirs.

Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. i:93. 135 Born in Astorga before 1510, Antonio Alvarez Meléndez arrived in Peru in 1536 from Nicaragua, where he had been a soldier of Pedrarias Davila. He participated in the siege of Cusco in 1536, where he met Don Alonso de Alvarado with whom he later served under during Francisco Hernandez Giron's revolt in the decade of 1550s. Since his arrival in Peru, however, he rem ained under the patronage of the Pizarros, fighting at their side against Diego de Almagro and his son, Diego "el mozo." He became a vecino of La Plata because of his close friendship with Gonzalo Pizarro. Initially, Alvarez was the encomendero of a group of M oyo-m oyo and the Indians of Sicuani (Chicoana). His me reed was located in the distant and unconquered Tucuman (today northwest Argentina), which prevented him from enjoying the tributes of his Indians. By the mid-sixteenth century, the Tucuman Indians and their territory were an invulnerable barrier to the Spaniards.^o

Since the discovery of silver in Porco, Antonio Alvarez had been Gonzalo Pizarros partner in his mining business. They had formalized their company in Yucay in 1539, into which both incorporated their encomienda Indians, slaves, silver and gold mines. Since Gonzalo Pizarros assets were larger than those of Alvarez, they split the profits and the expenses unevenly with 7 5 percent going to Gonzalo Pizarro and 25 percent to Antonio Alvarez.

Furthermore, Alvarez had been Gonzalo’s representative in Charcas,

Cieza de Leon, Cronica del Peru. Guerra de Quito, 1:217; AGI P atron ato 142, f. 3v; Cieza de Leon, Cronica del P eru . Cuarta Parte, Guerra de Las S a lin a s (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peru, 1991), xviii, 82; José A n to n io del Busto D., Diccionario Historico Biogrdfico de los Conquistadores del Peril (Lima: Editorial Arica S.A., 1973), 1:187-189. 136 where he was appointed by Francisco Pizarro alguacil mayor in La Plata.31 Antonio Alvarez was enjoying his office there when

Francisco Pizarro was assassinated in 1541. After fighting in the battle of Chupas—where Diego de Almagro, "el mozo," was defeated- -governor Vaca de Castro confirmed for Alvarez his grants of

Indians in Chicoana. When his friend and partner Gonzalo Pizarro

rebelled against the viceroy, Blasco Nunez Vela, in 1544, Alvarez was La Plata's alcalde ordinario. From Charcas he opposed his former

partner who, in revenge, sentenced Alvarez to death. For being at the royalist side in Xaquixaguana, however, Licenciado Pedro de la

Gasca awarded Antonio Alvarez 1,200 pesos ensayados from vacant tributes and the encomienda of Carangas and Moyo-moyo, formerly enjoyed by Don Gomez de Luna. The Carangas, inhabitants of the western aliiplaiio. located their settlements at the shores of the Desaguadero River and Lake Poopo. Since Diego de Almagro's expedition to Chile, the Carangas had been in touch with the

Spaniards. Moreover, they were one of the first Aymara nations Francisco Pizarro granted in encomienda to different persons from

1534 onwards. Once Francisco Pizarro was assassinated and the Civil Wars that endangered the colony between 1542 and 1548 were over, a considerable number of criados or clients of the bosses of

3' AGI, Patronato 142, fs. 57v-61v; 62-64v. 137 both factions in the conflict succeeded to the various encomiendas

of Carangas?- Antonio Alvarez received a grant of Carangas from the towns of Totora, Urinoca, and Sabaya. In addition, Alvarez was granted the Uro population associated with the Carangas and mitmaqkuna from other nations.33 The succession of cédulas issued between 1534 and

1548 left the Carangas' encomenderos entangled in a series of confused lawsuits that were presented at the Audiencias of Lima and Charcas. Involved in the lawsuits were Francisco and Pedro de Ysasaga, Lope de Mendieta, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Antonio Alvarez. Between 1550 and 1570 some of the cases were brought before the Council of the Indies in search of solutions. The nature of the lawsuits and the complaints of the encomenderos allow me to observe, through the cédulas de encomiendas. how the encomenderos made various private arrangements, regarding their encomiendas. The cédula de encomienda was the sole legal instrument that permitted the encomenderos to enjoy a specified number of Indians. The encomenderos exchanged villages. kurakakuna, tributes and labor at their whim, without the consent of the audiencia. When disagreements and differences could not be

AGI, Justicia 658 N° 2. Méritos de Antonio Alvarez y depdsito de Gasca. Cusco, 30 de Agosto de 1548, fs. 381-383. I thank Catherine J. Julien for her generosity in handing me a copy of this document. Rafael Loredo, "Relaciones de repartim;ientos que existian en el Perd al finalizar la rebelidn de Gonzalo Pizarro," Revista de la Universidad Catdlica del Peru viii:i (Lima, 1940): 54; Id., "El reparto de Guaynarima," 118; Pedro de Cieza de Ledn, Cronica del P eru . Cuarta Parte, Vol. II, Guerra de Chupas (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Perd, 1994), 162, 164; Ibid., Guerra de Quito, i: 261 and ii: 509. AGI, Escribam'a 843c, Pieza 2, fs. 101v-106v, 110-113; AGI, Justicia 658 N° 2, fs. 384-385. 138 resolved among themselves, the encomenderos went before the court for solutions and sometimes had to make public their private arrangements. Lope de Mendieta, for example, had voluntarily ceded to Antonio Alvarez the Indian village of Guachacalla and the estancia

Camacha. Those settlements belonged to Mendieta's half of Sabaya, whose Indians both encomenderos shared. Years later, and in the middle of a lawsuit, Mendieta offered Alvarez 5,000 pesos ensayados to desist from the case against him. The amount offered represented a compensation for those tributes collected from

Indians that had belonged to Alvarez. Mendieta re-paid Alvarez the 500 pesos ensayados that he had spent during the lawsuit.-^-^ Certainly the tributes collected by Mendieta should have been higher than the amount he offered Alvarez, yet the sum was attractive enough to persuade Alvarez to desist from the case.

Evidently, private agreements were faster and more efficient than the dependence on a verdict from the courts. Moreover, if taking into account a lawsuit's expenses—guarantees, protocols, embargoes, attorneys' fees, traveling to the viceregal court—the one who was sure to lose the lawsuit (Mendieta in this case) preferred to compensate (Alvarez in this case) and put an end to the lawsuit that would not have resulted in his favor. In the early 1550s, Mendieta died without a legitimate heir and his encomienda remained vacant.

It was then that Antonio Alvarez again petitioned the authorities b y

3"* AGI, Justicia 658 N° 2, fs. 386-399v; ANB, EP Vol. I Caspar de Rojas - Enero 18 de 1555, fs. xxxvi-xxxvii; EP Vol. 3a Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata. Noviembre 29 de 1558, fs. 543v-544; EP Vol. 3b Francisco de Reinoso - La Plata, Febrero 27 de 1560, fs. dxliv-dxlvi. 139 suing the heirs of Lope de Mendieta. Alvarez's claim was for the uncollected tributes of certain Indians from Sabaya, requesting that he be compensated with Mendieta's half of the proceeds. At the same time, Alvarez continued a lawsuit with Francisco de Ysasaga and Dona Teresa de Avendano, the widow of Pedro de Ysasaga, over the village of Andamarca. In his attempt to bring closure to the lawsuit, Antonio Alvarez combined a proposal to end the case with a statement of his méritos y servicios. He offered to give up both lawsuits and also to renounce his grant of Carangas from Totora, if new concessions were made to let him enjoy both halves of the encomienda of Sabaya and the vacant grant of M oyo-moyo and Churumatas settled in the y ungas of Totora.^5 Amazingly, his representative at the Audiencia of Lima was Juan Ortiz de Zarate.

Zarate was encomendero of the remaining half of Totora in Carangas that Alvarez wanted to give up. At the same time, Zarate was the sole heir of his brother Lope de Mendieta, whom Alvarez sued for inappropriate collection of tributes from the Sabaya, the Indians they both had shared. Alvarez's intention of resigning his Carangas from Totora probably represented a way to settle his differences with Zarate, who at the same time could claim both halves of Totora for himself. The request for a new grant of the Churumatas and Moyo-moyo from the yiingas of Totora was made in order to obtain the necessary labor to exploit his coca fields located in the surrounding area.

35 ANB, EP 3b Francisco de Reinoso - La Plata, Febrero 27 de 1560. fs. dli v-dxlvi. 140 Regarding the encomienda Indians, the three encomenderos

requested that the audiencia join the divided halves of Carangas

because of their need to use Indian labor in their common businesses. This explains the attitudes of Antonio Alvarez, Lope de Mendieta, and Juan Ortiz de Zarate. The three had Carangas in encomienda. The first two had been partners in the exploitation of mines in Porco; and, although they had pending lawsuits regarding their Indians, they subordinated their claims to profit from mining, an activity in which theCarangas had been pioneers Antonio Alvarez had invested in mining since the discovery of Porco in 1538. Mining became the Alvarez family business and much human and material capital was invested in its development.

Antonio Alvarez had two natural sons, Juan and Cristobal Alvarez Melendez, who were born while Alvarez was living in Mexico.

Cristobal Alvarez Meléndez became his father's representative and administrator in Porco and a mine owner in Potosi, where he had a share of 60 varas in the Veta de Mendieta and another 60 shares in the Veta de Cristobal Lopez. Antonio Alvarez’s business in Potosi was managed by his brothers-in-law Caspar and Sancho Verdugo de

Angulo and Hernân Cabrera de Cordoba, who also maintained mines and mills there. Hernân Cabrera de Cordoba, who married Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo's sister, had a pension of 1,000 pesos ensayados from the tributes of Achacache and another of 1,300 from the vacant encomienda of Sipe Sipe. Cabrera de Cordoba was later

ABN, EP Vol. I Juan Luis Soto - Potosf, Julio 13 de 1549, f. 63v. 14 1 granted a group of Moyo-moyo Indians settled close to La Plata.^^

Cabrera de Cordoba also owned 16 varas in the Veta Rica, 10 in the Veta del Estano and some more in partnership with different people, all of them located in the Cerro Rico of Potosi. Additionally, at 1 1 léguas from Potosf, in the Mataca valley, he had a refining mill, from which he received 22 mitayos after Viceroy Toledo's distribution of Indians. Caspar and Sancho Verdugo de Angulo possessed 20 varas in the Veta Rica, 15 varas in the Veta del Estano, and 9 varas in the so called Veta de Don Francisco de Lobato.^^

Alvarez's business in Porco led him to request a distribution of Indians from the Audiencia, which favored the mine owners at that mining camp. In 1562, the Real Audiencia of Charcas agreed to send 500 Indians to labor in Porco, anticipating the future corvée labor ordinances issued by viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo a decade la te r.A lv a re z exploited an entire mine of 60 varas in Porco which he shared with two partners,Lope de Castro (see Chapter 3.

Almendras) and Juan Travieso. He donated to his daughter Dona Leonor Alvarez Verdugo his 30 varas that bordered other family properties. The mine to the north belonged to Caspar Verdugo de

Angulo and the mine to the south bordered Sancho Verdugo de

ANB, EP Vol.6 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 15 de 1564, f. cccclx x i; AHP, CR 4 - Potosi, Setiembre 11 de 1568, fs. 254v-255v. 3* ANB, EP Vol. 3 Ldzaro del Aguila - Potosi, Mayo 26 de '559, f. 448v; EP Vol. 2 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 9 de 1562, f. 958v; EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Octubre 8 de 1586, fs. 1699v-1701; EP Vol. 58 Jeronimo de Frias - La Plata, Enero 5 de 1592, ff. 20-28; Luis Capoche, Relacion General de la Villa Imperial de Potosf [1585] Lewis Hanke ed., Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles 122 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1959), 84, 97; 82, 121; 81, 82, 91. ANB, LAACh 1 - La Plata, Enero 20 de 1562, f. 5v. 142 Angulo's mine; both owners were Alvarez's brothers-in-law. At the

beginning of the 1560s, the Verdugo brothers started the extension

of a shaft to improve the mining exploitation. An expert miner was hired to do a job for which he would receive ownership rights to a fifth of the mine and a fifth of its future profits. By reviewing the

accounts submitted by Cristobal Alvarez Meléndez to his father it is possible to understand how the family's agricultural and livestock-

raising enterprises were integrated with mining.**® The production

from Alvarez's estates and the income in kind from his encomienda were delivered to his mines in Porco to feed the labor force and the employees residing at the mining village.

Under the government of Viceroy Count of Nieva in 1562.

Alvarez received yet another encomienda that he had requested. The Churumatas and Moyo-moyo from Totora (settled in northern Mizque) became valuable assets to be added to the Alvarez-

Paniagua family businesses in the yungas. In 1563. Alvarez arranged with his son, Juan Alvarez Meléndez. to collect the eight mitas or turns of labor owed by his encomendados (four by each group) in the yungas of Chamorro. Each mita represented 42 cestos of coca, that meant 336 per year to be marketed in La Plata.-*‘ Moreover, Juan Alvarez Meléndez, natural son of Antonio Alvarez, lived in Chuquioma while in charge of the family's coca fields. He was in charge of administering his father's coca chacras and

**® ANB, EO Vol. 2 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1562, fs, 950-95 Iv; EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro del Aguila - Mayo 2 de 1563, fs. 653-656.

**' ANB, EP Vol. 4 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Marzo 3 de 1562, n.f; Ibid.. Setiembre 28 de 1562, f. ccxxviii v; EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Febrero 22 de 1563. f. 1135. 143 collecting the coca from the Indians at Totora. Juan managed to

increase the volume of coca collected to receive 50 cestos per mita from 1563 onwards, which he took for his payment as administrator. The coca trade was one of the most profitable enterprises for Don Gabriel and his in-laws. The relatives managed

the supply of Indian labor needed to collect the coca leaves from

their own and Don Gabriel's fields. The work force was provided b y the Indians from the small encomienda at Totora and, if needed, Don

Gabriel's yanaconas^- Like the first encomenderos of Charcas,

Antonio Alvarez also owned land in the valleys of Cocuri and Pajcha (Mojotoro), Luje and Tococala surrounding La Plata.^^

Son-in-law (Don Gabriel) and father-in-law (Alvarez) contracted and administered their businesses collectively. As Antonio Alvarez's representative, Don Gabriel Paniagua arranged the joint exploitation of the mines they owned in Porco. At the same time, Don Gabriel authorized different people to collect his father's- in-law debts and Indians' tributes, and relieved Alvarez's natural sons from any administrative responsibilities. On more than one occasion, Don Gabriel had to intervene personally in Antonio

ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 22 de 1564, f. xxvii. Each basket of coca should weight 22 pounds: Marfa Rostworowski de Diez Canseco "La tasa ordenada por el Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca (1549)," R evista H istorica Tomo xxxiv (Lima, 198): 81.

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Setiembre 26 de 1553, fs. ccxiv-ccxv; EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Agosto 25 de 1567, fs. 9 3 5 v- 936. 144 a

Figure 4.2 Properties owned by the Alvarez Vertugo Family

145 Alvarez’s mines and coca business where his brothers-in-law, Juan and Cristobal Alvarez Meléndez, proved to be inefficient.-^^

As Don Gabriel's investments widened and strengthened, he also extended his circle of personal connections. His clients and agents, either relatives or countrymen, occupied slots in his personal network where everybody was linked, and quite a few w ere wealthy. They knew one another, and owed services and favors according to their place in the network.

One way to measure Don Gabriel's wealth was by the am ount that he paid in tithes, but unfortunately, the exact amounts of these tithes from all his properties are not available. The harvest and reproduction of livestock, however, from his estates at Pajcha and Cocuri do provide some indication of his wealth. During the decade of 1560s the tithes for the valley of Mojotoro were incorporated with the ordinary ones belonging to the ecclesiastic province of Charcas. In 1568, the tithes of the province of Charcas w ere auctioned to Bartolomé de Arvallo for 15,000 pesos ensayados. Don Gabriel had to pay 1,936 pesos ensayados for 120 calves appraised at 1 peso and 6 tomines, 800 sheep, goats, and pigs at 3 to mines each, 60 fane gas of wheat and maize from both estates at 1 peso per fanega and 1,120 pesos ensayados for the fruit of Pajcha. At the same time that Don Gabriel arranged with Arvallo a method for paying the tithes, they established a company to exploit the so-

ANB, EP Vol.7 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 30 de 1565, f. ccclxxxiii; Ibid., Julio 21 de 1565, f. ccccix; EP Vol. 8 Lazaro el Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 25 de 1566, fs. 671v-674; EP Vol. 9 Lazaro del .Aguila - La Plata, Marzo 29 de 1567, f. 787. 146 called Mina de Cuadra that the Paniagua family had in the Mina Vieja at Porco. The encomendero operated the mine for 75 percent of the profit and expenses and the tithe collector received 2 5 percent/s

Located in the warm valley of Mojotoro, Pajcha was an estate that included a vineyard, wine cellars and an infrastructure for wine production, an orchard with different kinds of fruit trees, and fertile land for cultivating cereals. By 1583, Don Gabriel and his wife sold Pajcha for 23,000 pesos ensayados which they immediately invested in commerce at Potosi.-^^

Commerce began to be an important family source of income between 1585 and 1600. It was by then that Don Gabriel, being close to the end of his life—that also meant the end of his

started a commercial company in partnership with his in-laws and younger brother. Relatives operating as Don Gabriel's agents were in charge of the various branches of the company. The business was managed by Gonzalo Fernandez de Espinoza and

Captain Luis Garcia de Melo in La Plata, Cristobal de Espinoza in Potosi, and Don Gabriel's younger brother, Don Luis de Trejo

Paniagua, who had come back from Plasencia, in Cusco.-*^ The company's commercial activity was considerable since in only one

ANB, EP Vol.9 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, Febrero 26 de 1568, fs. 348- 349; Ibi'd., La Plata, Marzo 5 de 1568, fs. 155-156v. "^^ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 11 de 1583. fs. 1007v-l011; EP Vol. 21 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 21 de 1584, fs. 29- 30.

ANB, EP Vol. 41 Jeronimo de Porres - La Plata, Junio 12 de 1590, fs. 770v-772v; EP Vol. 43a Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Julio 26 de 1591, fs. 14 8 3 v - 1486V. 147 transaction the partners received 9,197 pesos ensayados, an amount

that was worth approximately three large houses in La Plata. By means of a draft of cloth and diverse commodities, in 1592 the company had sent to Potosf merchandise worth 47,000 pesos ensayados

Focusing on commerce, Don Gabriel decided to sell his coca fields—mainly inherited from his brother Alonso—as they were no

longer profitable to him. He transferred El Chaco, La Encina and the surrounding fields, including the coca lands purchased previously from the Charka Indians of Sacaca. All the Indians assigned to labor at the coca fields were also included in a transaction that represented an income of 4,250 pesos ensayados A few years later, Don Gabriel sold the estate of Cocheguasi and the lands close to the stables of La

Plata for 4.000 pesos ensayados and returned to Cusco to serve as corregidor for the third time between 1601 and 1603.-'**^ The new assignment required the family to move again. Don

Gabriel and his mother-in-law. Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo, appointed a considerable group of majordomos and administrators to take charge of their interests in Charcas. Don Gabriel's nephew -in- law and his partner in the commercial company, Cristobal de Espinoza, remained in charge of collecting both encomenderos'

ANB, EP Vol. 43a Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Abril 16 de 1591, fs. 9 6 0 - 971 v; Ibid., Julio 26 de 1591, fs. 1486v-1490; EP Vol. 58 Pedro de Cervantes - La Plata, octubre 17 de 1592, fs. 1275v-1276v.

ANB, EP Vol. 28 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Febrero 20 de 1592, fs. 2 4 8 - 252v.

ANB, EP Vol. 29b Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Setiembre 4 de 1596, fs. I383V-1387. 148 tributes and debts until his uncle called him to Cusco where he was appointed alguacil may or.

For his numerous services to the crown, Don Gabriel aggressively petitioned the audiencia to gain control over his mother-in-law's grants after her death. These encomiendas were to be inherited by Don Gabriel's elder son and successors. Like no other family in the district, the Paniaguas kept their encomiendas for four generations.

The Paniagua family's control over the encomiendas of Pojo and Carangas ended with the death of Don Gabriel and his mother- in-law. He tried to avoid losing control over those grants, and in

1582 he started to petition the local authorities for the encomiendas' prolongation with a statement of his own merits and services, to which he added his father's, father-in-law's, natural brother's, and natural son’s, who had served in the conquest and colonization of the

New World. Don Gabriel declared himself a father of five children-- two sons and three daughters (another son was yet to be born). As a father of several offspring to whom he had to transfer his status, symbolically and materially, he complained about his multiple expenses to maintain his family's status. He argued that he was being harmed by the diminishing of the population of and tributes from his encomienda; the latter having declined from a supposed annual income of 20,000 pesos ensayados, to only 1,400 pesos ensayados in 1582.52

5' ANB, EP Vol. 121 Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Enero 9 de 1602, fs. 102- 104v; Ibfd., Diciembre 3 de 1602, fs. 1235-1239. 52 AGI, Patronato 142, fs. 6v-7v. 149 As a reward for Don Gabriel's merits and services to the crown, submitted to the Audiencia of Charcas, he requested an additional generation—a third term—to the encomienda of Carangas that

belonged to his young mother-in-law. Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo. By 1582 she was in her 50s. He must have been certain that he was going to die before his mother-in-law, because he requested the extra generation of her encomienda to be passed on to his eldest

son, Don Pedro Paniagua de Loaysa. In addition, Don Gabriel asked

for 6,000 pesos ensayados a year from the vacant encomiendas as further compensation for his services to the king.53

Although the encomienda had diminished in value, the grant

still represented much more than the appraised valued of its

tributes. After all, the labor of an encomendero's charges added invaluable extra assets. It was the availability of free labor obtained

by extra-economic coercion that made an encomienda an extremely profitable business. Although the political and economic context had changed dramatically in Charcas by the end of the sixteenth- century, the encomienda still provided human resources and prestige to the holder. The encomenderos had lost much of their profit after the 1550s, when laws that curtailed their indiscriminate appropriation of Indian surplus were enacted. The initial m arket reliance on the encomenderos between 1540 to 1560 had given space to generalized mercantile practices in a regional market managed by professional merchants who made their way the rule in doing business. At the same time, mining, agriculture, and stock

53 Ibid. 150 raising were no longer the patrimony of a tiny group of encomenderos who, by the end of the century were challenged b y the competition of colonists who were not encomienda holders. This explains why Don Gabriel turned to commerce during the 1580s, in an attempt to take advantage of a profitable source of accumulation and reproduction of capital.

After Don Gabriel's presentation before the audiencia to be granted his mother-in-law's encomienda, his first born son, Don

Pedro Paniagua de Loaysa, suddenly died. Don Pedro was the dean of the Cathedral of Plasencia, where he had resided with his brother Don Antonio since they were in their early teens. To succeed Don Gabriel, Don Pedro had to come to Charcas, but at the moment of his death, he was traveling to Rome to resign the office of dean in favor of his brother, Don Antonio. A rapid change of plans took place in a family that based its future on the passing on its patrimony and the administration of its household to the first born. Don Antonio Paniagua de Loaysa, who had a degree in law from the University of Salamanca and was to be the dean of the Cathedral of Plasencia, had to return to Peru to assume the responsibilities that would have passed to his recently deceased brother. His aged father was serving his third term as corregidor in Cusco.^"* The unpredictable, sudden death of Don Pedro had changed the destiny of 28 year-old Don Antonio, who now had to travel from the peninsula to Peru and take over the family's responsibilities. In addition, he had to start living

AGI, Patronato 146, fs. 139, 176v. 1 5 1 as a vecino, and to think in terms of extending his lineage b y seeking a marriage partner.

Years before Don Pedro's death, the Audiencia of Charcas had responded to Don Gabriel's petition and granted him the third generation requested, plus a fourth. In addition, Don Gabriel was granted the encomienda of Aiquile (south Mizque) after the death of its holder Lorenzo de Aldana.^s Since the late 1580s the Paniagua family enjoyed three encomiendas around the yungas of Chuquioma, whose Indians were settled in the villages of Aiquile, Mizque and

Totora. The first two would remain in the hands of Don Antonio Paniagua de Loaysa as heir to his father Don Gabriel. The latter would be enjoyed by the grandmother, Doha Mayor Verdugo de

Angulo, until her death and then Totora would pass on to Don Antonio.

As prescribed by law, the elder male and. in this case, the second son in the line of succession after the death of the first born, enjoyed the entail, had seniority over the Indians of two encomiendas, and became the guarantor of his family's social identity.56 However, Don Antonio's newly acquired position in the family was to be overshadowed by the public andprivate activities of his mother and grandmother in his family's affairs. Mother and daughter became an efficient team that excelled in building alliances to marry off the females of their family and supervised contracts

55 Ibid., fs. 6, 140. This Lorenzo de Aidana is the son of Captain M artin Monje and Maria de Aidana, not to be confused with Lorenzo de Aidana, the encomendero of Paria.

5^ Pierre Bourdieu, Outline of a Theory of Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 31. 152 and trades achieving social and economic success that would transcend political spheres.

The Kingdom of Women

During his stay in Nicaragua, Antonio Alvarez probably met a family from Arevalo—Diego Verdugo, his wife Ana Velazquez and their adolescent daughter. Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo--whom Alvarez later married in Peru. From his union with Doha Mayor was born his sole legitimate heir, Doha Leonor Alvarez Verdugo. At the age of only 12 Doha Leonor married Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, who became the family network’s central Figure. Many years later, both women, mother and daughter, living similar personal circumstances, remained in charge of caring for family tradition and status by administering the lineage's material and symbolic capital.

The reproduction of their lineage and its notable expansion owed much to both women's design, and they also gave special attention to expanding the family assets.

After Antonio Alvarez died in 1567, his encomiendas were passed on to his wife. Thus it was that a woman no more than 3 0 years old left her personal imprint on Antonio Alvarez's family and her son-in-law's personal network. Even though Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa almost doubled her in age, Doha Mayor Verdugo de Angulo was completely literate and able to take over the responsibilities of the family business, and she enjoyed

153 unprecedented success. She signed, hired, demanded, petitioned, and, to her heirs despair, she seemed eternal. During the visita general ordered by Viceroy Toledo, the inspector, Francisco de Saavedra Ulloa, the Carangas of Dona Mayor

Verdugo settled in 59 separate villages were congregated into three main towns, Totora, Sabaya and Chuquicota. The majority of the 2,385 tributaries from Chuquicota and Sabaya (1,783 Carangas and 602 Uros) were vacant. Doha Mayor received the tribute of 604

Carangas and 388 Uros who were indoctrinated in their villages and in Porco and Potosi, where they were drafted for the mita. The tribute from each Caranga was 6 and a half pesos ensayados. An exemption was allowed for two of the kurakakuna leaving a total of 3,913 pesos ensayados paid to Doha Mayor. From the Uros she received 580 pesos and 4 tomines ensayados at a rate of one and a half pesos each, which excluded one kurakakuna. Also 121 pesos and 6 tomines ensayados went to buy wool for the Indians to knit

193 and a half pieces of abasca cloth to be assessed at 3 pesos each. From the total amount of 4,952 pesos ensayados the encomenderos received 2,907 pesos and 6 tomines ensayados after expenses. From the 211 Carangas and 53 Uros resettled at Urinoca Doha M ayor received 954 pesos ensayados. Within the same province of Carangas Doha Mayor had 118 Indians in the village of Totora whose tribute was appraised in 480 pesos and 4 tomines ensayados. Finally, from the small encomienda located at the yungas of Totora-- that previously produced an income of hundreds of cestos of coca a year—Doha Mayor Verdugo had 27 tributaries who paid only 7 5

154 cestos of coca and 70 pesos and 4 tomines a year.^'^ The following Table is a summary of the above information, documented by the

visita general organized by Viceroy Toledo:

G ran ted Assessment Assessme n t EncomiendaG ra n te d by o n Tributaries $ ens. cloth/coca Chuquicota y Lie. Pedro de Sabaya la Gasca 1548 992 2.907.6 192 units

Urinoca Idem 1548 264 954 26 Totora in Carangas Idem 1548 118 480,1 Totora in the vunaas Vicerov Nieva 1562 27 70.4 75 cestos

Table 4.2 Detail of encomiendas enjoyed by Dona Mayor Verdugo

After the death of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa in the first years of the seventeenth century, two women began their public careers. They enjoyed their widowhood as a remarkable attribute of their belonging to a family of high status. The widow of Antonio

Alvarez was 67 years old in 1604 when she became the matriarch, the grandmother, the supreme sister, the heiress and trusted

advisor to her brothers, nephews, and grandchildren. The family relied on Dona Mayor Verdugo de Angulo and her daughter. Dona

AGN, Sala IX, Leg. 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tazas, fs. 147- 149; 150v, 156V-157; Cook, Tasa de la Visita G eneral. 18-19, 25-27, 33-34, 37-38. 155 Leonor Alvarez Verdugo, the other illustrious widow of Don Gabriel

Paniagua de Loaysa, who by then was 52 years old, for its social and economic reproduction. The two women became the protagonists seeking to continue the lineage, which had to guarantee male descendants who would inherit the lands, business, and the family name. Like the migratory enterprise in the recent past contributed to the foundation of the Paniagua family in Charcas, the reinforcement of previous family alliances by marriage was one of the strategies developed by both women to safeguard the patrimony of their lineage. However, when they incorporated people not related b y kinship into their family, the candidate had to belong to a well known family, to have links with a high ranking ecclesiastic, or to enjoy a bureaucratic office or possess status from an ancestor who had gained seniority in the conquest.

The marriage of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa with Doha Leonor Alvarez Verdugo had produced two sons and three daughters. As soon as Don Antonio arrived in Cusco, his marriage was arranged with a relative, Doha Marfa de Ayala y Castilla. She was the legitimate daughter of Don Francisco de Loaysa, encomendero of Tinta, Munaipata, Llusco and Capacmarca (Cusco) and Doha Marfa de Chaves. The bride was grandniece of two

Archbishops: Fray Jeronimo de Loaysa of Lima—also a relative of the bridegroom— and Don Fernando de Valdes of Seville.^» Of the three

AGI, Patronato 146, f. 139. 156 daughters. Dona Maria de Trejo died in La Plata in 1609.59 The next.

Dona Francisca de Sande Paniagua married in 1613 to Licenciado

Don Francisco de Alfaro, who had been prosecutor and judge of the Audiencia de Charcas, and visitador of the Province of Tucuman. Alfaro also founded the city of Mizque on September 19, 1603, which was also named Salinas del Rfo Pisuerga to honor Viceroy Don

Luis de Velasco, Marquis of Salinas.^o A lawyer of Alfaro's status, who had coincidentally founded a city amidst the Paniaguas' main assets, became a highly favorable candidate to marry a daughter of the most prosperous family in the region. Before the wedding, Don Francisco de Alfaro had been transferred to the Audiencia of Lima, where he served as oidor. Although forbidden by law, the encomienda of Guancané, which was located in the jurisdiction of La Paz, was included in the dowry of Doha Francisca de Sande. The bride was allowed to enjoy Guancané through a donation made b y her mother. Since no encomienda was transferable in a dowry, it is possible that the reference to Guancané as an encomienda meant the pension or income from the repartimiento of Guancané. The income was worth 3,500 pesos ensayados a year and was included in the total amount of 41,864 pesos ensayados that represented the dowry. Doha Mayor Verdugo de Angulo (grandmother), Doha Leonor Alvarez Verdugo (mother), and Don Antonio Paniagua de Loaysa and Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa junior (brothers) endowed the bride

59 a NB, EP Vol. 144 Diego de Adrada - La Plata, Mayo 20 de 1609, f. 711.

^0 Anotnio Vazquez de Espinosa, O. Carm., Compendio y Descripciôn de las Indias Occidentales [1628] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles vol. 231 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1969), 423. 157 with 25,000 pesos ensayados from the bride's parents légitima,

12,184 pesos ensayados from Guancané's past debts in cash and cloth, and three slaves and jewelry appraised at 4,680 pesos ensayados. Don Francisco de Alfaro accepted his wife's dowry, he endowed her with 8,000 Castilian ducados in arras in proof of her honor, virginity, and the limpieza of her lineage's blood.

The following year 1614, and by power of attorney. Dona Clara de Sande Paniagua de Loaysa the youngest daughter of Don Gabriel, married the oidor. Doctor Juan de Soiorzano Pereyra, who served at the Audiencia of Lima. The groom, a notable legislator and authorof the famous Poh'tica Indiana, was later Governor of Huancavelica until he returned to the peninsula thirteen years after the marriage, where he became an officer of the Council of the Indies.^-

Don Gabriel junior married Dona Ana Juana de Alvarado y

Velasco, the granddaughter of Don Alonso de Alvarado, a Marshal and a Knight of Santiago. Alvarado had been in command of the royalist army during the upheaval during the 1550s.

It was then when Don Gabriel's grandfather--Pedro Hernandez

Paniagua--served in Marshal Alvarado's army as Captain.^^ Don Gabriel junior was also a knight of Santiago and from his marriage had seven children, among them only one daughter. By the mid

ANB, EP Vol. 72 Alonso Fernandez Michel - La Plata, Octubre 10 de 1613, fs. 981-989; Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Los Ministros de la Audiencia de Lima en el reinado de los Borbones (1700-1821) (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1974), 153-154.

Lohmann Villena, Los Ministros de la Audiencia. 190.

ANB, E 1631 N° 2. Informacidn de servicios del capitdn don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa; EP Vol. 144 Nicolas F. Ruiz - Salinas, Enero 14 de 1562, fs. 8-lOv. 158 Alomso Paniagua...... Pedro Hernàndez Paniagua de Loaysa Da Marfa de Trejo de Loaysa

Don Garcia Don Luis de Trejo Da. Maria de Loaysa Da. Francisca de Sande Da. Catalina de Trejo

Juan ! .. Antonio Alvarez Da. Mayor Verdugo de Angulo Cristobal ...... J Capitan Francisco ^ Don Gabriel Da. Leonor Alvarez Verdugo T 1 I I I I I I Don Pedro Don Antonio Don Gabriel Da. Maria de Trejo Da. Clara Da. Mayor Verdugo Da. Ana Da. Francisca de Sande

Da. Maria ------de Ayala y Castillo Ln "Da. Ana de Alvarado y Velasco "Don Juan de Soldrzan Don Francisco de Alfaro VO

r T I I I I I Don Gabriel Ambrosio Don Bernardo Don Josef El Maestro Don Juan Don Pedro Da. Andrea de Velasco Da. Ana Paniagua de Loaysa Don Lorenzo

Figure 4.3 The Paniagua de Loaysa Family seventeenth-century, the family inhabited the Villa de las Salinas

(Mizque) where they enjoyed control over Indians and land. After Don Gabriel junior died around 1640 and their offspring received their légitimas, considerable assets remained in the hands of his heirs. Although diminished by several partitions to compensate the multiple heirs of a prolific lineage, the Paniaguas' possessions were still valuable a century after settling in Charcas It was this branch of the family that succeeded in administering the material and symbolic capital of the lineage since the heir Don Antonio Paniagua de Loaysa died childless.^s

Conclusions

Within the social context of sixteenth-century La Plata, the family of Paniagua de Loaysa enjoyed a high status that was publicly recognized, a genealogical memory that went back further than three generations, a symbolic patrimony strengthened during the Peninsular Revolt of the Communities at the beginning of Charles I's reign, and a growing material capital that was considerably increased in Charcas. The title of "Don" enjoyed by the male descendants of the Paniaguas from 1523 onwards was an example of the family's social status.

AMC, MEC 47 - Salinas del Rio Pisuerga, Valle de Mizque, Noviembre 9 de 1646, fs. 9294. AGI, Patronato 146. 160 The family's carefully designed migratory and marriage strategies allowed the lineage to maintain their assets in Extremadura and widen their possessions in Charcas. The close knit family network added relatives and countrymen to a structure characterized by a constant increase of symbolic capital, gained b y exercising public offices and official missions such as Pedro

Hernandez Paniagua's support of Gasca; the campaigns against the Chiriguano Indians; and the corregidurias of Cusco headed by the first Don Gabriel.

The family marriage strategies widened the scope of the network. At the beginning, fortunes were often reunited by fixing an alliance with a vast kindred that had a sole heir. The marriage of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa with Dona Leonor Alvarez Verdugo is an example. Dona Leonor was the heiress of a wealthy family whose status did not equate to the Paniaguas. Being the only child and belonging to a newly rich family did not permit her to ensure the preservation and continuity of the patrimony of her lineage. Although she did not put her family's assets at risk, her lineage was annexed to her husband's.^^ Links were established with lineages from Extremadura in a continuous practice of reinforcement of alliances. This practice reinforced old relationships and renew ed kinship by marriages between cousins. An example of this trend is the union between Don Antonio Paniagua de Loaysa with Doha Maria de Ayala y Castilla. And the importance given to the nonmaterial

Bordieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 154. 1 6 1 legacy of the family becomes even more clearer with the examples of the marriages of the daughters of Don Gabriel to two well know n legislators, Don Francisco de Alfaro and Don Juan de Soiorzano

Pereyra. Successful management of political relationships and coherent social behavior provided easy access to the viceregal court in Lima, where the family had relatives and representatives that took care of business and legal representation. The perpetuation of encomienda grants for four generations and new assignments at the end of the sixteenth-century owed much to family prestige and strategies and manipulation of power and institutions. Paniagua de Loaysa's family survival in Charcas depended in large measure on the rational exercise of migratory and marriage strategies combined with an appropriate management of businesses that grew from the encomienda. Such trends differentiated the lineage of those born after the conquest and allowed the family to maintain its status for more than a century.

162 CHAPTER 5

ZARATE

This Chapter focuses on the Zarate family network with particular emphasis on the Mendieta-Zarate brothers from Orduna,

Biscay, who migrated to Peru to seek fame, glory, wealth, and honor. The Mendieta-Zarate brothers were followed by their parallel cousins, the Zarate-Recalde, who belonged to a higher social stratum in Seville, because of their father's position as an accountant in the House of Trade (1535-1555) and as a Knight of Santiago.'

Although men who belonged to the same lineage often participated in the conquest and colonization of Peru, they did not always possess the same socioeconomic privileges. Among the hidalgos, the male offspring of some families received the title "Don" either through royal concessions or by virtue of their birth, while some other members of the same lineage remained without such privileges. My analysis of the Zarate family network will show that sixteenth-century conquistadors defined success in terms of their social status, family honor, and wealth earned through military

' Luis de Roa y Ursua, El Revno de Chile 1535-1810. Estudio H istorico. Genealogico v B iografico (Valladolid: Talleres Tipograficos Cuesta, 1945), 50. 163 services to the king. In this context, I will elaborate on some issues discussed in earlier chapters and show how personal networks and economic ties linked these two branches of the Zarate family. My main purpose is to show that honor gained through wealth did not always coincide with honor inherited through kinship, although it was socially accepted.^

Honor in Iberian Estates Society

Of all the social values cultivated in Spain during the sixteenth-century, honor was probably the most deeply rooted in the Iberian habitus. Every complex society defines the roles of its citizens, and develops its own system of obligations and prerogatives to offer compensations to or exact retributions from those who enjoy specific offices or functions. In addition, certain norms or principles were recognized by all citizens in order to integrate and preserve social order. In other words, social structure depended on the articulation of three factors: values of integration, preserving functions, and compensatory retributions. According to these, an individual enjoyed a particular status shared with those who performed similar functions. Regarding a person's attributes, status could also be viewed at three levels. First, status provided the individual with a social or public role that represented his activity; second, it bestowed a prestige that reflected an individual's social

- Julio Caro Baroja, "Honour and Shame: A Historical Account of S e v er a l Conflicts," in Honour and Shame. The Values of Mediterranean Society, ed. J. D. Peristiany (Chicago; The University of Chicago Press, 1966), 99-106. 1 64 background; and finally, it endowed appropriate compensation to these other attributes. Regardless of the rank of each individual, honor was placed at the top of all social values.^

The sixteenth century Iberian society of estates was based on three factors: social status, social function, and office. These reflected a social organization based on honor in which individuals lived according to norms legitimated by practice and customs. The principles that determined the stratification levels in an estates society were power, wealth, and honor, driven by blood and legitimated by royal recognition. The stratum to which an individual belonged depended on his status, privileges, rights, and obligations.

Social symbols such as clothing, emblems, language, food, and housing were indicative of one's place and its meaning within the social hierarchy. The concept of honor differed within each hierarchical level.-*

Although honor could be achieved through an individual's success in business, honor was largely determined by the status of one’s family and lineage. It was a value that an individual inherited patrilineally. However, the success and failure of honor depended on the individual who enjoyed it. Financial problems could threaten an hidalgo's honor during the sixteenth-century. Military and economic successes enabled one to acquire or increase honor, since it was a compensation conferred on those who contributed to the integration

3 José Antonio Maravall, Poder. Honor v Elites en el iglo XVII (M adrid. Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1979), 13-17. -* Ibid.. 17-23. 1 65 and preservation of social order. Honor represented an individual's

social value and was generally accepted by everyone. To excel in the public sphere honor was an indispensable value. Social advancement in a society of estates such as that of sixteenth-century Spain was dependent upon services that contributed to the increase of the crown's assets. At the same time, those services provided someone with public fame and reputation, someone who subsequently acquired wealth and a certain measure of power.^

The Mendieta-Zarate. From Orduna, Biscay, to Charcas

The careers of the brothers Lope de Mendieta and Juan Ortiz de Zarate are representative of sixteenth-century conquistadors and entrepreneurs whose characteristics and activities could be blended into the same persona. In the decade of the 1540s the four sons of

Lope Ortiz de Mendieta and Lucia Martinez de Uzquiano--Lope, Diego and Pedro de Mendieta and Juan Ortiz de Zarate—were settled in Peru.^ This collective migration that involved the Mendieta males suggests that the family did not enjoy a high social status and power

^Julian Pitt-Rivers, Mediterranean Countrymen. Essavs in the Social Anthropology of the M ed iterran ean (Le Haye: Mouton & Co., 1963), 9-25; J. D. Peristiany ed.. Honour and Sham e. 9-18; Pitt-Rivers, "Honour and Social Status," in Honour and S h am e. 21-77; Caro Baroja, "Honour and Shame," 81-137; Georges Duby, The Chivalrous Society (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1977), 59-80, 89-93, 134-148, 158-170; Maravall, Poder. Honor v E lites. 59- 61; Ramon A. Gutierrez, When Jesus Came the Corn Mothers Went Away. Marriage. Sexuality, and Power in New Mexico. 1500-1846 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1991), 176-206.

^ ANB, EP Vol. 3a Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 12 de 1558, f. 571 v-572. 166 in the peninsula^ The father of the four Basque brothers served as a

Captain of Cavalry, mayor, bailiff of the Holy Office of the Inquisition and merchant in Bilbao. The four migrants were nephews of Don

Diego de Zarate, who had been appointed a Knight by Charles I at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1521 in recognition for his military services in

Flanders, France and Italy. For the next twenty years he served as

the accountant of the House of Trade, and obtained a habit of Santiago in 1543.®

Holding an office at the House of Trade surely allowed the

uncle to get licenses for his nephews to pass to the New World. Juan Ortiz de Zarate traveled with the expedition led by Hernando Pizarro, and arrived in Peru in 1535. The dates of arrival of the other three brothers are unknown. It is likely that Lope de Mendieta was the first to reach Peru since he received an encomienda from

Francisco Pizarro in 1540, in return for his services as one of the conquerors' clients.'^

^ Ida Altman, "A New World in the Old: Local Society and S p an ish Emigration to the Indies," in "To Make America": European Emigration in th e Early Modern Period, ed. Ida Altman and James Horn (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1991), 48. * Julio Retamal Favereau and others ed., Familias fundadoras de Chile 1540-1600 (Santiago: Editorial Universitaria, 1992), 336.

Among the 168 men of Cajamarca there was one Juan Zarate born i n the same hometown of the Mendieta-Zarate brothers and who participated i n Francisco Pizarro's army as a notary and accountant. Once back home, it is probable that Juan Zarate, a supposed relative, encouraged the four M endieta- Zarate brothers to take advantage of the opportunities offered in the New World. James Lockhart, The Men of Caiamarca. A Social and Biographical Study of the First Conquerors of Peru (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1972), 285- 286. 167 After a brief stay in Cusco and Lima, the four brothers moved to Charcas at the beginning of the 1540s. Lope de Mendieta became a vecino of La Plata and Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Pedro and Diego de Mendieta settled in Potosi, where they started mining in Potosi and Porco, and increased their elder brother's fortune.

Right after the foundation of La Plata, Lope de Mendieta was granted an encomienda whose main Indians' settlements were

Chuquicota and Totora in the province of Carangas—northern Lake

Poopo at Desaguadero River southward, in the altiplano—’wixh 9 00 tributaries, a hundred of which served at the mines in Porco and later in Potosi. At this latter mining camp, Lope de Mendieta discovered and owned the vein named "Mendieta." Moreover, with his peer. Captain Diego Centeno, he had discovered the Veia Rica i n the Cerro Rico of Potosi that became the principal object of exploitation during the first stage of Potosi’s mining.'" As vecino of

La Plata and in return for his services to the Crown, Mendieta enjoyed the office of regidor perpétua at the City Council after

1542. During the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro, Lope de Mendieta served as a Royal Officer of the New Kingdom of Toledo. As an

AHP, CR 1 - Indios carangas. Tasa de los indios que tuvo e n encomienda Lope de Mendieta. los cuales estdn en cabeza de su majestad, fs. 18- 23v; Rafael Loredo, "Relaciones de Repartimientos que Existi'an en el Peril a 1 finalizar la Rebelion de Gonzalo Pizarro," Revista de la Universidad Catolica del P eru viii: 1 (Lima, 1940): 54; Id., Bocetos para la Nueva Historia del Peru. Los R epartos (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda, 1958), 175; Id., "Alardes y Derramas," Revista H istorica Tomo xiv:iii (Lima, 1941): 205-207; Pedro de Cieza de Leon. Crdnica del Peru. Cuarta Parte, Guerra de Quito, (Lima: Pontificia U n iversid ad Catolica del Peril, 1994), i:219; Ibid., ii:769; Peter Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain. Indian Labor in Potosi'. 1545-1650 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 23. 168 overseer he received a salary of 390,000 maravedi'es a year. I n

1550 he became the Corregidor of Charcas (La Plata and Potosi).“

Appointed as royal officers to contribute to the organization of Charcas, General Pedro de Hinojosa, Gabriel de Rojas, and Licenciado Polo Ondegardo prepared reports on the remaining encomiendas in Charcas after the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro in 1548. They reported that Lope de Mendieta had been granted 900 taxpayers from Carangas. The Indians lived in a very cold land where they grew tubers and possessed flocks of camelids. One report noted the Carangas granted to Mendieta worked in his mines and paid a tribute of 10,000 pesos ensayados a year.*- The Relacion written by

Gabriel de Rojas reported one hundred Indians from Mendieta's repartimiento worked at his mines each year, and estimated the value of the tributes at 22,000 pesos ensayados payable only in labor.*3

Mendieta was one of the many encomenderos who made coercive demands for tribute, and imposed personal services on his Indians without any compensation. He took advantage of the lack of state tributary policies during the period 1540-1550, and misused the abundant labor supply provided by his Indians to participate in the first silver mining boom at Potosi. Colonial authorities estimated his surplus income at 70,000 pesos ensayados—which had been

* * Cieza de Leon, Crdnica del P eril. Guerra de Quito, i:37; Josep M. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. On'genes Histdricos de una Sociedad Colonial (La Paz: Centro de Investigacidn y Promocidn del Campesinado, 1973), 417, 608-609. *- Loredo, "Relaciones de Repartimientos," 54-55. *3 Loredo, Los R epartos. 175. I 69 brutally extracted from his Indians of Chuquicota. Consequently, the Carangas sued their encomendero for damages at the Audiencia of

Charcas, and at the encomendero's death, the sentence was still pending.*^ When Mendieta wrote his will, however, he dem onstrated his regret and contrition for what he had extorted from his Indians. Accordingly, he authorized his executors to give back to the Carangas the equivalent in money he had improperly collected from them in order to let his soul rest in peace. There is no doubt the encomienda was the basis of Mendieta's enormous fortune and the key to his business diversification. To take advantage of the multiple economic opportunities offered to an encomendero during the golden age of the encomienda, Lope de Mendieta abused the Indians with heavy demands for labor, cash, and goods. Mendieta's fortune was inherited by Juan Ortiz de Zarate, his brother. However, without a trace of guilt or regret Zarate conveniently understood the clause that stated, "restituyan al dicho repartimiento la cantidad de dinero que les pareciere y de este modo mi conciencia quede descargada."'^

Despite successive presentations, negotiations, and legal suits, Zarate did not concede the demands of the Indians.

After the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro, the Crown started to exercise control over the land and the encomenderos in order to establish definitively the foundations of the colonial state in Peru. I n an attempt to limit the unmatched power of the encomenderos.

Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 325.

Guillermo Lohmann Villena, "La restitucidn per conquistadores y encomenderos: un aspecto de la incidencia lascasiana en el Peru," Anuario de Estudios A m e r ic a n o s xxiii (Sevilla, 1966): 22-23. 170 President Gasca ordered a survey in 1549 which resulted in the first population census of the Indians granted in encomienda as well as the first appraisal of their tributes.

Taxation Unit Plata ensayada 9,000 pesos Woolen cloth 120 * Woolen blankets 6 Woolen cloak 8 Horse blankets 10 Sacks with their ropes 70 W ool 8 arrobas Headstall with halter 24 Cinch with whips 24 M aize 30 fane gas Potatoes 60 fanegas S h e e p 200* Jerked sheep 20 T allow 20 arrobas Small pitchers of butter 40 Pigs or sheep 20 P artrid ges 120 pairs Sheep's necks 30 Sandals 160 pairs Salt 24 cargas Maize or wheat 4 fan egas** T ransportation 35 Indians Home service 20 Indians Service while in Carangas 10 Indians*** G razin g 10 Indians

* 50 percent of cloth and sheep could be exchanged at 5 pesos ensayados and 4 pesos ensayados each, respectively. ** Service to be paid in the estates of the encomendero who was responsible for threshing. though with the help of his encom ienda In d ia n s. ***To be taken from the 20 given to serve at his house. S o u r c e : Marfa Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, "La Tasa ordenada por e I Licenciado Pedro de La Gasca (1549)," Revista Historica xxxiv (Lima, 1982); 83-84.

Table 5.1 Survey of 1549, Chuquicota

17 1 Table 5.1 shows the results of the survey of 1549 for the encomienda of Chuquicota which reported a population of 1,3 30

tributaries. The appraisal of the Indians' tributes shows how they were set by colonial officials, who attempted to put an end to the abuses of the encomenderos.

The taxation mentioned above reveals the Spanish dependence

on Indians' labor and their production of goods, which were alien to the New World. The Spaniards forced the Indians to produce certain goods to satisfy their need for European products. Before the 1550s

Spanish consumption was limited to the goods produced by the ayllus. With specific reference to the tributes of Chuquicota,

however, Lope de Mendieta ignored the official survey. As a m iner

of Porco and Potosi, he used the Indians to exploit the mines that he

and his brothers owned. The exchange of obligations in kind instead of labor was not easily accepted by the Indians, who were used to

paying tribute in the form of labor to the Inka and their local lords.

The delivery of tribute in kind in the form of livestock, cloth, or

other products was difficult and required the restructuring of the traditional Andean patterns of tribute to suit the colonial economy.

Perhaps colonial administrators failed to realize that traditional Andean reciprocal patterns could have better served the colonial

administration.'^ Nevertheless, according to the survey of 1549, the Indians were required to pay their duties mainly in cash b y

transporting those items appraised in cloth or sheep at their m arket

Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La renta de la encom ienda en la década de 1550: piedad cristiana y desccntruccidn," Re vista de Indias xl viii: 182-183 (Madrid, 1988): 136-139. 172 values (5 pesos ensayados for each piece of cloth and 4 pesos

ensayados for each sheep or pig). The encomenderos continued to demand excessive personal services, however, accumulating impressive fortunes and ignoring the control mechanisms established by a weak colonial administration.

Although they were involved in trials involving the Carangas Indians in their encomienda and settlements, Lope de Mendieta and Antonio K\v7iiXQ,x—encomendero of Sabaya, Urinoca and Totora (see

Chapter 4)—used their skilled laborers to exploit mines in Porco.

Mining led both encomenderos to set up a mining company in which the Carangas were employed because of their mining experience in Porco and Potosi.'^

The wealth in Charcas Lope de Mendieta accumulated from his encomienda ultimately enabled him to acquire estates, ranches, mines, and to become a successful businessman, and to return to

Spain representing the vecinos of the city of La Plata to offer and to negotiate "certain services" with the king.'^ It is possible that

Mendieta traveled to request that the king grant the governorship of the Rio de la Plata to his brother Juan Ortiz de Zarate, who was ready to make a similar request at the viceregal court in Lima, when the rebellion led by Francisco Hernandez Giron started in C u s c o .A s a

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Juan Luis Soto - Potosf, n/d 1549; Ibid., Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, Enero 18 de 1555, fs. x.xxvi-xxxvii; Gunnar Mendoza's comment i n ANB, M. Doc. 24h; "Mendieta tenia en encomienda a los indios carangas; que son de los primeros que aparecen ocupados en las faenas mineras en Potosf y en Porco."

Roberto Levilllier, Audiencia de Lima. Correspondencia de Présidentes v Oidores (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo,1922), i:75.

Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 55. 173 representative of La Plata, Mendieta's petitions to the king were perhaps related to the settlers' requests for a royal concession of "perpetual" encomiendas in exchange for a certain sum of money. While he was still in Seville, Mendieta married his parallel cousin. Dona Juana de Zarate, daughter of his uncle Don Diego de Zarate—the accountant of the House of Trade—and Doha Maria de Recalde e Idiaquez. He died soon after his marriage in 1553, without leaving behind legitimate heirs. However, Lope de Mendieta wrote a will naming his brother Juan Ortiz de Zarate as his sole heir. Besides his Indians and property, his natural daughter Catalina de Zarate y Mendieta remained in Charcas.-°

Until Lope de Mendieta died, the network configured around him was rich in loyalties based on kinship. Business and marriage were incorporated in a chain of contracts through a relationship rooted in kinship. However, the links of reciprocity. loyalty, solidarity, asymmetry and dependency can be better viewed around the Figure of Mendieta's brother and heir, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, who became a successful businessman and lived for over twenty-three years in Charcas.

ANB, EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Noviembre 12 de 1586, fs. 2033- 2034v; EP Vol. 55 Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Marzo 11 de 1590, fs. 35v-39v; EP Vol. 122 Caspar Niînez - La Plata, Noviembre 10 de 1604, fs. 1037-1043; R afael Loredo, "Alardes y Derramas," 206-207; Roa y Ursüa, El Reino de Chile 1535- 1810. 50; Roberto Levillier, La Audiencia de Charcas. Correspondencia de Presdiente v Oidores. 3 vols. (Madrid and Buenos Aires: Coleccidn de Publicaciones Historicas de la Biblioteca del Congreso Argentine, 1918), i: 124. 174 Juan Ortiz de Zarate: Kinship and Entrepreneurial Rationality Within a Personal Network

Once Juan Ortiz de Zarate started to administer the assets he inherited from his brother Lope de Mendieta, he diversified his investments and expanded his multiple business enterprises. This earned him and his family a high social status in Charcas. If Lope de Mendieta sought to amassenough material capital to increase his status, Juan Ortiz de Zarate demonstrated how to be a dignified heir, endowed with the same passion for increasing his assets and a n equal obsession for gaining status within a milieu characterized b y an "inflation of honors."-' Although he was initially a military man, the entrepreneurial career of Juan Ortiz de Zarate started as soon as he arrived in the

New World. Between 1535 and 1536, he participated in the foundation of Lima, in the seizure of Manco—the leader of the Inca resistance--and in the siege of Cusco. He was a cavalry officer, a prestigious military position, which indicated that he was a man of a certain caliber.--

Lawrence Stone, The Crisis of the Aristocracy 1558-1641 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1965), 65-128. -- BN RA. CGGV Vol. 75, Doc. 1199.7. 1550-1572 Primera Pieza del Jucio entre Cristobal Barba y Juan Ortiz de Zarate sobre los indios m oyos-m oyos. Relacion de Servicios de Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Manuel de M endiburu, Diccionario Historico Biografico del P eru . II vois. (Lima: Imprenta Gil, 1934), xi:363; Carlos Milla Batres, ed., Diccionario Historio v Biogrdfico del Peru. Siglos XV-XX. 7 vols. (Lima: Editorial Milla Batres, 1986), vii:4; Carlos Calvo, Nobiliario del Antiguo Virreinato del Rfo de la Plata (Buenos Aires: Librerfa y Editorial La Facultad, 1936), 399; Guillermo Ovando Sanz, "Juan Ortiz de Zarate. Minero de Potosi, Adelantado del Rio de la Plata," Historia y C ultura 1 (La Paz, 1973): 64. 175 During the initial stage of the disputes between Almagro and

Pizarro, Juan Ortiz de Zarate supported Almagro's party. As a

newcomer, he did not participate in the events of Cajamarca and failed to get a share from the Inka ransom, an encomienda, or a land grant. His support for Diego de Almagro's party could have given

him the chance of earning financial rewards and of prospering in the

political a r e n a . 2 3 Juan Ortiz de Zarate fought in 1538 in Las Salinas, where Francisco Pizarro defeated his former partner. He was

incarcerated at Cusco—like many Almagrists—and later released by Hernando Pizarro to participate in an expedition led by the Greek Captain Pedro de Candia to conquer Ambaya and the Chunchos (the

warm valleys located eastwards of Cusco and surrounding the Beni

River, today northeastern Bolivia) where the conquistadors hoped to

find the mythic El Dorado. Despite the dangers of the campaign. Juan Ortiz de Zarate and half of the crew--including the Almendras

brothers (see Chapter 3)—came back from that expedition; this upset

Hernando Pizarro, who expected to get rid of this group of unsatisfied and unruly Almagrists. Soon after, Juan Ortiz de Zarate joined Captain Candia and Diego de Rojas in the conquest of

Tucuman, the Rio de la Plata region, and the Chiriguanos--ihe

33 According to Juan Pérez de Tudela Bueso in his Prologue to Diego Fernandez's Primera v Segunda Parte de la Historia del Peril [1571] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 164 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1963), xxii, Diego de Almagro's crew was composed of hidalgos who sought to honor their noble blood according to their social standing. 176 inhabitants of Charcas eastern border.-'^ Although this mission was a

failure, it marked the first time Juan Ortiz de Zarate arrived in the

region where he would later attain his wealth. The expedition to the

south brought him to the southern valleys of Tarija where he later had estates, ranches, and also an encomienda.

After they returned to Cusco, political tensions between the Almagrists and the Pizarrists reached its zenith. On July 26, 1541, the residence of Francisco Pizarro was invaded by a group of furious

Almagrists who intended to kill him. Juan Ortiz de Zarate was in the house along with a dozen or more visitors and clients. Although he

was wounded by Francisco Pizarro's assassins, it is unclear if Juan Ortiz de Zarate was actually involved in the plot. However, his support for Diego de Almagro, "el mozo," in the battle of Chupas indicates that he was associated with the assassins of the Marquis.

The defeat at Chupas in 1542 signaled the decline of the

Almagrist faction. Subsequently, Juan Ortiz de Zarate forged ties with the loyalists in an attempt to obtain the rewards denied him because of his militant support for the wrong party.-: Zarate switched sides and opposed the remaining Almagrist supporters to gain a share of the booty and rewards from future military

-•* BN RA, CGGV, Vol. 75, Doc. 1199 Primera Pieza del Juicio, Ibid., Vol. 101, Doc. 1550. 1567, Julio 16, Los Reyes. Memorial y demanda presentada en la ciudad de los Reyes (Lima) por Juan Ortiz de Zarate, en reclame de 150.000 pesos que se le debîan por cuyo motivo expone en el mismo todos sus s e r v ic io s desde su entrada en el Perd hasta la fecha; Mendiburu, Diccionario Historien. xi:363; Calvo, Nobiliario del Antipuo V ir r ev n a to . 399; Ovando Sanz, "Juan Ortiz de Zdrate," 64; Lockhart, Men of C ajam arca. 131; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 43-46; Cieza de Leôn, Crônica del P eril. Guerra de Quito, i:293-295.

Ibid., i:292; Mendiburu, Diccionario H istorien. xi:363. 177 enterprises, which could provide him with fame and status. Initially,

rewards could only be obtained by following the victorious party of

a jefe or capitan de conquista. In early colonial Peru only the bosses-

-Francisco Pizarro or Diego de Almagro—could distribute grants among their followers. Permanent loyalty among the men who participated in the Civil Wars is difficult to find. Those who were disappointed with the spoils they received and unsatisfied with their original alliances shifted back and forth from one side to another in order to fulfill their dreams of becoming wealthy and powerful. After the assassination of Diego de Almagro and Francisco Pizarro, such disaffected conquistadors openly dared to conspire against the colonial authorities. Many others embraced the loyalist faction in the hope of getting rewards by being close to royal power. Convinced that no grants or rewards could be obtained except from the royal faction, Juan Ortiz de Zarate supported the first

Viceroy of Peru, Blasco Nunez Vela, who arrived in Lima in May. 1544. From Carangas, where he was administering his brother's encomienda, he proclaimed his loyalty to the crown when Gonzalo

Pizarro rebelled against the viceroy. Francisco de Almendras (see Chapter 3), a lieutenant of Gonzalo Pizarro in La Plata, confiscated Zarate's assets and ordered his execution. Consequently, Juan Ortiz de Zarate-'together with a group of vecinos—üed from La Plata to

Arequipa where he joined Captain Luis de Ribera. Soon thereafter, he arrived in Cusco with Captain Diego Centeno after losing an arm in battle. Finally with the loyalist army, Zarate fought the rebels in

Chuquiabo and Vilcas and later in Xaquixaguana, on April 9, 1548.

178 Juan Ortiz de Zarate' personal loses during the rebellion of Gonzalo

Pizarro were worth 15,000 pesos ensayados Once Gasca distributed the cash from the vacant encomiendas and granted Indians to those who had contributed to his victory, Juan Ortiz de Zarate received his reward. As a Captain of Cavalry his share was of 1,000 pesos ensayados, a considerable amount but inferior to the 3,500 pesos ensayados awarded to Generals and Marshals. Ordinary soldiers were given only 100 pesos ensayados. In addition, Juan Ortiz de Zarate received the repartimiento formerly enjoyed by Francisco de Retamoso in Carangas and Tarija (modern northeast and southern Bolivia). Ortiz de Zarate's grant was centered around the town of Totora and included fifteen minor Indians towns and estancias in the surrounding area. Additionally, he received a group of mitmaqkuna Aullagas, a town in Lipez, and a dozen estancias and pueblos in the valleys of Tarija and Chichas, where his Carangas—whose major settlements were in the highlands--grevv crops at lower altitudes (see Table 5.2).-"^

BN RA, CGGV, Vol. 75, Doc. 1199.7. Primera Pieza del pleito, Relacion de servicios de Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Ibid., Vol. 101, Doc. 1550. 1567, Julio 16, Los Reyes. Memorial Presentado en la ciudad de los Reyes; Mendiburu, D iccionario Historico. xi:363.

BN RA, CGGV, Vol. 75 Doc. I 199.7. Primera Pieza del Pleito, Relacion de servicios de Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Loredo, Los R epartos. 355. 179 Kurakakuna Local kuraka Town Estancia Population

Chuquichambi Carangas & Guamanvilca (318) Guamanvilca Niuachuqui Totora Quinchoamaya 30 Guamanvilca Niuachuqui & Enchaqui Minavia 30 Guamanvilca Minavia Enchaqui Chulluma 27 Guamanvilca Minavia Enchaqui Colo 12 Enchaqui Pomata 6 Chiuche Orungo Chiuche Orungo Urco Urco 40 Saguana 7 37 Saguana 7 10 Guamanvilca Vi lea Conchuma 32 Chuquichambi Liuire* 18 Chuquichambi Andagola* Licapana 11 Guamanvilca Acha** 10 Guamanvilca Guaracane 12 Guaraya Hulas 37 L i p e s Chuquichambi Toca 6 Ysquilla T a r ija (480) C h u m a y Liquita houses- 10 Chaxa 4 Vichipa 2 Malecuto Nicoxa 10 Escobineta 4 Borija 4 Toylla Cochachi 10 Pochape Mamaerua 6 Uchupi 4 Pulcutia Tolamarca 40 Aricoya & Quino Chaguaya*** 20 Aquilcha 5 Piruca & Socara Aquilcha fortress 100 Coyllo 16 Tayaure Chaguaya 20

* mitmaqkuna Aullagas - 2 or 3 Indians inhabited each house ** estancia of fishermen (Urusl) *** iov/n oi Juries (Indians from Tucumdn. today Argentina) Source: BN RA. CGGV Vol. 75 Doc. 1199.6 Primera pieza del pleito, 1540, Enero 22.

Table 5.2 Encomienda granted by Francisco Pizarro to F. Retamoso

1 80 Juan Ortiz de Zarate's military career did not end at

Xaquixaguana. Peru was not yet pacified when Gasca left for Spain. Potosi and La Plata rebelled in 1553 under Vasco de Godinez, Egas

de Guzman, and Don Sebastian de Castilla. In these times, Juan Ortiz de Zarate was regidor of La Plata's city council and like other local authorities he was incarcerated, his house was pillaged, and much of his property stolen. Once the upheaval ended, he claimed compensation of 14,000 pesos ensayados for property lost to the

rebels. Months later, during the revolt of Francisco Hernandez Giron in Cusco, Zarate joined Marshal Don Alonso de Alvarado in Potosi,

who appointed him as one of his four Captains of Cavalry before defeating the rebels in Pucara, on October 8, 1554.-^

Although by the 1550s political affairs in Charcas were far from resolved. Juan Ortiz de Zarate enjoyed a remarkable socioeconomic position. He was a Cavalry Captain in the local militia and a prosperous encomendero because of his loyalty to the crown during the Civil Wars. His wealth attained for him the status of one of the most prominent vecinos of La Plata and accordingly he enjoyed an office in the Cabildo. Furthermore, he became a miner and landowner after his brother, Lope de Mendieta--one of the wealthiest encomenderos of Charcas—named him the sole heir to his fortune. Thus, Juan Ortiz de Zarate was, by personal achievements

28 BN RA, CGGV Vol. 101, Doc. 1550. 1567, Julio 17, Los Reyes. M em orial presentado en la ciudad de los Reyes; Fernandez, Historia del P eril. i:313, 318- 319, ii:3, 14-20, 52-56; Mendiburu, Diccionario Historico. xi:363; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 110-113, 116-122. 1 8 1 and kinship, one of the most powerful vecinos of Charcas and the center of a personal network.-^

By 1555, Juan Ortiz de Zarate managed his economic activities from Potosi and La Plata, where he had casas pobladas. A casa poblada indicated a large house inhabited by an encomendero family, where many guests, Spanish and Indian servants, and African slaves were maintained.^o Power and prestige were indissoluble marks of a hidalgo's symbolic capital, and they remained embodied in an encomendero's house. Juan Ortiz de Zarate reproduced in his casas pobladas the household structure that characterized the lifestyle of an hidalgo and his seigneurial aspirations. A lordly life necessarily involved spending a great deal on the daily domestic rituals involved in maintaining a casa poblada. Within an encomendero's house there was. of course, room for his wife, who was useful, perhaps, in the reproduction of his lineage.

Juan Ortiz de Zarate, however, never married. Nevertheless, from his union with Dona Leonor Yupanqui, an Indian from Cusco, hissole daughter. Dona Juana de Zarate, was born. She was later declared legitimate by Philip II and made the sole heir to his assets.-^'

ANB, EP Vol. 3a Lazare del Aguila - Potosi' 1558. fs. 9 0 1-903v. James Lockhart, Spanish Peru 1532-1560. A Colonial S ociety (Madison; University of Wisconsin Press), 21; Ida Altman. Emigrants and Society; Extremadura and America in the Sixteenth Century (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1989) 134-135. Luis Enrique Azarola Gil, Cronicas v Linaies de la Gobernacion del Plata. Documentos Ineditos de los siglos XVII y XVIII (Buenos Aires; J. Lajouvane y Ci'a. Editores, 1927), 67; Calvo, Nobiliario del Antiguo Virreinato. 400; Paul Groussac, "La Segunda Fundacion de Buenos Aires. Juan de Garay. Documentos de los Archivos de Indias, Asuncion. Generaltes Mitre y Garmendia," Anales de la Biblioteca Nacional x (Buenos Aires, 1915); 257-258. 182 His house in Potosi was located in the block where the Casa de

la Moneda was later built, beside the residence of General Pedro de

Hinojosa, encomendero of Macha and Chaqui. Built in the same street as the Hospital and Church of Santa Barbara and close to the Plaza Mayor, Juan Ortiz de Zarate’s residence in La Plata was one of the most luxurious of the time.32

The investments of Juan Ortiz de Zarate extended beyond these urban centers to encompass the entire province of Charcas. As

a result, his property located in Potosi, Porco, Carangas, Tarija and La Plata and surrounding rural areas remained under the responsibility of a relative, a mayordomo, an administrator, a steward, or a specialist. His multiple businesses were organized within an intricate network of relatives, partners, countrymen, agents, and clients with whom he set up companies, hired workers, disbursed profits and paid expenses or invested abroad, purchased and sold commodities, and lent money.

As an encomendero and heir of his brother Lope de Mendieta.

Juan Ortiz de Zarate enjoyed different sources of income. From his encomienda, Juan Ortiz de Zarate received the tribute of his charges in cash, kind and labor. Commodities and labor provided him with extra-mercantile profits. Although prohibited by law in 1553, Juan Ortiz de Zarate kept on requesting labor in his mines at Porco and

Potosi from his charges. Additionally, he profited from his estates, ranches, and chacras, whose production he marketed in the mining

32 ANB, EP Vol. I Caspar de Rojas - La Plata, 1553, f. 230; EP Vol. 3 a Francisco de Reinoso - La Plata, 1558, fs. 256v-257. 183 towns and in La Plata. Mining, commercial companies and financial investments increased the wide range of his income.

As mentioned above, Juan Ortiz de Zarate's encomienda included fifteen towns and ranches around the main population center of Totora, a village in Lipez and a dozen towns in Chichas and

Tarija (southeastern Potosi), where his Carangas had inter-ecological enclaves to obtain the crops needed to fulfill the economic ideal of self-sufficiency .33

By the 1540s each encomendero could extract from his Indians unlimited amounts of tributes. This situation produced the inevitable mistreatment of the Indians, whose situation would not

change that much after the 1549 survey performed to appraise the

resources and tributary capacity of each encomienda. By following Royal instructions, in 1549 Licenciado Gasca appointed the Archbishop of Lima, Fray Jeronimo de Loaysa, the oidor of the

Audiencia of Lima, Licenciado Hernando de Santillan, and Fray Domingo de Santo Tomas, from the Orden de Predicadores, to conduct a visita general of the Peruvian repartimientos. La Gasca's official survey would determine the quantity of products, cash, and labor the Indians had to pay their encomenderos each year.

33 BN RA, CGGV, Vol. 75, Doc. 1199. Primera pieza del pleito, Ti'tulo de la encomienda de Francisco Retamoso otorgado por Francisco Pizarro en 1540; John V. Murra, "El control vertical’ de un maximo de pisos ecolôgicos en la economfa de las sociedades andinas," in Visita de la provincia de Ledn de Huânuco [1562] ed. John V. Murra, 2 vols. (Huànuco: Universidad Hermilio Valdizân, 1967-1972), ii:427-476. 1 84 Item Currency/Measure Quantity

Cash pesos ensayados 2200 Cloth p ie c e 50 Sandals p airs 50 Sheep each 60 Food fanega* 150 Horse’s blankets e a c h 6 Aprons each 6 Headstall** each 12 Sacks each 20 Blankets each 2 Wool arroba 4 Lambs each 3 Jerked sheep each 6 Pigs or sheep each 8 Partridges each 120 Stewed sheep necks e a c h 10 Salt cargos 8 Tallow arroba 4 Butter ju g 6 Livestock keeping In d ian s 10 Livestock keeping Indians*** 4

* a unit of dry measure equal to 130 pounds. ** each one with its halter, cinch, and whips *** if the encomendero had animals in his Indians’ lands S ou rce: BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 144, Doc. 2622. 1550. October 10. Los Reyes. Tasacion del repartimiento de indios de Totora que esta encomendado al capitan Juan Ortiz de Zarate.

Table 5.3 Tasa of the half of Totora, 1550

According to Gasca's instructions, on October 10, 1550, the first official survey of Totora was issued in Lima. The tasa of Licenciado

Gasca shown in Table 5.3, informs us about the resources of the Carangas from Totora, which reflected their encomendero's wealth.

The income in kind demonstrates the supplies needed by the

185 encomendero to feed himself and sheds light on the surplus he sold

at the local market. The income owed in cash allows an estimation of the labor, crops or flocks that the Indians had to sell in the colonial market to provide their encomendero with his cash payment. The income owed in labor helps to estimate how Juan Ortiz de Zarate could profit from free labor to diversify and expand his investments.

The kurakakuna from Totora owed Juan Ortiz de Zarate 2,200 pesos ensayados payable annually at his house. Besides this, the Indians had to produce 25 garments, three horses' blankets, three

aprons, ten sacks, two arrobas of wool, six headstalls with their halters, cinches and whips, three sheep made into jerked meat, two arrobas of tallow, and three jugs of butter every six months. Juan Ortiz de Zarate also received 60 sheep and three lambs at Easter.

Personal service was also established in the tasa. Ten Indians helped the encomendero in tending his livestock on the trip to either

Potosi or Porco. In that case, the encomendero had to provide them the necessary food. If the encomendero resided temporarily among his Indians, six servants (males and females) would attend him.

Additionally, if the encomendero had livestock grazing in his Indians’ lands, four more charges had to take care of them. A year after the tax was levied, Juan Ortiz de Zarate requested an adjustment, which was accepted by the viceregal authorities. The Carangas were required to pay an additional eight pigs or sheep and 30 partridges every three months and 25 pairs of sandals, four cargos of salt, and five stewed sheep necks every six months. Goods such as cloth, sandals, sheep, and blankets, could have been used b y

186 the encomendero to dress and feed his yanaconas, slaves, and

Indians working at his mines. The tasa of La Gasca also obliged the

Indians to give the encomendero \5Q fanegas of “food" carried to La Plata, Potosi, or Porco on their own animals and 20 Indians a year

for his personal service. Since their population had declined so

much, however the Indians were required to pay only 200 pesos ensayados in lieu of these items. The general survey ordered by Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca was a stepping-stone in the evolution and transition of the encomienda system. Although Xaquixaguana did not mean the defeat of the encomendero as the most powerful social stratum in colonial Peru, it opened the way to establish essential regulations that allowed the crown to establish the foundation of the Andean colonial system. The taxation limited the power exercised by the encomenderos and eroded their authority by letting their charges request retasas to amend excessive assessments, as the Indians from

Totora did in 1551 and 1552. The suspension of personal service in

1553 curtailed the most valuable resource enjoyed by the encomenderos, their charges' labor, which led a faction to rebel in 1554.34

During the viceregency of Don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Canete, (1556-1560), the colonial administration issued a new assessment that furthered these trends. The survey responded to the Indians’ complaints and directly affected the interests of the

34 Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La Renta de la Encomienda," 113. 114, 121. 187 encomenderos. The Carangas had claimed that they could not afford their payments since many Indians had died during recent epidemics. In addition, they reportedly lost a considerable amount of livestock, their most important resource. Furthermore, all the products the encomendero received from the Carangas b etw een 1550 and 1560 were related to their traditional occupations as herders of camelids and as miners. However, the Indians also delivered certain European products introduced by the conquistadors for the encomendero and the doctrinero. As Table 5.4 shows, the inspection ordered by viceroy Canete assessed tribute mainlyin cash, after the abolition of personal service. Levying tribute in cash would be extended further by the fifth Viceroy of Peru, Don Francisco de Toledo (1569-1581). Tribute appraised in cash was a clear example of state intervention in the

'.V affairs. However, by the 1570s many Carangas v. ere still working at the encomendero's mines. This shows just how Juan Ortiz de Zarate ignored the abolition of the Indians' personal service.35

35 BN RA, CGGV, Vol. 144, Doc. 2622. 1550, Octubre 10, Los Reyes. T asacion del repartimiento de indios de Totora que esta encomendado en Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Ibid., Vol. 143, Doc. 2597. 1560, Julio 6, Los Reyes. Retasa del repartimiento de indios de Totora por el Virrey marqués de Canete a Juan Ortiz de Zarate; ANB, EP Vol. 10 Lazaro del Aguila - La Plata, f. 67.

188 Item Currency/Measure Quantity

Cash pesos ensayados 2200 Cash pesos ensayados 200 Cloth p ie c e 50 Sheep each 60 Pigs each 6

Source: BN RA. CGGV. Vol. 143. Doc. 2597. 1560. Julio 6. Los Rayes. Retasa del Repartimiento de indios de Totora por el Virrey marqués de Canete a Juan Ortiz de Zdrate.

Table 5.4 Tasa of the encomienda of J. O. de Zârate, 1560

The new tasa required the Indians to pay their encomendero 2,200 pesos ensayados a year, half by 24 June (Saint John's day) and half by 25 December (Christmas). They were also compelled to produce 50 garments of abasca, half for men and half for women, with wool provided by the encomendero. They also had to deliver 60 sheep a year payable in kind or cash, and six pigs or two pesos corrientes for each instead.3^

If comparing both assessments, the one issued in 1550 still favored the encomendero, though its very existence meant the crown's intervention in affairs previously managed by the encomenderos. Although the tasa established the cash to be received by the encomendero, the cloth and the remaining products were not assessed a value, which indicates the price fluctuations in a growing

36 A vestido de abasca was one of rough wool consisting of a blanket, a dress and a shirt for either a man or a woman. Width and lenght differed i n each case. 189 internal market characterized by a constant demand for goods. Yet, the tasa of 1560 reinforced the assessment in cash and reduced the commodities assessed in kind to cloth, sheep and pigs, and these goods could also be commuted to cash. Between the adjustment of 1550 and the taxation of 1560, the

Indians requested new assessments that resulted in a reduction of their obligations. However, the receipt of tribute in cloth or llamas benefited miners and merchants like Juan Ortiz de Zarate. The cloth could either be sold or given in payment to the yanaconas w orking at the encomendero's estates and mines, while the llamas could be used to transport silver and other commodities. The encomienda functioned as a perennial source of human and market resources of immense value.

To sell the cloth and animals the Carangas yearly paid him. Juan Ortiz de Zarate set up a company with a merchant and middleman, Miguel Martinez, who had business in Arequipa, Potosi. and La Plata. In 1569 the Indians began to get involved with the company. Martinez sold the Carangas many different commodities and at the same time he was in charge of selling their surplus in cloth and animals to such an extent that he was in debt to the Indians when he wrote his last will.^?

The encomienda of Totora was linked to the encomendero's mining enterprises. The availability of Indians, yanaconas and African slave labor led Juan Ortiz de Zarate to expand his mining

BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 145, oc. 2675. 1575, Diciembre 30, Arequipa. P oder que Juan de Aramburu, como albacea del difunto Miguel Marti'nez, otorga a I lie. Rodrigo de Herro a Julian de Bastida. 190 activities in Porco and Potosi. Juan Ortiz de Zarate owned 16 vciras of

mines which he had purchased from Captain Luis Davalos de Ayala for 4,365 pesos ensayados, along with 60 varas and the shaft of

Azangaro in the Veta Rica. He also owned 60 varas which were registered in the Veta de Mendieta, and an equal number in the

Veta de Bern'o. His brother, Diego de Mendieta, who was also his representative and administrator, owned an additional 25 varas in the Veta de Mendieta.^^

Although mining was a family business, the Mendieta Zdrate brothers managed their assets individually. This explains why Juan Ortiz de Zarate organized his own mining companies using labor provided by his charges, the most important resource to consider before signing any mining contract. Sometimes, by awarding a few vciras of a mine, the partners also obtained the services of a qualified miner, who was responsible for managing the production of silver.In 1552. Juan Ortiz de Zarate sent to the Casa de Contrataciàn in Seville 105,084 pesos ensayados from his mines in

Potosi. This amount represented 37 per cent of a total of 286.376 pesos ensayados collected by the mine owners that year.-*^

BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 146, Doc. 2678. 1559, Setiembre 9, Potosi. E scritura de venta de 16 varas de mina de metal de plata en el cerro rico de Potosi h e c h a por el capitân Luis de Avalos de Ayala, al capitân Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Luis Capoche, Relacién General de la Villa Imperial de Potosi [1585] ed. Lewis Hanke, Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles 122, (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1959), 80. 84, 95. 104-107.

ANB, EP Vol. 3a Lâzaro del Aguila - Potosi, Mayo 15 de 1559. fs. cccl.xxxi-cccl.xxxiii v. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 602. 1 9 1 In 1558, Juan Ortiz de Zarate set up a fifteen-year com pany with Juan Vendrel, a vecino of La Paz (see Chapter 6), to lease the mines and adit of the King in Porco. After 1548, the crow n confiscated the mines that belonged to Hernando and Gonzalo

Pizarro in Porco androyal officials auctioned their proceeds. Vendrel obtained the lease but died a year later, and Zarate pursued the business by himself. He contributed to its exploitation with the labor of his charges, tools, cloth, and food to feed workers, and specialists. From the profits of Porco, the king received two thirds and Zarate the remaining one.-*' Table 5.5 illustrates the deposits made by Juan Ortiz de Zdrate for two thirds of all production from Porco between

1550 and 1572. amounts that cannot be compared to the profits obtained by other miners or to the yearly production of Porco since no data arc a\ailable as of this writing.

•*' ANB, EP Vol. 3b Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, 1559, f. lUccxii; BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 145, Doc. 2655, 1566, Enero 18, Potosf. Poder del Capitan Juan Ortiz de Zdrate a Francisco de Barriga; ANB, EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, M ayo 5 de 1567, fs. 615-620; Ibid., La Plata, Enero 19 de 1568; AHP, CR 4, f. 177; CR 5, fs. 50-53. 192 Year 2/3 Royal Treasury*

1559 7990 1560 6000 I56I 1000 1562 --- 1563 8508 1564 7876 1565 16908 1566 3263 1567 13592 1568 4320 1569 3800 1570 868 1571 1896 1572 1610

Total 73129

*pesos corrientes'^-

Table 5.5 Deposit of 2/3 of Production, Porco

BN RA. CGGV. Vol. 145, Doc. 2646. 1573, Enero 9, Potosi. Cuenta de 1 o procedido de la mina de Porco que el Capitân Juan Ortiz de Zarate tuvo e n arrendamiento; Ibid., Doc. 2639. 1575, Febrero 3, Potosi. Mandamiento del virrey del Peru, don Francisco de Toledo para que los oficiales reales c o b r e n de los bienes de Juan Ortiz de Zdrate los 17,000 pesos del alcance de las minas de Porco, Ibid., Doc. 2650. 1575, Febrero 3, Potosi. Autos de la ejecucidn de los bienes del adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zdrate, por el alcance de las minas de Porco; Ibid., Doc. 2655. 1566, Enero 18. Potosf. Poder del cpitdn Juan Ortiz de Zdrate a Francisco de Barriga; Ibid.. Doc. 2660. 1568, Enero 8 Potosf. Cuentas que se tomaron por los oficiales reales a Francisco de Barriga, criado de Juan Ortiz de Zdrate, del metal que se sacd de la mina de Porco; Ibid., Doc. 2661. 1569. Diciembre 29, Potosf. Cuentas tomadas a Francisco de Barriga del metal sacado de las minas de Porco, arrendada a Juan Ortiz de Zdrate; Ibid., Doc. 2552. 1571. Enero 4, potosf. Cuentas tomadas a Francisco de Barriga del metal sacado de las minas de Porco, arrendadas por Juan Ortiz de Zdrate; Ibid., Doc. 2663. 1573, Enero 9, Potosf. Cuentas tomadas a Juan de Campos y Francisco R odriguez Hidalgo, del metal sacado de la mina de Porco arredanda por Juan Ortiz de Zarate; Ibid., Doc. 2687. 1566, Enero II, Potosf. Certificacidn por los o ficia les reales de las partidas de plata que Juan Ortiz de Zdrate pagô a la Caja Real a cuenta del arrendamiento de la mina de Proco; Ibid., Doc. 2688. 1568, Octubre 16, Potosf. Certificacidn por los oficiales reales de La Plata que en nombre de Juan Ortiz de Zdrate se depositd a cuenta del arrendamiento de la mina de Porco. 193 After Xaquixaguana, several encomenderos forged an alliance to develop strategies to have their grants made perpetual. At first, they planned to approach the king as a united group with a unique proposal. In 1549, the encomenderos appointed Fray Tomas de San

Martin, Provincial of the Dominicans in Peru, and Jeronimo de Aliaga, Secretary of the Real Audiencia of Lima, to represent them before the king. They were to propose to Charles I an offer of m oney in exchange for perpetuity. The crown responded by convoking a

Junta headed by the president of the Council of the Indies which was made up of politicians, churchmen, and veterans of the conquest. These notables were to reconcile the crown's needs with those of the encomenderos. Members of the Junta were expected to consider the costs and benefitsof perpetual rights to the encomiendas. The Committee did not reach an agreement, however, and five years later Prince Philip—the regent of the crown-- reintroduced the issue of perpetuity. Income provided by the sale of perpetual grants could help solve the crown's chronic budget deficit.

In the midst of the negotiations, Francisco Hernandez Giron initiated a rebellion in Cusco in 1554. Hernandez Giron jeopardized an agreement between his peers and the authorities that sought to define a new status for the encomienda. His purpose for rebelling was to force the granting of new encomiendas and retaining the

Indians' personal service. The encomenderos, however, were only concerned with saving their own repartimientos, ignoring those veterans of the conquest who still remained dispossessed.

194 More than sixty encomenderos met in Lima between Jan u ary

and February, 1554 to defeat Francisco Hernandez Giron and work out a proposal to submit to the king. They appointed Antonio de Ribera and Pedro Luis de Cabrera to go before the king to justify the

granting perpetual encomiendas. The encomenderos' expected their perpetual grants to provide political stability and a constant labor supply. A few months later, Antonio de Ribera traveled to Spain to discuss the matter in court. A former partisan of Gonzalo Pizarro. Ribera was encomendero of Jauja and married to Dona Inès Munoz, who had been the wife of Francisco Martin de Alcantara, Francisco Pizarro's half brother. During the rebellion of Gonzalo, Ribera became the tutor of the heirs of Francisco Pizarro between 1547 and 1553.

Seven years after the execution of Gonzalo and having embraced the royalist cause. Ribera was in Brussels negotiating the perpetual grants. Heoffered 7.6 million pesos ensayados in exchange for grants in perpetuity plus civil and criminal Jurisdiction over the Indians for the grantees. The issue of civil and criminal Jurisdiction meant: 1. the encomenderos would be allowed to live in th e ir

Indians’ towns, which up to then had been prohibited and 2. the kurakakuna would administer local Justice under Spanish law and their decisions could be appealed before the encomenderos. With the approvalof Ribera's request, the encomenderos would exercise legally an unmatched power over their charges whereas before, without having Jurisdiction, they used their grants to control their Indians/]

Marvin Goldwert, "La lucha por la perpeluidad de las encom iendas e n 195 In response to Rivera's demands. King Philip ordered Viceroy

Canete to withhold all encomiendas until the future of the institution was secure. In the meantime, the Council of the Indies assumed a royalist and patrimonial position and strongly opposed the idea of grants "in perpetuity." The counselors stated that if perpetual grants were issued the traditional anarchy that characterized Peru would deepen. Wealth and power would remain in the hands of a feudal aristocracy that would enjoy excessive privileges. Furthermore, the counselors asserted that new signs of discontent and unrest would arise when hundreds of dispossessed and vagrant Spaniards contested the new prerogatives that benefited only a few.

Consequently, the Royal officials predicted new civil wars and warned the crown about the independence of the colonies and the enslavement of the native population. From Ghent, on July 23, 1559, King Philip gave instructions to his counselors to nominate three royal commissaries for traveling to Lima along with the newly appointed Viceroy, Don Diego de Ziiniga y

Velasco, Count of Nieva. The three royal officials were to study the issue in situ.-*^

el Peril virreinal," H istorica .xxii-xxiii (Lima, 1955-1956; 1957-1958): 345-351; Rafael Vardn Gabai, La Ilusion del Poder. Aposeo v decadencia de los Pizarro en la conquista del Peril (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 1996), 146, 197.

Godowert, "La lucha por la perpeluidad," 352-360.

"*5 Ibid., 207-245; Manuel Belailnde Guinassi, La Encomienda en el Peril (Lima: Ediciones Mercurio Peruano, 1945), 150-174; Marie Helmer, "Notas sobre la encomienda peruana en el siglo XVI," Revista del Instituto de Historia del D erecho 10 (Buenos Aires, 1959): 124-125; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 249- 251. 96 Demonstrating an accurate understanding of the situation, Juan

Ortiz de Zarate realized that any individual negotiation would probably result in his favor. He was not confident about the outcome

of a survey among the kurakakuna conducted by his peer and friend, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo. As the representative of the

vecinos of Charcas, Ondegardo personally asked the kurakakuna for their opinions on the perpetuity issue to contribute to the comisarios' study. Juan Ortiz de Zarate traveled to Lima to request a

perpetual grant from the comisarios. Openly and, as if knowing in advance the corruption of the comisarios, Zarate requested half of

the encomienda of Yamparaez, Charkas, Moyo-moyo and Ingas Gualparocas. who inhabited many of the villages surrounding La

Plata. On March 3, 1562, Viceroy Nieva and the Com m issaries granted Juan Ortiz de Zarate the new encomienda in perpetuity

which was worth 102,089 pesos ensayados. Fifteen days later, Zdrate paid 60,000 pesos ensayados, promising to cancel the rem aining 42,089 pesos ensayados eighteen months later. If between 1563 and 1564 the total tributes collected by the sixty Peruvian encomenderos were worth 1 million pesos ensayados, the profit Juan Ortiz de Zarate estimated to obtain from his charges was enormous, because he was committed to pay 10 per cent of the total tributes for his new grant. On the other hand, the Indians of his new encomienda were required to pay 12,761 pesos ensayados per year, which was greater than the 10 per cent he had invested.'^') It is

‘‘^ B N R A . CGGV, Vol. 103 Doc. 1551. 11. 1562, Marzo 28, Los Reyes. Ti'tulo que el Virrey y comisarios del Peru dieron al capitan Juan Ortiz de Zdrate del 197 evident that the new tributes in the first ten years generated the

income necessary for Juan Ortiz de Zarate to recover most of the capital he had invested. Additional income in labor and resources

would be realized by the encomendero^ provided the Yamparaez and the rest of the Indians were not drafted to work in the mines at

Potosi. What Juan Ortiz de Zarate and the comisarios negotiated,

however, was completely illegal. First, the encomienda of

Yamparaez, Charkas, Moyo-moyo and Ingas Gualparocas was not vacant. Don Bernaldino de Meneses, another vecino of La Plata, was enjoying it. Don Bernaldino de Meneses succeeded his uncle--Captain

Pablo de Meneses—after marrying his young widow. Dona Maria de Robles, to preserve the encomienda within his family. Since Doha Maria de Robles' first marriage was childless, she had to remarry to gain the legal right to succeed in her husband's encomienda. Thus, Viceroy Canete, who had preceded the Count of Nieva in the viceregency of Peru, passed on the encomienda to her new husband.

Don Bernaldino de Meneses. However, the necessary royal confirmation to the grant did not arrive in the prescribed time. That could have been the argument used by Juan Ortiz de Zdrate in

requesting an encomienda that technically was vacant. Second, the comisarios were in Peru to study the benefits to granting perpetual encomiendas, but they did not have the right to issue new grants or

repartimiento de la mi tad de los indios yamparaes, en que se hace relacion a sus servicios; Ibid., Doc. 1551.8. 1562, Abril 17, Los Reyes. Relacion de la moderacidn que terceros hacen de los tributes del repartimiento de indios yamparaes y otros que el capitan Juan Ortiz de Zdrate tiene en encom ienda e n los termines de la ciudad de La Plata. 198 sell perpetual concessions. Ignoring the grant passed on to Don

Bernaldino, and neglecting the king's instructions, the comisarios and the viceroy favored Juan Ortiz de Zarate with an encomienda w hose titles were uncertain. Moreover, the officials received 60,000 pesos ensayados and allowed Juan Ortiz de Zarate to collect the Indians' tributes. As a result, on February 28, 1563, Philip II wrote from

Madrid regarding the illegal procedures that his comisarios implemented in favor of Zarate.**"^

A close analysis of the Zarate family networks shows the level of political manipulation an encomendero like Juan Ortiz de Zarate could exercise in order to achieve his goals. There is little doubt that the royal commissaries exceeded their orders by rendering special favors to prominent vecinos and making controversial rulings. Juan

Ortiz de Zarate's ability to negotiate exceptions. manipulate institutions. re-interpret the law, and take advantage of administrative chaos and the political weakness of the colonial state is particularly interesting. His conduct shows how from the periphery it was possible to develop strategies to get around the

b n RA. CGGV. Vol. 103, Doc. 1551.10. 1564, Diciembre 2, La Plata. Mandamiento de la Audiencia de Charcas para que se restituya a don Bernaldino de Meneses en la posesidn de indios yamparaes y otros. y cum plim iento del mismo; Ibid., Doc. 1551.13. 1567, Marzo 26-Abril 8, La Plata. Autos sobre el pleito entre Pedro Arias y el capitan Juan Ortiz de Zdrate sob re intereses de una deuda de este ultimo; Ibid., Vol. 98, Docs. 1551.1 to 1551.5. 1577-1593. Autos del pleito sobre el repartimiento de Chayanta; Ibid., Doc. 1511.1. 1575, Diciembre 3-13, La Plata. Discernim iento sobre la tutela de Herndn Cabrera de Cordoba sobre don Plabo de Meneses, hijo legitimo de don Bernaldino de Meneses; Noble David Cook ed., Tasa de la Visita General de don Francisco de Toledo (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1575), 17-18, 29, 32, 36. 199 monarch's precise instructions and even subvert decisions made at the core of the system. Several lawsuits resulted from the grant given by the comisarios to Juan Ortiz de Zarate. Pending the king's approval of his grant, and ignoring the previous rights of Don Bernaldino de Meneses, Juan Ortiz de Zarate collected the tributes of the Yamparaez in 1562 and 1563. Consequently, Don Bernaldino de Meneses claimed a refund and compensation. Subsequently, Philip II reversed the comisarios decision, and Juan Ortiz de Zarate dem anded from the Real Hacienda a reimbursement of his 60,000 pesos ensayados. To meet the 60,000 pesos ensayados initially required to purchase the encomienda, he had borrowed money from different peers and merchants. The loans were to be repaid once he started to collect the tributes of his new Indians. After he had been prevented from collecting the tributes, his creditors sued him to get their loans repaid. Finally, the Audiencia of Charcas sentenced Juan Ortiz de Zarate to pay 15,000 pesos ensayados to Don Bernaldino de M eneses from the year and nine months he had enjoyed the tributes of the Yamparaez and other Indians. Between 1567 and 1568 Zarate paid Don Bernaldino from the incomes generated by his mines at Porco and his obraje of Cocuri. By the end of the 1560s, however, Zarate was on the verge of bankruptcy.'**

'** ANB, EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 5 de 1567, fs. ccciii v- ccciiii; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 3 de 1568, f. 52v; BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 103, Doc. 1551.10. 1564, Diciembre 2, La Plata. Mandamiento de la Audiencia de Charcas; Ibid., Doc. 1551.9. 1565, Febrero 19 - Noviembre 6, La Plata. Autos del pleito con don Bernaldino de Meneses y el capitdn Juan Ortiz de Zdrate sobre el repartimiento de indios yamparaes. 200 A litigant by nature, Juan Ortiz de Zarate sued of the crow n 150,000 pesos ensayados as compensation for his losses. In 1566, after over four years of litigation, he received the 60,000 pesos ensayados invested in the perpetual grant. Later he also claimed the interest on his capital investment, taken by the royal officials to the peninsula. Eventually, in 1570 he received 15,000 as a compensation from the Council of the Indies."*^ Legal . presentations, traveling to Lima, and good public

relations were common steps in the daily life of an entrepreneur who lived in a milieu where success was defined in terms of one's social connections and financial investments. The haciendas, ranches, obraje. and mines of Ortiz de Zarate owned represent several knots

in his network integrated by relatives and loyal employees, among whom 1 have identified his brothers, cousins, and countrymen. Juan Ortiz de Zarate's rural properties and his textile mill w ere designed to supply his workers at the mines with maize, w heat.

BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 101, Doc. 1550. 1567. Abril 11. Los Reyes. Autos del pleito entre Juan Ortiz de Zdrate y el fiscal sobre los 150,000 pesos que pide p o r no haberse cumplido lo que el virrey y comisarios capitularon acerc del concedérsele el repartimiento de indios yamparaes y otros que fueron del general Pablo de Meneses; Ibid., Vol. 143, Doc. 2596. 1571, Noviembre 18, San Lorenzo. Real Carta ejecutoria de la sentencia pronunciada el 30 de octubre de 1571 por el Consejo de Indias en favor del Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zdrate sobre intereses de los 60,000 pesos que pagô a cuenta del repartimiento de yamparaes; Ibid., Vol. 103, Doc. 1551.14. 1567, Junio 17 -Noviembre 22, Los Reyes. Autos del pleito entre el capitdn Juan Ortiz de Zdrate y el fiscal sobre e 1 repartimiento de indios yamparaes; Ibid., Vol. 101, Doc. 1548.1, 1571, Abril 25, Madrid. Autos del pleito con el Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zdrate y el fiscal del Consejo de Indias sobre los prejuicios que a aquel le resultaron de haber salido incierto del marquesado que capitulé con el virrey del Peru y el rep a rtim ien to de indios yamparaes; Ibid., Doc. 1548.2. 1562, Febrero 26 - Abril 13, Los R eyes. Autos del plieto entre don Bernaldino de Meneses y el capitdn Juan Ortiz de Zdrate sobre la posesidn de los indios yamparaes que fue [sic] del g e n e r a l Pablo de Meneses; Fernando Soler Jarddn, "Un incidente en el viaje a E spana de Juan Ortiz de Zdrate," Revista de Indias 43-44 (Madrid, 1951): 167. 201 tallow, say al and blankets. Thus, the estancia of La Lava and the cattle hato of Tucsupaya supplied Potosf and Porco with meat. In Potosf, Ortiz de Zarate owned butcher's shops which supplied the mining camp with meat.so After 1567, Don Fernando de Zarate, Juan Ortiz de Zarate's parallel cousin, administered La Lava, was responsible for marketing its products and supplying the butcher's stores in Potosf. Cocurf, a major estate whose titles can be traced to the foundation of La Plata, was located 30 kilometers northeast of the city on the banks of Pocpo River.^i In 1540, a large portion of the valley of Cocurf was granted to Gonzalo Pizarro by the Cabildo of La Plata. In 1543, Lope de Mendieta purchased a chacra in the valley.^- After the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro in 1546 many of his assets were auctioned, one of which was Cocurf. Pedro de Mendieta purchased

La Lava is today a canton at the Province of Linares, Department of Potosi, located at 11,220 feet in the road that conects Potosi with Cam argo (Department of Chuquisaca). The hato de vacas of Tucsupaya was located at 3 Kilometers of La Plata. Personal communication from the late G u n n ar Mendoza L. 51 Diccionario Geosrafico de C huquisaca (Sucre: Imprenta Bolivar de M. Pizarro, 1906), 83. 5- BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 143, Doc. 2608. 1540, Noviembre 27, La Plata. M erced de tierras sobre el rio Cocuri dada por el alcalde ordinario Pedro Anzdrez y el regidor Francisco de Almendras, al capitan Gonzalo Pizarro; Ibid., Vol. 143, Doc. 2610. 1543, Abril 23, Cusco. Merced dada por el Lie. Cristobal Vaca de Castro, del solar y una chacra en Cocuri a Garcia de Herrezuelo; Ibid., Vol. 143, Doc. 2611. 1543, Noviembre 6, Cusco. Garcia Herrezuelo traspasa a Lope de Mendieta su derecho de la chacra de Cocuri. 202 Gonzalo's estate for his brother Lope, who was later succeeded b y Juan Ortiz de Zarate.53

The mild climate and an irrigation system facilitated the cultivation of cereal in Cocuri. A complex of different agricultural undertakings, the estate of Cocuri included a chacra, where maize and wheat were cultivated. A grinding mill on the property, which was rented to several petty landowners of the region, and a obraje that produced blankets and woolen cloth. Cocuri as a complex was linked to the Mendieta-Zarate family mining enterprises, since its harvests and textile production financed the needs of the encomienda Indians, yanaconas, and African slaves housed at the mines of Porco and Potosi.54

As a family enterprise, Cocuri was administered by Diego de Mendieta, Juan Ortiz de Zarate's youngest brother, who resided on the hacienda with a group of stewards, cowboys, textile masters, weavers, and a miller. The largest groups inhabiting Cocuri were the yanaconas and slaves, who were the main labor force at the complex.55

53 BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 143, Doc. 2612. 1548, Setiembre 18-25, La Plata. Re mate en Pedro de Mendieta, en nombre de Lope de Mendieta, de la chacra de Cocuri, que fue de Gonzalo Pizarro; Ibid., Vol. 143, Doc. 2609. 1557, Mayo 5, La Plata. Juan Ortiz de Zârate pide al Licenciado Altamirano, oidor de la A u d ien cia de Charcas, ordena al Ecribano del Cabildo le de testimonio del ti'tulo de sus chacras de Cocuri y Sicha y asi se hace. 5** ANB, EP. Vol. 9 Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 5 de 1567, fs.cxx- cxxiiii; Ibid., Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 3 de 1568, fs. 50-55. 55 ANS, EP Vol. 1 Juan Luis Soto - La Plata, Julio 11 de 1551, f. 19; EP Vol. 5 Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, 1563, fs. dccix-dccx. 203 Properties such as Sigcha and Sequincha, which were located in the vicinity of Cocuri, were also owned by Lope de Mendieta. All the Mendieta-Zarate brothers had lands in the valley of Sigcha.^^ Juan Ortiz de Zarate also owned an estate with mills on the shores of the Cachimayo River, along the so-called Camino Real th a t connected La Plata with Potosf. The hacienda had main houses and rancherias for yanaconas. In 1565 before he undertook new adventures of conquest and, at a time when the demands of his purchase of the encomienda of Yamparaez threatened the integrity of his assets, Juan Ortiz de Zarate donated Sigcha and Cachimayo to his brother Diego, who administered both estates.s^ The gift can be interpreted in two ways, considering the peculiar financial circumstances of the donor and his promising future. Making a fictitious donation in favor of one of his closest relatives, Juan Ortiz de Zarate dispossessed himself of two valuable properties to avoid confiscation by the colonial authorities. Embargoes or auctions were common methods employed by authorities to collect unpaid debts. On the other hand, perhaps optimistic about his economic recovery after the conquest of the Rio de la Plata, Zarate may have wanted to confirm symbolically the close relationship with his brother, representative, agent, and administrator by endowing him with two of his best properties.^*

56 ANB, EP Vol. 1 Juan Luis Soto - La Plata, Julio 11 de 1551, f. 21. 57 ANB, EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 20 de 1563, f. dlii; Ibid., La Plata, Febrero 3 de 1565, fs. xxiii-xxiv. 58 Giovanni Levi, Inheriting Power. The Storv of an Exorcist (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 1 15. 204 Juan Ortiz de Zarate owned much land in Tarija, an area which was inhabited by Carangas, Chichas, Copayapos, and M oyo-moyo Indians from his encomienda. It was in Tarija—a frontier region with no Spanish settlement until 1574—where he had ranches and all kinds of livestock.^^

The development of the internal market and the first silver boom at Potosf led Juan Ortiz de Zarate to invest in real estate in Potosf and La Plata. He had a residence in La Plata and four houses located on the same street as the Hospital of Santa Barbara and solares near the Convent of San Francisco. The four houses and six urban lots were sold to pay the debts generated by the purchase of the perpetual grant. Diego de Mendieta transferred the houses in 1566 at 600, 1.250. and 2,500 pesos corrientes and the six solares were sold ai 1.950 pesos corrientes. During the 1550s Potosf was the pole of attraction for all those who aspired to benefit from mining as well as commerce. Migration from different viceregal regions and even Spain to the small settlement built around the mining camp resulted in overpopulation and a subsequent scarcity of housing. As one of the first mine owners of Potosf. Zarate profited from that situation. He ow ned several solares on which he built small houses and tiendas to be

ANB. EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata. Diciembre 17 de 1565. f. dxxxv; EP Vol. 15 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Setiembre 4 de 1578, fs. 708- 711; Soler Jarddn, "Un incidente," 44; Ovando Sanz, "Juan Ortiz de Zarate," 65. ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 6 de 1564, f. cl; Ibid., La Plata, Junio 27 de 1564; Ibid.. Junio 30 de 1564; Ibid., Julio 3 de 1564; EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 26 de 1565, f. xiii; Ibid., La Plata, Mayo 8 de 1565, f. Ixxxix; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, 1567, f. 51; EP Vol. 4 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 21 de 1561, f. 72. 205 .. Sig ô .y '. Luje o o Mojotoro oLa Plata .!

Figure 5.1 Properties owned by the Zarate Mendieta Family

2Ü6 rented to different persons. Residences and attached tiendas w ere located at the Calle de los Mercaderes, in front of the Church of La Merced, at the Plazuela de la Coca and at the Esquina de la Verdura.

Houses and tiendas were leased by his cousin Don Fernando de Zarate ‘ Commerce and commercial companies complemented Ortiz de Zarate's agricultural, ranching, and mining investments. From La Plata, he distributed grain, cloth, textiles, Castilian goods, and luxurious European merchandise. From 1551 onwards he became an agent for Juan Albertos, a wholesale merchant with commercial interests in Charcas, Arequipa and Lirna.*^- Neiiher the Spanish Civil Wars nor the subsequent rebellions against colonial rule prevented Juan Ortiz de Zarate from exploiting and administering his multiple assets. Although he fought on the crown's side during the upheaval of Egas de Guzman and Sebastian de Castilla in Potosf and La Plata (1553), he sold maize, wheat, horses and other flocks to the rebels through his agents and merchants, such as Diego Rodriguez de Soifs and Diego Moreno. A fter the rebellion was crushed, Juan Ortiz de Zarate demanded from

In sixteenth-century Charcas, a "tienda" was a boarding room o f modest dimentions, also defined as "tienda redonda" if the room was open to the street without connection with the main house to which it was attatched. At the same time, true stores and shops had rooms where the merchants o r artisans lived. See: Ovando Sanz, "Juan Ortiz de Zarate," 65; ANB, EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 22 de 1568, f. 65.

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Caspar de Rojas - Potosf, 1551, fs. 226-226; Ibid., La Plata, Agosto 1 de 1551, fs. 50v-51. 207 Rodriguez de Solis and Moreno 2,000 pesos ensayados for the unpaid goods supplied to the r e b e l s .^3

Economic diversification as well as financial troubles led Juan Ortiz de Zarate, as stated above, to be involved in many lawsuits. His political connections and personal links with royal officials, however, led him to use the legal system as an instrument to avoid his obligations, to increase his assets, and to overcome unfavorable decisions. In sum, he used the legal system to promote and protect his business interests. After the establishment of the Real Audiencia de Charcas, the oidor es were divided because of oidor Recalde's bias towards his relative and countryman, Juan Ortiz de Zarate. The first Libro de Acuerdos de la Real Audiencia de Charcas gives an account of the complaints about the biased behavior of Licenciado Recalde, who remained in office from 1562 to 1576. Those making form al accusations and who sought ways to neutralize Licenciado Recalde were his peers. President Licenciado Pedro Ramirez de Quinones (1561-1575), the prosecutor Licenciado Rabanal (1561-1576), and the oidores Licenciado Juan de Matienzo (1561-1579) and Licenciado Antonio Lopez de Haro (1561-1573). The relationship between the judge and the encomendero was described by Licenciado Matienzo, who said that, "en el pueblo se tiene por uha, por ser vizcaino, a quien el dicho senor licenciado muestra siempre gran aficion." Moreover, referring to Licenciado Recalde, Matienzo

^3 ANB, EP Vol. 3b Ldzaro del Aguila - Potosi, Octubre 30 de 1559, fs. 1089- 1090. 208 recommended that, "[se le] debe excluir de votar en les négocies tocantes a Juan Ortiz de Zârate, porque el fiscal y todo el pueblo le tienen por pariente e mtimo suyo."G4

Juan Ortiz de Zârate frequently went to court to demand the payment of debts, land surveys, unpaid interest, and jurisdiction over Indians. For instance, the lawsuit with his fellow encomendero

Cristobal Barba over the Moyo-moyo Indians ended only after 2 2 years in which he invested thousands of pesos .Y e a r s later he started a lawsuit against the Charka Indians from Moro Moro over land rightsThere is no doubt that Juan Ortiz de Zârate used his personal network and connections to negotiate at court. His social standing and connections allowed him to alter the terms of appeal and to obtain all kinds of information to support his cases. His kinship with Licenciado Recalde—a relative of his aunt from Seville, Dona Maria de Recalde e Idiâquez—is a clear example of how a well connected encomendero overcame the limits of the law, adapted to the rules, and manipulated the court system. Zârate’s cash, however, like his political convictions, oscillated because of his economic and financial circumstances. He fought

ANB, LAACh I. Libro de acuerdo para pleitos de recusaciones de oidores y para pleitos propios de oidores y de su familia. Ano 1564, fs. 12 v, 13v. I thank the late Gunnar Mendoza L. for his enthusiastic advise on usign th is specific Libro the Acuerdos to address corruption at the a u d ien cia since its inauguration; Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. i:xxi.

BN RA. CGGV, Vols. 75-76. Primera y SegundaPieza del Pleito; ANB, EP Vol. 9 Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 5 de 1567, fs.cxx-cxxiv; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 4 de 1568, fs. 50-54.

ANB, EP Vol. 1 Gaspar de Rojas - La Plata, Octubre 31 de 1553; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 4 de 1568, f. 51v. 209 before the courts to avoid the loss of a real and blamed his partners, peers or the crown for the financial losses he incurred due to market conditions. He dared to press a claim on the Real Hacienda for 10,000 pesos ensayados as compensation for a theft in 1553 in which he lost jewelry. He requested another 20,000 pesos ensayados for the haciendas and ranches which were sacked by the Chiriguanos in Tarija in 1561. His complaints about the losses incurred in trying to purchase the encomienda of Yamparaez never ended, although he accepted the compensation of 15,000 pesos ensayados granted by the crown.G?

Like other conquistadors of Charcas, Zarate sent a part of his profit to Spain for investment in juros, censos and rents. From his brother Lope, he inherited annuities from the estate of the Duke of Medina Sidonia and the almojarifazgo mayor of Seville. His cousin, Lope de Mendieta. was the administrator of these investments and his relatives Ana de Mendieta, Elvira Ortiz de Mendieta, and Ochoa de Luyando. Secretary of the Council of the Indies, were some of his other representatives in Spain.^s

As a result of his wealth and reputation he obtained the position of administrador de bienes de difuntos and the correduria mayor de lonja in La Plata and Potosf. Both concessions required a considerable initial investment, a security bond, and the

Ovando Sanz, "Juan Ortiz de Zarate," 64; Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. ii:443-446.

ANB, EP Vol. 3a Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1558, fs. 569-573; Ibid., Potosf, Junio 26 de 1559, f. dlviii; Ibid., Potosi, Diciembre 31 de 1559, fs. 914-915; EP 3b Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1559, fs. lUccclxviii-1 Uccclxxi; 210 appointment of mayordomos, overseers, and administrators to supervise the development of businesses. Regarding the decedent estates and funds, the administrator received a fixed percentage of the annual collection. Purchased at a public auction, the correduria de lonja lasted three years during which the dealer had to supply merchandise to La Plata and Potosi. Juan Ortiz de Zarate held the position of corredor de lonja between 1559 and 1561. Moreover, as a vecino of La Plata he served as alcalde ordinario and regidor for the city during the 1550s.*^^

Although Juan Ortiz de Zarate had amassed wealth and status in Charcas and achieved a successful entrepreneurial career, honor and titles, the maximum aspirations of a hidalgo, had to be gained through a mission that showed his worth as a conquistador.

Sixteenth-century Spain was a society in which individual status was determined by official rank. A position of governor could bring honor and prestige to one's family, social recognition and an opportunity to increase one's assets. An appointment as governor to the Rio de la Plata was attractive enough to induce Juan Ortiz de

Zarate to use his political connections and his family network and to risk his fortune to secure that office. He had decided to travel to Lima to request the office when Francisco Hernandez Giron rebelled in Cusco. The revoltforced him to stay in Potosi and postpone his trip and plans. Ten years later, with the support of the vecinos of

^^ANB, EP Vol. IJuan Luis Soto - La Plata, Julio 9 de 1551, f. 41-42; Ibid., Gaspar de Rojas - La Plata, Marzo 9 de 1551, f. ccccxxxii; EP Vol. 3a Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 19 de 1559, fs. ccccviii, ccccxii; EP Vol. 3b Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 18 de 1559, f. 692; Ibid., Junio 15 de 1559, f. dxiii; EP Vol. 11 Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Enero 4 de 1561, f. cccciii. 2 I I Charcas and Paraguay he was persuaded to pursue the governorship 70

Pending approval from the king, Licenciado Castro appointed

Juan Ortiz de Zarate as interim governor of the Rfo de la Plata on February 20, 1566. Castro described Zarate as a prudent, loyal and an experienced man whose qualifications were perfectly suited to accomplish the capitulacionesJ^ The agreement required Juan Ortiz de Zarate to recruit 500 married and skilled men from Spain, which required a personal investment of approximately 20,000 ducados to handle the logistics of the expedition. Additionally, he had contracted to include 8,000 livestock from his ranches in Charcas in order to develop the new colony.72

In the 1560s only a few vecinos of Charcas could match what Juan Ortiz de Zarate achieved: military experience, an outstanding economic position, and a personal network with strong links in Charcas, Lima, and Spain.

20 Levene, Historia de la Nacion Argentina fdesde los orfgenes hasta la organizacion definitiva en 18621 2nd. Edition (Buenos Aires; Editorial "El Ateneo," 1939), 188; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 55; Soler Jarddn, "Un incidente," 162-16. 2 'Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. i:223; Groussac, "La segunda fundacidn," xcvi. 22 Roberto Levillier, Gobernantes del Peril. Cartas v papeles del S iglo XVI. 14 vols. (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1921-1926), ix: 160-164; Groussac, "La segunda fundacidn," Apéndice ii, pp. 3-4.

212 The Last Enterprise: the Quest for Honor and the Loss of a Family Fortune

An unfinished enterprise of the 1540s had to be pursued in the 1560s in order to secure the borders of Charcas and promote its integration with the Atlantic economy. Since the date of his arrival in 1561 as a judge of the Audiencia, Licenciado Juan de M atienzo (1561-1579), started to develop plans to provide a better government for the Castilian colonies, one that benefited both the crown and the settlers. Matienzo was an active writer whose political thought and strategy were expressed in his Gobierno del Peru, a work finished in 1567.^3 In addition, Licenciado Matienzo sent letters to the king and viceregal authorities in which he recommended changing the political economy of the viceroyalty in order to integrate the southern territories of Charcas. Matienzo’s project was to extend the jurisdiction of the Audiencia de Charcas by emphasizing the importance of exploring and populating territories closed to the Atlantic basin. This could allow a better outlet for Potosi's silver and would benefit the settlers with a more convenient commercial outlet and faster communications. His letters to King Philip II suggested the need to found towns between Salta and the Parana River (today northwest and northeast Argentina), build a road along the Pilcomayo River and establish a port at Buenos Aires.'^^ Given Potosi's enormous mercantile capacity, the

73 Juan de Matienzo, Gobierno del P eru 11567). ed. Guillermo L o h m a n n Villena (Paris-Lima: Instit Français d'Etudes Andines, 1967). 7^ Levillier, Audiencia de Charcas. i: 168-177, 221-223. 213 advantage of transporting silver from the mines to a port city on the

Atlantic Ocean had long been favored. The cumbersome overland and sea route for Potosi's silver through Lima was expensive and hazardous. Matienzo's letters convinced and motivated the authorities in Lima to appoint a governor for the Rfo de la Plata. The advice of Licenciado Matienzo led to a capitulacion once the

Governor of Peru, Licenciado Lope Garcia de Castro, agreed to support the project. In 1566 he nominated Juan Ortiz de Zarate as the first provisional governor.^^

The city of Buenos Aires was founded by Don Pedro de Mendoza, the first Adelantado of the Rfo de la Plata, on February 3, 1536. The first settlers later abandoned the city, because of Indian hostility and the "lack of resources." For a sixteenth-century conquistador in colonial Charcas, however, wealth meant precious ores and Indian laborers, not the potential riches found in the most fertile pampas in the world. The absence of precious metals and skilled labor made the Rfo de la Plata unattractive to the first group of pioneers, who abandoned the newly founded town and relocated in Asuncion (Paraguay) in 1537. Although there was a small number of colonists living in Asuncion, Indian hostility and internal strife

Roberto Levillier, Nueva Cronica de la Provincia del T ucum dn, 3 vois. (Buenos Aires: Coieccidn de Publicaciones Histdricas de la Biblioteca del Congreso Argentino, 1931), 14-15. 2 14 undermined the colony despite its strategic location and abundant agricultural resources7^

In 1565-1566, the writings of Licenciado Juan de Matienzo about the need of repopulating Buenos Aires were supported by a discovery of silver deposits collected from Guaira (Paraguay). News of the availability of silver in Paraguay rapidly circulated in Charcas. Subsequently, Rio de la Plata and Paraguay became the new land of hope7?

To receive royal confirmation for his new position, Juan Ortiz de Zarate prepared to return to Spain from Peru. His capitulaciones were expensive and difficult to accomplish. As a result, he collected as much cash as possible from his properties in Charcas and requested loans before traveling to Spain. The lack of cash was endemic in the region, as Paul Groussac explains:

Como en todos los pai'ses nuevos, los capitales eran escasos en el mismo Peru, aiin entre los mas afortunados mineros de Potosi', que lo eran sin duda los Mendietas y los Zarates. Muchas tierras y repartimientos, montones de productos en especie, y poquisimas lalegas en reserva: tal era, fuera de la muchedumbre que vivi'a trampeando, el balance comercial de los mas acaudalados.^*

Francisco Madero, Historia del Puerto de Buenos Aires, descubrimiento del Ri'o de la Plata v de sus principales afluentes v fundacidn de las mas antiguas ciudades en sus m â r g e n e s (Buenos Aires, 1892); Paul Groussac, Mendoza _ y Garay. Las dos fundaciones de Buenos Aires. 1536-1580 (Buenos Aires: Jesus Mendez Editores, 1916); Enrique de Gandia, Historia de la conquista del Rfo de la Plata v del Paraguay (Buenos Aires: Garci'a-Santos, 1932); Antonio Ballesteros y Beretta (dir.), Historia de America v de los Pueblos Americanos Vol. VIII. Exploracidn v Conquista del Rfo de la Plata. Siglos XVI v XVII by Julian M. Rubio (Barcelona: Salvat, 1942), chapters vi-vii.

Ricardo Levene, Historia de la Nacion A r g en tin a . iii:188.

Groussac, "La segunda fundacidn," cxlvi. 2 1 5 Zarate took advantage of his prestige and wealth to gain access to credit. He took a loan of 12,000 pesos ensayados from the real hacienda. Initially, he received 2,000 of those loaned pesos ensayados before he left for Spain. His agents and representatives, Diego de Mendieta and Don Fernando de Zarate—his younger brother and cousin, respectively—used the money to finance the journey and settlement in the Rio de la Plata for the first hundredcolonists. The new settlers were provided with tools, livestock, and food for the journey which was headed by Felipe de Caceres, Juan Ortiz de Zarate’s lieutenant.?^

Soon after embarking for Spain Zarate's ship was hijacked b y pirates, who robbed him and threatened his life and put his new enterprise in jeopardy. Once in Spain he received the invaluable financial help of his peninsular family and political support from

Licenciado Castro—now an officer at the Council of the Indies. After he recovered from his misfortunes. King Philip II confirmed his office. He was appointed Governor and General Captain with a n annual salary of 4,000 ducados. In addition, he received the title of Adelantado of Rio de la Plata and a significant number of

Soler Jarddn, "Un incidente," 163-168; Levillier, Gobernantes del P eru . ix:242; Groussac, “La segunda fundacidn," Apéndice iii;5-12; BN RA. CGGV. Vol. 143, Doc. 2595. 1570, Setiembre 24, Madrid. Real Cédula a las Audiencias de los Reyes y Charcas y a los oficiales reales de dichas ciudades y de Potosf, e n que se aprueba el empréstito de 12.000 pesos que se hizo al Adelantado Ju an Ortiz de Zarate, para el socorro y aviamiento de la gente del Rfo de la Plata q u e vino con Francisco Ortiz de Vergara y se ordena el desembargo de los b ie n e s secuestrados en virtud del dicho préstamo y que por el término de 8 anos n o pueda ser reclamado su pago; Ibid., Doc. 2601. 1577. Relaciôn del p leito ejecutorio entre el procurator de la Real Hacienda y el Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zârate, sobre los 10.000 pesos que dicho Adelantado debe a la Real H acienda, en virtud de una obligacidn firmada el 14 de Julio de 1567. 2 16 exemptions as a Royal officiai. He was exempted from the residencia as well as the payment of the alcabala for twenty years and the

almojarifazgo for ten. He was issued a license to introduce 3 00 African slaves and given the right to enjoy Indians not yet granted in encomienda without giving up his grant in Carangas. He could also exploit mines and send the king the tenth of his produce, instead of the normal one fifth, and build sugar mills, which were exempted from embargoes in case he incurred debts. Finally, he received the Habit of the Order of Santiago and was promised the title of Marquis of the Rio de la Plata if he fulfilled his capitulaciones.^^

Financial difficulties, however, did not allow Ortiz de Zarate to assume his duties. He was unable to recruit skilled immigrants or to obtain the money necessary for his expedition to the Rfo do la Plata. When he was on the verge of being fined 10,000 ducados for not

accomplishing his capitulaciones in the allotted time, his cousin. Doha Maria de Zarate, offered a loan. She lent Juan Ortiz de Zarate 1,582,496 maravedies from the annuities she received from the

80 BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 131, Doc. 2334. 1570, Enero 21, Madrid. Real Cédula concediendo a Juan Ortiz de Zarate en virtud de lo capitulado y de sus servie!os. pueda gozar y conservar los indios que tenia encomendado para él y su s sucesores; ANB EP Vol. 9 Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 5 de 1567; Ibid., Diciembre 17 de 1565; EP Vol. 23 Jun Bravo - La Plata 1570, f. ccclv; Ibid., 1571, f. cccixii; ANB, RC 115/1569, Madrid, Enero 15 de 1569. 2 17 almojarifazgo mayor of Seville. For collateral Zarate offered his

properties in Charcas Zarate's attempt to organize an expedition with ill-prepared

three ships for the long journey to the Rfo de la Plata ended in a fiasco. The ships were improperly provisioned for the number of people on board and dangerously overloaded, which resulted in starvation and disease during the journey. The survivors of the trip arrived in Asuncion in November, 1573. There were no skilled artisans or farmers among the crew of 400 people but many marginal and urban poor without an office or profession. Juan Ortiz de Zarate was committed to found five cities in the region and was officially required to populate them with skilled labor. Of the five cities. Villa Rica del Espiritu Santo (Guaira, Paraguay) and Santa Fe de la Vera Cruz (today Argentina) were founded by his lieutenants before Zarate returned from Spain. The adelantado founded San Salvador at the shores of the Uruguay River before dying in

Asuncion on January 26, 1576.

BN RA. CGGV, Vol. 107, Doc. 1593. 1569, Julio 31. Madrid. Real Cédula al corregidor de Cadiz y al de Jerez para que reunan 200 hombres que Juan Ortiz de Zârate necesita para poblar el Rfo de la Plata; Ibid., Vol. 104, Doc. 1563. 1572. Junio 16, Madrid. Obligacidn que hace el Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zârate, an te el escribano Diego de Encina, para el cumplimiento de su capitulacidn y asiento sobre la conquista y poblacidn del Rio de la Plata; Ibid., Vol. 107, Doc. 1585. 1570, Octubre 3, El Escorial. Real Cédula al adelantado y capitân general del R io de la Plata Juan Ortiz de Zârate, prorrogândole la salida de su arm ada apra agosto de 1571, por no haberlo podido hacer, segân lo tenia capitulado, a causa de una grave enfermedad que sufrid en la corte que lo puso a perder la vida; Ibid., Doc. 144, Doc. 2628. 1571, Diciembre 17, Sevilla. Escritura de obligacidn e hipoteca extendida por el Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zârate a fa v o r de da. Maria de Zârate, en razdn del socorro que le hizo para el aviamiento de la armada para el Rio de la Plata. 2 l 8 A few months after the death of Juan Ortiz de Zarate the excitement over the Rfo de la Plata quieted. The fortune amassed b y

Juan Ortiz de Zarate and his brother Lope de Mendieta over forty years vanished. Juan Ortiz de Zarate's daughter inherited the remaining fragments of her father’s assets. However, her hand and dowry became the focus and lure of many ambitious bachelors with political aspirations in Charcas and Lima. By the end of the 15 70s quarrels and disputes regarding the appropriate male heir to marry Dona Juana de Zarate involved Royal officials and families located at the top of the social pyramid and her own kindred. Possessing the adelantazgo—a precious nonmaterial heritage—made Dona Juana de Zarate the most coveted mestiza in the history of Charcas.

Once Juan Ortiz de Zarate died, the Zarate-Mendieta family lost the helmsman who had steered it to the top of Peruvian colonial society and started a rapid economic decline. Lawsuits for unpaid debts and nonfulfillment of contracts accumulated and led Juan Ortiz de Zarate's heiress to lose many of her properties without having the chance to negotiate with the creditors or the authorities. Cocuri and the mines of Porco and Potosf were auctioned and the encomienda tributes were confiscated to pay loans and mortgages. A different future would have awaited this family if Juan Ortiz de Zarate had been successful in the enterprise of the Rfo de la Plata, a task that involved much more than honor. King Philip had offered Juan Ortiz de Zarate rewards that could have resulted in his becoming the wealthiest landowner of the viceroyalty, while enjoying unlimited power over the territory and resources he was to conquer a n d

2 19 populate. If successful, Ortiz de Zarate would have anticipated the

project accomplished by the Bourbons in 1776, when they established the Viceroyalty of the Rfo de la Plata, with Buenos Aires

designated as its capital and the outlet for the Atlantic commerce and communication with the southern portion of the Castilian colonies. Instead, the Mendieta-Zarate family in Charcas was reduced to Diego de Mendieta, the youngest of the four Basque

immigrants brothers, and Dona Juana de Zarate, Doha Ana de Mendieta, and Doha Catalina de Mendieta y Zarate—the natural daughters of Juan Ortiz de Zarate, Diego de Mendieta and Lope de

Mendieta, respectively—whose lives vanished in the shadow of trials and sudden social and economic decline.^-

The hierarchical principles of colonial society were reflected in patriarchal family structures in which the father or the eldest brother embodied authority and demanded obedience, submission, and respect. The Mendieta-Zarate brothers had incorporated these principles initially under Lope de Mendietas and later with Juan

Ortiz de Zarate's leadership. Although Pedro de Mendieta's stay in Charcas was brief—he died in Tierra Firme while traveling back to

Spain in 1551—his role was that of a representative and administrator to his successful elder brother Lope.^j Diego de

Mendieta performed a similar subordinate role later by living at the shadow of his brother Juan Ortiz de Zarate. When Juan Ortiz de

ANB. EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Marzo 10 de 1571, f. Ixxix; EP Vol. 21 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 5 de 1584, fs. 10-12.

ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Agosto 7 de 1584, f. 670; EP Vol. 1 Gaspar de Rojas - Potosi, Junio 16 de 1550, f. ccxx. 220 Zârate left for Spain to receive the title of adelantado, Diego de Mendieta enjoyed the vecindad in La Plata.*^ Diego de Mendieta was in charge of the management of the mills of Cachimayo River and the complex of Cocuri, two of Juan Ortiz de Zarate's largest rural undertakings. Cachimayo became his property after Juan Ortiz de Zarate made a donation in his favor in 1565. The mills of Cachimayo were leased to different petty landowners to grind their cereal, a service that resulted in a quick income in cash or kind. Diego de Mendieta also possessed an estate in Yotala—16 kilometers south of La Plata—and another in Sequincha, bordering chacras belonging to his brother.85 Silver mining led Diego de Mendieta to set up companies to exploit his own mines located in the Veta Rica and in the Veta de Mendieta at Potosi.*^

ANB. EP Vol. 3a Ldzaro del Aguila - Potosi, Mayo 17 de 1557. fs. c.\xxxix-c.xl; EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 22 de 1566, f. 298; Ibfd., La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1566, ff. 306-307 and 308-309v; EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 24 de 1568, f. 316; EP Vol. 11 Francisco de Logrono - La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1560, fs. cccxciv v-cccxcv v; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 16 de 1569, fs. 537-538v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata. Setiembre 22 de 1570, fs. 360v-365; Ibid., Octubre 16 de 1571, f.ccclxii; EP Vol. 2 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata, Diciembre 10 de 1575, fs. 28v-29. ANB, EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 16 de 1569, fs. 5 36- 537; Ibid., fs. 540v-541; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 22 de 1570, fs. 360V-365; Ibid., Noviembre 24 de 1570, fs. 470v-471; Ibid., La Plata, Julio 9 de 1573, f. 569; Ibid., Mayo 30 de 1575, fs. clxiiii-clxv; EP Vol. 2 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata. Diciembre 10 de 1575, fs. 28v-29; EP Vol. 14 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 22 de 1577, f. 57; Ibid., Junio 28 de 1577, f. 362; Ibid., Setiembre 18 de 1577, fs. 534-535; EP Vol. 16 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Setiembre 12 de 1577; fs. 482-483; EP Vol. 20 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 29 de 1584, f. 853. ANB, EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Noviembre 7 de 1572, fs. 4 2 2 - 423; EP Vol. 13 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 30 de 1576, fs. 1123-1127; EP Vol. 17 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Enero 18 de 1580, fs. 256-257; Ibid., La Plata, Julio 29 de 1580, fs. 678-680; EP Vol. 18 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 2 de 1581, fs. 251v-253; Ibid., Mayo 23 de 1583, fs. 473v-476. 22 1 In 1575, forty years after arriving in Peru, Diego de M endieta

married Dona Magdalena de Contreras. The marriage was childless

but Diego had from his youth a natural daughter. Dona Ana de Mendieta, whom he tried to legitimize before the law.

Soon after the death of his brother, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and the failure of the enterprise of the Rfo de la Plata, Diego d e Mendieta's finances started to deteriorate. From 1577 onwards he started to request loans he could not repay, which led him to sell his most valuable properties. In 1586 he sold the mills of Chachimayo

River for 16,500 pesos ensayados from which he owed 6,100 to three of the institutions that grew financially from the mortgages of the weakened landowners of Charcas. These institutions were the Hospitals of Paria, the Chaplaincies Funds from the Cathedral of La Plata, and the Treasury of the City Council of La Plata.^^ In a desperate attempt to regain a portion of the family's wealth. Mendieta claimed, after the death of his parents and brothers, assets in Orduna—his hometown in Biscay—Seville, and Tierra Firme ** This branch of the Zarate family could not survive the costly enterprise of the Rio de la Plata and the death of the architect of the family fortune, Juan Ortiz de Zarate. Juan Ortiz de Zarate's personal network vanished soon after his death. When Juan Ortiz de Zarate was the dynamic center of his network, cousins, countrymen, friends, and partners interacted among themselves and contributed

ANB, EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Diciembre 20 de 1586, fs. 2436- 2440. ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Agosto 7 de 1584, fs. 667-671. 222 to his economic and political success. The territorial extension of his network surpassed the boundaries of Charcas and reached Lima and

Chile, Seville and the Basque country. His encomienda of Totora, as happened earlier with Lope de Mendieta's, did not pass on to the next generation because, like his elder brother, Juan Ortiz de Zarate produced a natural heiress. After losing much property in lawsuits, the remaining Zarate-Mendieta assets were reduced to real estate in

La Plata and Potosi. However, the Zarate-Recalde branch of the family which arrived in Peru enjoying peninsular titles and public recognition that the Zarate-Mendieta tried to acquire without success and continued enjoying its higher social status and secured impressive assets that favored its survival in Charcas and Chile.

The Survival of the Status

The Zarate-Recalde family started their successful career in

Charcas twenty years after their cousins, the Zarate-Mendieta's. The Zarate-Mendieta family gained early success through rewards and recognition by providing military service to the king during he early colonial period. The Zarate-Recalde migratory enterprise was similar to their cousin's in that it was a collective family undertaking. The Zarate-Recalde family and their in-laws were differentiated from many others Peruvian settlers because all of their males enjoyed the title of "Don," a social peninsular recognition that allowed them to forge close ties with viceroys, officers, churchmen, and wealthy families soon after their arrival in Lima. Like true peninsular

223 hidalgos, the newcomers belonged to the selective group of knights

associated to theSpanish king's armies. They continued a

professional military career in the colonies according to their

families' status. Peninsular high rank and success at war in the colonies gave the newcomer hidalgos a passport to economic wealth,

political offices, and social excellence.

During the viceregency of Don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Canete, who governed Peru from 1556 to 1560, several

knights arrived there as members of his court, which was characterized by the high status of its courtiers and their luxurious

lifestyle. Aware of the rebellion of Francisco Hernandez Giron in 1554, two young knights of King Philip obtained permission to go to

the New World and pursue their military careers. One of the knights was Don Francisco de Irarrâzaval y Martinez de Aguirre, born in Deva, Guipuzcoa, the Basque country, lord of the houses of Andia and

Irarrazaval. The other was Don Alonso de Ercilla y Zuniga, the future chronicler. Both men embarked with their horses, arms, and soldiers in the army of Jeronimo de Alderete, who attempted the conquest of

Chile. The sudden death of Alderete left the crew in the command of Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, the son of the viceroy who, like the two young knights, was in his early twenties. In 1559, Irarrazav al and Ercilla—who portrayed his fellow in several chapters of the epic poem La Araucana—were in Lima requesting rewards for th eir participation in the Arauco war in Chile. Irarrazaval expected to be granted a rich encomienda, which he did not get and he decided to return to Spain. King Philip made him Gentilhombre de Boca an d

224 since Irarrazaval insisted on returning to Peru, the King gave him a letter addressed to Viceroy Nieva recommending that he be granted an encomienda. Before leaving, he married Dona Lorenza de Zarate y

Recalde the daughter of his countrymen Don Diego de Zarate and Doha Maria de Recalde e Idiâquez, uncle and aunt of the Zarate- Mendieta. The couple arrived in Lima in June, 1563 where Don

Francisco received at first the encomienda of Quillota and later Rape I and Pacoa, in the Kingdom of Chile. In 1565 they resettled in Chile, where they raised their eight children.*^ As with other immigrants, the Irarrazaval-Zarate's trip to Peru was a collective family undertaking since Doha Lorenza's brothers.

Don Francisco and Don Fernando de Zarate, traveled with the couple. Don Fernando de Zarate was a Knight of Santiago and once in Peru relocated in Charcas near his prosperous cousins, the Zarate- M endieta.‘^o As a newcomer, Don Fernando did not enjoy seniority in the conquest. However, he possessed the title "Don" by birthright which distinguished him from his encomendero cousin--Juan Ortiz de Zarate. Juan Ortiz de Zarate was obsessed throughout his lifetim e with obtaining the same, a quest that ultimately led him to loose much of his fortune.

Retamal Favereau, Familias fundadoras. 329-337; Roa y Ursûa, El Revno de Chile 1535-1810. 50; Loredo, "Alardes y Derramas," 206; D o m in g o Amundtegui del Solar, La sociedad chilena del siglo XVIII. Mavorzgos v tftulos de Castilla. 3 vols. (Santiago: Imprenta, Litografia y Encuadernacidn Barcelona, 1901), 1:271-308.

Retamal Favereau. Familias fundadoras. 336-337; Roa y Ursûa. El Revno de C hile. 50; Mendiburu. Diccionario H istdrico. xi:370. 225 Soon after he arrived in Charcas, two circumstances helped

Don Fernando de Zarate develop a successful entrepreneurial career. The first was his association with his cousin Juan Ortiz de Zarate, who gave him the responsibility of administering his assets in Potosi and the tributes of his encomienda Indians. The last and most

fruitful was his marriage to Dona Luisa de Vivar. As a widow of

Gomez de Solis, who became encomendero of Tapacari (Cochabamba) in 1548, the repartimiento was passed on to Doha Luisa in the

second generation. Social norms and the law, however, forced women like Doha Luisa to remarry after which the new husband became, in effect, an encomendero.^^ Thus, by virtue of marriage. Don Fernando became one of the few peninsular "Dons" to enjoy an encomienda in Charcas during the 1560s (see Appendix 2).

Born in Seville, wealthy and determined, Doha Luisa de Vivar belonged to Juan Ortiz de Zarate's network, even before meeting Don

Fernando de Zarate. After her husband, Gomez de Solis, died in Arequipa in 1561, she was close to marrying Licenciado Recalde, the oidor of the Audiencia of Charcas who was a relative, countryman, friend, and political ally of Juan Ortiz de Zarate. Since Licenciado Recalde could not marry within the physical boundaries of his jurisdiction, the couple requested special permission from the king, which was never granted.^: Doha Luisa had traveled to the New

AGI, Justicia 654. N° 2. Testamento de Gomez de Solis (I thank m y friend and coleague Mercedes del Rfo for handing me a copy of this document); Lockhart, Spanish Peru. 17.

AGI, Justicia 654, N* 2;Levillier, Audiencia de C h arcas. i:100, 204, 594; ANB, LAACh 1, fs. 6, 8, 12, 13, 16; ANB, EP Vol. 5 Ldzarodel Aguila - La Plata. Mayo 7 de 1563, f. 674. 226 World in 1555, settling briefly in Chile.^^ Later she relocated in

Arequipa where she married Gomez de Solis, offering him a dowry consisting of two houses, a chacra, 60 cows, and two African slaves.^^ As the heiress of a wealthy encomendero, well connected politically and socially, she inherited valuable assets, among them the encomienda of Tapacari which she enjoyed until the end of the century. She also possessed mines—30 varas in a company with a kuraka of her encomienda— and refining mills in Porco, 25 varas in the Veta Rica, 30 varas in the Veta de Centeno, and the socavon of Berrfo in Potosi and many others at the mining camp of Berenguela

(near Cochabamba). Surrounding Cochabamba, the most valuable properties inherited by Dona Luisa were the cattle ranch of Itapaya

(at the banks of the Tapacari River) where she had manyyanaconas vacacamayos and the estate, vineyard, orchard, and sugar mill of Ayopaya (northern Cochabamba, near the yungas of Chapare). She owned several ranches in the valley of Cochabamba, and Colcapirua and Cayllas (between Cochabamba and Quillacollo), and the Ventas of Jagiiey and Las Penas, on the road to La Paz. Close to La Plata, she had two chacras in the valley of Luje where the Moyo-moyo In d ian s of her encomienda were settled. She had residences in Potosf and La Plata where seven African slaves attended her. Among her

Roa y Ursûa, El reino de C hile. 343.

AGI, Justicia 654, N - 2, fs. 204. 227 thousands of head of livestock she had 1,000 llamas that carried h e r agricultural products from Cochabamba to Potosi.^5

However, Dona Luisa de Vivar not only inherited material capital but also lawsuits during the early 1560s, which put in jeopardy her assets and led her to request the advice and friendship of Licenciado Recalde. She lost a trial with her charges, who sued h e r for collecting excessive tributes, unpaid personal services, and for usurping land at Ayopaya, where her husband built a sugar mill.

Moreover, the Audiencia sentenced her to pay the natural children of general Pedro de Hinojosa 20,000 pesos ensayados because her husband, Gomez de Solis, as a tutor of Hinojosa's natural children, diverted their funds for his own purposes 9*

As a widow for seven years. Dona Luisa hired adm inistrators, stewards, mayordomos and set up commercial and m ining companies to exploit and increase the income of her patrimony. Numerous documents shed light on her special interest in the sugar mill in Ayopaya, which was founded by her late husband in 1560 in

Ibid., ff. 205-208, 213; ANB, EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Ju n io 16 de 1563, fs. 779v-780v; EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La PÏata, Abril 5 de 1566, f. 773; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Junio 25 de 1569, fs. 667-668v; Ibid., La Plata, Agosto 12 de 1569, fs. 620-622; EP Vol. 13 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 4 de 1576, fs. 1102-1115; Capoche, Relacidn G eneral. 81.

ANB, LAACH 1, fs. 47v-48; ANB, EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata. Agosto 12 de 1569, fs. 619-620; EP Vol. 4 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, .Agosto 6 de 1562, fs. Ixxxii v-lxxxiiii; EP Vol. 5 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 7 de 1563. f. 673; Ibid., Junio 16 de 1563, fs. 777-778v.

228 partnership with Fray Sebastian Marquez Fragoso, the doctrinero of her Indians.^^ Meanwhile, Don Fernando de Zarate and his cousin Juan Ortiz de Zarate developed close business ties after Juan Ortiz became the governor of the Rio de la Plata. Between 1566 and 1568, Don Fernando de Zarate supervised his cousin's mayordomos a n d revamped the accounts of his administrative assets/^ His marriage to Doha Luisa in 1569 was in keeping with his family, m arita l pattern; marrying someone who was closely tied to its network. The bride's material capital matched his status of "Don." Thereafter, Don Fernando de Zarate made efforts to increase his wife's assets. First, he re-appointed Nicolas de Castaneda, who had been Doha Luisa’s majordomo since 1561, to administer the estates, chacras, and the tributes of the Indians of Tapacari. Second, he retained ties with Father Marquez Fragoso—his wife's partner in the exploitation of Ayopaya—and this led him to appoint agents and representatives in Lima, Arequipa, and Fotosi to sell the production of the sugar mill. Don Francisco de Zarate, Don Fernando's brother, and the merchant

Miguel Martinez—who also had business with Juan Ortiz de Zarate

ANB, EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Enero 27 de 1568, fs. 3 18- 319v; Ibid., Setiembre 28 de 1568, fs. 222v-223v; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1568, f. 498.

ANB, EP Vol. 10 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 24 de 1568, fs. 62-77. 229 and his Indians—were the agents of Don Fernando and Dona Luisa in

Potosi, Lima and Arequipa.^^

After his cousin Juan Ortiz de Zarate died, Don Fernando de Zarate was involved in the conflicts centered around his succession and the marriage of the heiress. Dona Juana de Zarate. When she married the oidor Licenciado Juan de Torres de Vera, Don Fernando became the couple's counselor, administrator, and representative in many of their lawsuits.

His wife's wealth and careful administration of her assets was the vehicle that placed Don Fernando de Zarate in the wealthiest circle of vecinos in La Plata. His residence was said to be the finest in town and was used as the seat of Real Audiencia. As the chronicler Pedro Ramirez del Aguila put it, Don Fernando's house was magnificent for those times, a palace with sumptuous salons and suites, decorated with art framed in gold, and walls covered w ith fine brocades that matched the specially imported European furniture. Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo resided at Don Fernando de Zarate's house during his visit to La Plata. In 1577 when the

President of the Audiencia of Charcas, Licenciado Lope Diez de Armendariz, requested that the authorities buy Don Fernando s

ANB, EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Noviembre 28 de 1569, fs. 8 6 0 v - 86Iv; Ibid., Diciembre 21 de 1569, f. 891; EP Vol. 2 Caspar Lopez - Valle de L uxe, Mayo 5 de 1569, fs. 411v-413v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 16 de 1570, fs. 346-347v; Ibid., Setiembre 1 de 1571, fs. cclxxxiii-cclxxxiiii v; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Mayo 24 de 1573, fs. 300-303v; Ibfd., Junio 26 de 1573, f . 540-541 v; EP Vol. 2 Garcfa de Esquivel - La Plata, Enero 17 de 1572, fs. xviii-xix v.

ioo^N B, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 17 de 1582, fs. 995v-996v; EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Marzo 16 de 1587, fs. 851-855; EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Mayo 22 de 1591, fs. 488-490. 230 house for the permanent seat for the tribunal, he assumed it was worth 10,000 pesos ensayados.^^^

Undoubtedly, the Zarate-Vivar couple invested heavily in their estate and sugar mill in Ayopaya. Sources do not provide information about the exact amount of money invested in Ayopaya.

The estate of Ayopaya had all the infrastructure necessary to produce a large volume of sugar; it also had a main house for the owners, houses for the master and majordomo, and huts for the yanaconas and slaves working at the mill. Although num erous yanaconas lived in Ayopaya, African slaves constituted the main labor force at the sugar mill. Sixteen Africans slaves of all ages and both sexes labored at the mill to produce around 500 arrobas a year.

As one of the wealthiest vecinos in La Plata, Don Fernando's financial success allowed him to transfer 252 bars of silver worth

80,742 pesos ensayados to Spain in 1586. His relatives in Seville, among them Ochoa de Urquizu, an accountant for the House of Trade, received detailed instructions to invest the money in "renia segura."

Later, Don Fernando empowered Alonso Paniagua de Loaysa, who returned to Spain (see Chapter 4), to advise his relatives to invest his savings in merchandise to be sent to Peru.'O-

io> Levillier, Audiencia de C harcas. i:365; Pedro Ramirez del A guila, Noticias Polfticas de In dias. trans. Jaime Urioste Arana (Sucre: Imprenta de la Universidad, 1978), 33.

■0-ANB, EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Octubre 31 de 1586, fs. 1844- 1845; Ibid., Diciembre 30 de 1586, fs. 2452-2453v. 23 1 Commercial enterprises were not new to Don Fernando de

Zarate. He had customers in Charcas, Lima, Arequipa, and Tucuman to whom he sold both domestic and Castilian goods. At the turn of the sixteenth-century, Don Fernando invested mostly in commercial enterprises. Commerce was an activity embraced by many encomenderos who, aware of the pending termination of their grants, diversified investments to safeguard assets and status in an attempt to maintain their lifestyle.The encomienda--a.n institution that for three decades was the main source of Indian labor and agrarian surplus—evolved into an institution that no longer offered numerous economic opportunities to obtain easy wealth. The encomienda continued to be the source of prestige and status for the few living veterans of the conquest and their successors. Stronger state regulations introduced at the beginning of the 1550s slowly challenged the power of the encomenderos and later resulted in their becoming mere tenants who suffered the contempt of professional miners, merchants, and landowners who disputed their early position as masters of the land.

By the 1590s Don Fernando de Zarate apparently needed to adjust his financial position by selling and leasing large portions of his holdings. Sold were the chacras of Cochi and its attached lands in the Cochabamba valley of Cliza and Tabarque located close to the

ANB, EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Octubre 31 de 1586, fs. 1844- 1845v; EP Vol. 26 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Mayo 9 de 1590, fs. 373-374v; EP Vol. 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Octubre 25 de 1597, f. 2138; EP Vol. 47a M e Ichor de Roa - La Plata, Febrero 23 de 1598, fs. 365-367v; EP Vol. 47b Juan de H igu eras - La Plata, Noviembre 13 de 1598, fs. 2035-2039v; EP Vol. 48 Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Abril 13 de 1600, f. 300. 232 village of Caracara. He leased the estates of Tococala and Luje near

La Plata and the vineyards of Ayopaya, Uro and Molle Molle located

near Cochabamba. The vineyard in Ayopaya valley, including

buildings, tools, and a grinding mill, was rented to his relative, Juan de Zarate, for 10,000 pesos corrientes a year.'®'^

As a vecino of La Plata, Don Fernando enjoyed offices at the local city council. He was alcalde ordinario of the city council of La

Plata in 1572, 1576 and 1583, and in 1586 he served as the alcalde

of the Santa Hermandad. In 1593 he was appointed Governor of Tucuman and Rfo de la Plata by Viceroy Don Garcia Hurtado de

Mendoza, Marquis of C a h e t e . ' ^ s

The marriage of Don Fernando de Zarate and Doha Luisa de

Vivar was childless. Both had relatives in Chile and Lima, how ever, whom they hoped to favor with their patrimony amassed over fifty years of living in Charcas. To avoid having the encomienda of

Tapacari revert to the crown after the death of Doha Luisa, the couple requested that the king extend their grant for two m ore generations to favor the heir Don Fernando appointed to succeed him. In 1596 they offered to pay the king 12,000 pesos ensayados

ANB, EP Vol. 26 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Mayo 9 de 1590, fs. 456-458; EP Vol. 118 Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Octubre 20 de 1590, fs. 136-I43v; EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Abril 6 de 1591, fs. 1163-1166; Ibfd., Junio 21 de 1591, fs. 680-683v; Ibid., Junio 29 de 1591, fs. 695v-696v; EP Vol. 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Octubre 27 de 1597, fs. 2139-2141 v.

ANB, EP Vol. 2 Garcfa de Esquivel - La Plata, Abril 23 de 1572, f. 776; EP Vol. 13 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Febrero 11 de 1576, f. 147v; EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Enero 4 de 1583, f. 12; EP Vol. 35 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Diciembre 30 de 1585, f. 2452; ANB, CACh 1592 N= 465, Los R eyes, Setiembre 2 de 1592, Fernando de Zarate nombrado gobernador del Rfo de la Plata y Tucuman, 2 ff; Roberto Levillier, Biograffas de los Conquistadores de la Argentina en el siglo XVI fMadrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo. 1928), 142-143. 233 to gain perpetual rights over the encomienda to establish a mayorazgo. The amount was the equivalent of a year of tribute income with the contingency for an increase based on a new survey of the repartimientoJ^^

The assets of Don Fernando and Dona Luisa ultimately went to

Don Fernando's nephew, Don Diego de Irarrazaval y Zarate, born in

Chile in 1583, who married Doha Luisa's niece, Doha Leonor Maldonado, vecina of Cusco and daughter of Governor Juan Alvarez

Maldonado and Doha Ana Cornejo. Don Diego was the younger son of Don Francisco de Irarrazaval, vecino and Governor of Chile, and Doha Lorenza de Zarate, the sister of Don Fernando. After becoming the heir of his wealthy uncle, Don Diego de Irarrazaval started to sign as Don Diego dc Zarate. By marrying Doha Leonor, Don Diego received from his uncle an endowment of 10,000 pesos ensayados. the estate of Luje with a vineyard, an orchard, and dwelling houses. Years later. Don Diego became the administrator and representative for Don Fernando, received the Habit of the Military Order of Calatrava and inherited the estate of Ayopaya entailed in his favor.By inheriting his uncle's fortune, Don Diego de Zarate equated the high status inherited by birth with its economic counterpart. Wealth and honor encompassed the privileged position he was expected to enjoy due to his family background.

106 A.NB, EP Vol. 38b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Setiembre 1 de 1595, f. 2232; EP Vol. 45b Pedro de Cervantes - La Plata, Enero 31 de 1596, fs. 1215- 1 2l7v.

'°"^ANB, EP Vol. 51 Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Diciembre 31 de 1602, fs. 275-277v; EP Vol. 139 Juan de Loarte - La Plata, Julio 17 de 1604, fs. 3 8 -3 9 \ ; Retamal Favereau, Familias fundadoras. 337. 234 Conclusions

Hidalgo families that settled in the New World managed

collective migratory strategies that embraced the offspring of an extended family to seek the fortune and honor indispensable to climbing the social ladder. Men belonging to the same lineage, however, participated in the conquest and early colonization though

they began, and sometimes ended, with different degrees of prestige and wealth. Even though hidalgo families shared the habitus or norms and politics of prestige, differences among immigrants from the same lineage prevailed. By performing services that increased thecrown’s assets, those who had not been endowed with titles or

rank by virtue of their birth could still reach honor and power. The stratified peninsular society was reflected in the hierarchical organization of nuclear families within each lineage. Among the kin. nuclear families enjoying more power, wealth, and honor dominated

those with lesser status. The ability to gain honor through military service and accumulating wealth gave the conquistadors the opportunity to equate their family's worth with those who already enjoyed privileges. Total emphasis was placed on one individual who, by virtue of his services, could gain the prestige to be endow ed to his own family network.'o*

The parallel cousins Zarate-Mendieta and Zarate-Recalde were destined to have very different lives. While the collective migratory enterprise of the four Zarate-Mendieta brothers was related to their

*0^ Levi, Inheriting Power. 145-146. 235 quest for wealth and honor, the Zarate-Recalde brothers arrived in

Peru with an established social status, which gave them the

opportunity to acquire more wealth. On the other hand, the early arrival of Lope de Mendieta and Juan Ortiz de Zarate in Peru led them to pursue military careers to legitimize their seniority in the

conquest and to gain access to an encomienda. The political stability in the 1560s did not require a newcomer like Don Fernando de

Zarate to pursue a military career as a path to economic success. The quest for honor led Juan Ortiz de Zarate to organize a military and economic enterprises, which cost him his wealth and his life. By enjoying the status of "Don," Don Fernando de Zarate was eligible to marry a wealthy widow, who had inherited among many other assets, an encomienda. Although their status differed by birth, the cousins were related to each other through a strong sense of kinship and their careful use of their skills as entrepreneurs. They shared businesses, had related interests, enjoyed the benefits of a close network that opened ways to new undertakings, and strengthened kinship ties through marriage and family enterprises.

Although the lives of Lope de Mendieta, Juan Ortiz de Zarate, and Don Fernando de Zarate were marked by several differences, their rise to power as successful businessmen can be attributed to a common source: the encomienda. The lack of legitimate heirs, however, prevented their encomiendas from being passed on to the second generation, which resulted in revertible grants to the crown. The study of the Mendieta-Zarate and Zarate-Recalde as encomenderos shows how high status prevailed within a branch of

236 an extended family in Charcas. Hierarchical social organization reflected within the family lineage directed the duties, responsibilities, and rights of their members. Judicial equality and

inheritance, however, did not necessarily coincide with the hierarchical views of a family. Although all the offspring were equal

under the law, only those who enjoyed status and power within the nuclear and extended family succeeded over the rest. This explains why Lope de Mendieta and Juan Ortiz de Zarate exercised pow er

over their brothers Pedro and Diego de Mendieta, who always had subordinate roles by comparison with to their encomendero brothers. And it also explains why Don Fernando de Zarate dominated his cousins. Thus, the Zarate-Recalde branch of the Zarate family continued enjoying a public role reflected in its status,

prestige, and rank based on honor that allowed their descendants to live according to the habitus or norms legitimated by practice and customs.

The life and career of Juan Ortiz de Zarate indicates how deeply rooted in a successful conquistador was the Iberian habitus. After gaining enormous wealth, Juan Ortiz de Zarate pursued a n enterprise in which he invested all his assets but from which he hoped to gain public recognition, honor, and a title that would have made him the equal of the grandees of Spain.

237 C H A P T E R 6

ONDEGARDO

The conquest of Peru was an enterprise undertaken by men from different social standings, mainly hidalgos and commoners who embodied old and new values derived on the peninsula. The old values, incorporated in the habitus, encompassed honor, fame and glory, social promotion and land holding, titles and hierarchies; in sum. values that belonged to a socioeconomic order shaped by the particular history of Spain. The new values, embodied in strategies designed to achieve social mobility through economic success, stressed the importance of money and the devotion to mercantile trades. This chapter deals with the personal network centered around Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, who embodied the old and new paradigms like his fellow encomenderos, but who excelled among them because of his intellectual prowess and professional skills. Licenciado Polo Ondegardo's pursuit of profit was not hampered b y his decision to maintain a law practice. He simultaneously held bureaucratic offices and managed several businesses, performing a t the same time traditional and innovative activities that allow us to understand the ambivalent nature of a conquistador. As a royal official, he served as a visitador, a corregidor y Justicia mayor, an 238 alcalde ordinario of La Plata's city council, a consejero de virreyes. and a pesqiiisidor. In his law practice, Licenciado Polo was a successful prosecutor, judge, legislator, jurist, and politician, while retaining his role as an encomendero. His life constitutes the synthesis of a sixteenth-century entrepreneur because he was a conquistador, landlord, miner, rancher, middleman, merchant, and military officer.

Along with his bureaucratic activities, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was a prolific writer who, using his knowledge of the law and from his role as a royal officer, focused on the customs, beliefs, institutions, customary rights, and economic structure of the Andean population. He used his knowledge to support the administrative and tributary policies of the viceregal government in Peru. In this chapter I will show how Licenciado Polo O ndegardo’s position and skills allowed him to understand the political and economic evolution of the colonial system, and also led him to plan carefully his economic investments, the configuration of his personal network, and the future of his offspring. In short, his entrepreneurial and bureaucratic careers where both essential in shaping his road to success. His road to wealth and status started soon after obtaining his degree, when he took part in a family migratory enterprise that led him to leave hispatria chica, Valladolid. After a short stay in Lima, Licenciado Polo settled in Charcas where he started a successful professional career that would maintain him on the public stage from 1544—when he obtained his

239 first appointment as an advisor to Gonzalo Pizarro—to 1573, when he

served for the last time as corregidor of Charcas.

The Origins: A Family Migratory Enterprise. From Valladolid to Lima and Charcas to Start a Public Life

Born in Valladolid, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo belonged to the

lineage of the Lopez de Leon, old Castilian hidalgos who owned rural

property in Cigunuela and Zaratan, surrounding the city of Valladolid. By the m id-fifteenth-century, one of the Lopez de Leon fem ale offspring married a merchant from Milan, Polo Ondegardo, whose name was later given to his grandson.' From that marriage was born

Diego Lopez de Leon Ondegardo, who married Dona Jeronima d e Zarate, the daughter of an officer of the Royal Chamber and Secretary

of the Inquisition. This couple had seven children, four sons and

three daughters; the oldest son, who was born in 1520, was n am ed Polo Ondegardo after his grandfather. Proper names have strong

symbolic power which serve as emblems, concentrating all the symbolic capital of a prestigious group. To appropriate the name of

an ancestor indicates the newborn's genealogical position and his access to special rights over the family patrimony. In this way. Polo

Ondegardo was predestined to resurrect the eponymous ancestor and

to succeed him in his duties and powers. The future Licenciado was

' Teodoro Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biografi'a del lice n cia d o Polo de Ondegardo," Revista H istorica xxxv (Lima, 1985-86): 82. 240 aware of his right to establish his position within his family and his duties as the head of his lineage.-

Polo Ondegardo's father died when he was 14 years old. With financial aid from his mother's father—the royal officer Lope Diaz de Zarate—and her brother, Agustfn de Zarate, the future Peruvian

Treasurer and chronicler. Polo Ondegardo was able to study law at Salamanca, whence he graduated before moving to the New World.^

The Viceroyalty of Peru was established in 1542 and the king appointed Blasco Nunez Vela as its first Viceroy. At the same time, Licenciado Polo's maternal uncle, Agustfn de Zarate, was designated as Accountant of the Provinces of Tierra Firme and Peru. Agustfn de

Zarate viewed hisappointment abroad as an opportunity to take some of his sister's offspring to seek their fortunes in the New World.

Agustfn de Zarate's migration was an enterprise in which family, kin. and connections were organized around the opportunity offered by the New World and blended into the overall strategies for enhancing family stability and fortunes on both sides of the Atlantic.-* Acting as a guardian for his sister's children, Agustfn de Zarate made his passage to Peru with two of his nephews—Licenciado Polo Ondegardo and Diego de Zarate—so that he could help in improving the

-Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 170-171.

3 Hampe Martfnez, "Apuntes para una biografi'a," 82-84. •* Ida Altman and James Horn, "Introduction," chap. in "To M ake America" European Emigration in the Earlv Modern P eriod , ed. Ida Altman and James Horn (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1991), 19-20; Ida A llm an , "A New World in the Old: Local Society and Spanish Emigration to the Indies." in "To Make America." 37; Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biografi'a,” 84- 85. 241 Ondegardo-Zarate family's economic condition. The uncle's

impeccable credentials placed a young and promising attorney on the road to success. Consequently, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo's migratory enterprise was a true opportunity for social promotion and economic advancement for a young professional, who belonged to an hidalgo family with only a limited patrimony. The migration from Valladolid included relatives, acquaintances, and officers, among whom were

Viceroy Nunez Vela and the first judges of the Audiencia to be established in Lima. The Governor of Nicaragua, Rodrigo de Contreras, who later became Licenciado Polo's father-in-law, was also part of the group.5

As soon as they arrived in Peru, the uncle and nephews were

caught up in the turbulent rebellion led by Gonzalo Pizarro. After a short stay in Peru, the uncle--Agustin de Zârate--returned to Spain

but his nephews decided to remain. During the Pizarrist upheaval

they stayed in Lima where Licenciado Polo Ondegardo becam e Gonzalo Pizarro's advisor and acquired the reputation as the most outstanding attorney of Peru.^

By the end of 1547, prior to the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro. Licenciado Polo—like other former Pizarrists—entered into an

5 Peter Boyd-Bowman, Indice Geo-biogrdfico de Cuarenta Mil Fobladores Espanoles de America en el Siglo XVI (México: Editorial Jus, 1968), i: 103: H am pe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biografi'a," 85. ^ Ibid., 86; Pedro de Cieza de Leon, Crdnica del P eru . Cuarta Parte, G uerra de Quito (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peru, 1994), i: 192; I n c a Garcilaso de la Vega, Historia General del Peril. Segunda Parte de los Comentarios Reales de les In cas [1617] (Buenos Aires; Emecé Editores S. A., 1944), ii: 169. 242 alliance with President Gasca. Licenciado Polo fought at Gasca's side

in the battle of Xaquixaguana, where Gonzalo Pizarro was defeated. As a reward for his services, Licenciado Polo was granted a n

encomienda in the valley of Cochabamba that previously belonged to the executed Almagrist Alonso de Camargo, and before that to Juan

de Carvajal. Additionally, Polo Ondegardo received 1,200 pesos ensayados from a total of 135,000 pesos ensayados as a share to the victors of the battle from the tributes of the vacant encomiendas.

The 450 taxpayers granted to Ondegardo in Cochabamba were an extraordinary reward in terms of labor and resources. The repartimienio of Cochabamba was worth 20,000 pesos ensayados annually. Before 1548, the 450 Indians provided the encomendero with 1, 200 fane pas of maize, which he supplied to the mining camps of Potosi and Porco. 240 cesios of coca a year, and 50 Indians to work the mines for nine months.^

By the time Polo Ondegardo was granted his encomienda, Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca had appointed him Corregidor and

Justicia Mayor in Charcas. Ondegardo re-organized the region and punished the Spaniards who participated in the Pizarrist rebellion.

Gasca also appointed Captain Gabriel de Rojas as the Royal T reasurer to set and collect the royal income. Both officers were required to

^ Rafael Loredo, "El reparto de Guaynarima," Revista H istorica. Tomo xiii (Lima, 1940); 120; Id., Bocetos para la nueva historia del Peru. Los R epartes (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda, 1958), 162-163; AMC EC 16, f. 352v; AGI Justicia 1125; After the execution of Alonso de Camargo, the encom ienda that would be granted to Licenciado Polo in Cochabamba had been briefly enjoyed b y Captain Juan Remdn. Remdn had it granted from Francisco Carvajal, Gonzalo Pizarro’s second in command. See: Rafael Loredo, "Alardes y derramas," Re vista H istorica xix:iii (Lima, 1941): 25. 243 write summaries describing the economic and human resources of the repartimientos granted prior to the insurrection of Gonzalo

Pizarro, since no official assessment existed. Rojas, however, died while serving in his office and Licenciado Polo was designated Treasurer of Charcas to fulfill this unfinished task. As a result.

Licenciado Polo collected more than a million pesos ensayados from the vacant encomiendas in 1549.*

Ondegardo's stay in Potosi as Corregidor and Justicia Mayor of Charcas (1548-1550) introduced him to issues related to mining, its exploitation, and its laborers. While in office, he relocated large numbers of encomienda Indians to Potosi and put them to work in the Cerro Rico as had been done after the discovery of Porco in 15 38.

During the decade of the 1540s the different bosses, who ruled the land during the Civil Wars, allowed and encouraged the encomienda

Indians to work the mines. Gasca favored moving Indian labor to the mines to such an extreme that he even granted yanaconas in encomienda to work at Potosi. As a royal officer, Licenciado Polo used his power to override policies regarding the granting of encomiendas and personally benefited from the exploitation of the yanaconas' labor. Diego de Zarate, the brother of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, was granted an encomienda of yanaconas, a concession that led

* Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, iii: 8; Agustfn de Zarate, Historia del descubrimiento y conquista de la p ro v in c ia del P er u [1555] Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles. vol. 26 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1947), 570; Roberto Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru. Cartas v papeles. siglo XVI. 14 vois. (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1921-1926), i:138, 146, 156, 177-178, 196; Loredo, "El reparto de Guaynarima," 102-103; Id., Los R epartos. 146. 244 Ondegardo to express his gratitude to Gasca in a letter, where he also

asserted his power to amend former grants;

For la çedula de yanaconas de mi hermano beso â vuestra senoria çien mill vezes las manos, que avnque es moço, a servido bien a S. M. y con buena yntinçion; pero no huvo lu gar executarse porque aquellas que Gabriel de Rojas le did, despues henchi yo una çedula de Melgarejo con ellas, y no seria Justiçia quitarselas, pues dene la posesion; pero podra vuestra senoria mandar enbiar otra que diga de catorze a quinze vacas, o que vacaren, y él las buscara en la villa, y si no le sirvieren, en las minas hazelie an alguna chacara.9

Once the encomenderos embarked on the exploitation of silver at Porco and Potosi, their Indians were occupied full-time in mining. This provoked a considerable movement of Indians from distant repartimientos—SMch as Chachapoyas, northern Peru—to work in the mines. Initially, Gasca's decision to favor the encomenderos' desire to use their Indian labor in Potosi and Porco was part of his strategy to placate them. Soon thereafter, the crown ordered Gasca to reverse his decision allowing the distribution of yanaconas in encomienda and also banned the use of encomienda Indian labor. Gasca

^ Carta del licenciado Polo de Ondegardo al licenciado Pedro de la Gasca, habldndole de asuntos propios, y de otros varios del asiento de Potosi, donde residia. Potosi, 9 de octubre de 1549 in Cartas de Indias 11 [1877] P eru. Gobernaciones de Cristobal Vaca de Castro y de Pedro de la Gasca (Guadalajara: Edmundo Avina Levy Editor, 1970), 546. 245 instructed Licenciado Polo to identify the encomienda Indians working at Potosi and notify them that they were free to return to their original settlements if they so desired. This was a partial attempt to enforce a clause of the New Laws designed to stem the decrease in the Indian population. The survey carried out by Polo

Ondegardo showed that Indians from at least 72 different encomiendas, mainly from the districts of La Plata, La Paz, and Cusco, were working at Potosi. The total population was estimated to b e

25,000 including their families. When Licenciado Polo queried the kurakakuna, these ethnic lords asserted that the Indians were satisfied to live in Potosi, because their living conditions were better at the mines than at home.'° Some authors doubt not only the truthfulness of the Indians’ testimonies, but the honesty of Licenciado Polo, who was an encomendero and a mine owner in

Potosi and Porco and who greatly benefited from his charges' labor. Polo's conflicting interests have led scholars to suspect that the results of the inquiry were clearly biased." Nevertheless, the administrative survey undertaken by Licenciado Polo made the

Marie Helmer, "La "encomienda" à Potosi'," in Proceedings oF the xxxth. International Congress of Americanists (London, 1952), 235-238; Id.. "Notas sobre la encomienda peruana en el siglo XVI," Revista del Instituto de Historia del D erecho 10 (Buenos Aires, 1959): 124-128; Josep M. B arnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. Ori'genes historicos de una sociedad colonial (La Paz: Centro de Investigaciôn y Promocidn del Campesinado, 1973), 264-272; Peter Bakewell, Miners of the Red Mountain. Indian Labor in Potosi'. 1545-1650 (A lb u q u er q u e: University of New Mexico Press, 1984), 39-47; Carlos Sempat Assadourian, "La renta de la encomienda en la década de 1550. Piedad cristiana y desconstruccidn," Re vista de Indias xlviii:182-183 (Madrid, 1988): 117, 136-139.

" Helmer, "Notas sobre la encomienda," 127; Bakewell, Miners of the Red M o u n ta in . 43-45; Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 277. 246 authorities aware of the conditions of the mine laborers, which led to future mita ordinances issued by Viceroy Toledo in the 1570s.

Once he had completed his mission at Potosi, Licenciado Polo returned to La Plata where he faced the last upheaval of the encomenderos. In 1553, in La Plata and Potosi, Don Sebastian d e

Castilla and Egas de Guzman took advantage of factionalism, old rivalries, and the growing discontent among an itinerant mass of discontented conquistadors, who were willing to conspire against the authorities to obtain encomiendas or other rewards. General Pedro

Alonso de Hinojosa, a wealthy vecino of La Plata, was Corregidor of Charcas and Licenciado Polo Ondegardo tried to warn Hinojosa about the potential unrest, but without success. Aware of the unrest, Licenciado Polo wanted to mediate and calm the animosity and tensions but the upheaval took place and subsequently led to the assassination of Hinojosa. Licenciado Polo only escaped the same fate with the help of one of his y a n a c o n a s Together with Don Pedro de Portugal y Navarra—encomendero of the Quillaca lndians--he left La

Plata for Cochabamba, where they met Marshal Don Alonso d e

Alvarado and assembled more than one thousand men to liberate La Plata. Finally, when Francisco Hernandez Giron rebelled in Cusco (1553-1554), Licenciado Polo was appointed Captain of Infantry in the army led by Marshal Don Alonso de Alvarado. Wounded in the battle of Chuquinga, Licenciado Polo recovered and later, in a n o th e r

Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios R e a le s. iii:67, 72-73; D iego Fernandez de Palencia, Primera v Segunda parte de la Historia del Peril 115711 Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, Vols. 164-165 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1963), 313. 247 battle at Pucara, he suffered multiple wounds and as a result was left lame throughout the rest of his life.*3

Having the duties of an adviser to churchmen and royal officers, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo had to leave his business in Charcas in the hands of Diego Bravo, a manager who remained loyal to him until his death. Diego Bravo, his employee, partner, and friend, whom Licenciado Polo loved as dearly as his son, was later appointed

Treasurer of the Real Hacienda and Alcalde Mayor de Minas at the

Villa Imperial of Potosi. At the same time, Diego de Zarate became more visible after having played the subordinate role of the younger brother. As the oldest brother, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo held all the family power and prestige. As a bureaucrat and encomendero. he accumulated the family's material and symbolic capital. Consequently, he trained his younger brother to handle the family business, while he was busy with other professional a ctiv ities.B o th his manager, Diego Bravo, and his younger brother were tightly connected to the network Licenciado Polo Ondegardo began to build during the 1550s.

In 1558 Licenciado Polo was appointed an advisor by the Viceroy, the Marquis of Canete, and later he became his Corregidor in

Cusco (1558-1561). While living in the former Inca capital, he wrote

AGI, Patronato 127. I thank Alberto Crespo Rodas who g e n e r o u s ly gave me his personal notes about this and many other events related to t h e Civil Wars; Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios R eales, iii:133; Loredo, "El reparto de Guaynarima," 114.

ANB, EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 27 de 1565, fs. c c c cx iii v-cccxiv; Ibfd., Agosto 16 de 1565, f. ccccxxiii; EP Vol. 19 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata, Noviembre 10 de 1582, fs. 979v-980. 248 the Tratado y averiguaciôn sobre los errores y supersticiones de los indios (1559). He also conducted the search for the Inkas' m um m ies in Cusco. After he completed his task he moved to Lima where h e worked for the new Viceroy, the Count of Nieva, and the comisarios reales as a consultant for the controversial issue of the perpetual grants of encomiendas. The consideration of the perpetual grants, so crucial to the encomenderos survival, also involved the Indians and their representatives, the kurakakuna, who had openly cooperated with the Spaniards and the royal officials. The debate motivated the encomenderos, encomendados, and officers to appoint attorneys and representatives to argue their divergent positions. The comisarios nominated Licenciado Polo Ondegardo as their representative in 1562. and he joined the Dominican Friar Domingo de Santo Tomas, procurator of the Andean local lords, to meet for discussions in Lima and La Plata. By focusing on his experience as an official inspector and as a representative of the crown in resolving the question of perpetuity and the jurisdiction of the encomiendas, Licenciado Polo wrote his Informe sobre la perpetuidad de las encomiendas en el Peril. The report was addressed to Licenciado Briviesca de

Munatones, one of the three comisarios reales.^^ It was quite evident

"Informe del Licenciado Juan Polo de Ondegardo al Licenciado Briviesca de Munatones sobre la perpetuidad de las encomiendas en el Peru," Revista H istorica Tomo xiii (Lima, 1940): 125-196. 249 that Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, as an encomendero and viceregal visitor, demanded perpetuity. At the beginning of 1560, the increasing need to count on Indian labor, and the lack of an effective legal body to regulate the use of this labor, motivated colonial agents like encomenderos. officers, and priests to compete with each other for these hum an resources. At the same time that colonial agents pursued their open battle over Indian labor, the native population was dramatically declining. As a response to this situation, Indians fled their villages to escape forced labor, when rich ores were discovered in the district of Huamanga. Given the paucity of labor and the lack of state control over the Spaniards' greedy for resources, the survival of the Indians and the very existence of colonial Peru were in jeopardy. To resolve the disputes over labor, the source of wealth in the Andes, viceregal authorities appointed Licenciado Polo to pursue an official inspection and find a solution to the problem. Licenciado Polo’s mission resulted in the Ordenanzas de las minas de Huamanga (1562). Ondegardo reformed and regulated labor practices by ordering Indians to contribute a rotating force of seven hundred laborers per week for the Atunsulla mines. Although labor laws were designed to improve working conditions for the Indians, the ambitious mine owners

Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 247-261; Marvin Goldwert, "La lucha por la perpetuidad de las encomiendas en el Peru virreinal, 1550-1600," Revista Historica xiii (Lima, 1957-1958); 215-216. 250 persisted in exploiting the natives in order to maximize their profits.'7

Polo's bureaucratic activity with Viceroy Nieva and the Comisarios responsible for solving the question of perpetuity earned him another encomienda. This time the grant included the

Churumatas and Moyo-moyo Indians settled near La Plata around the village of Colpavilque. The new grant was a clear example of the comisarios' administrative corruption and excess. In 1565-1566

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was involved a lawsuit at the Audiencia de Charcas, which was later taken up by the Council of the Indies because his new encomienda was not vacant.*8 Caspar de Carranza, a

vecino of La Plata, was enjoying the purportedly vacant encomienda and appealed to the court to be recognized as the valid title holder. During that period. Polo was alcalde ordinario of La Plata, administering justice within the district.'*^

In 1568 the Sora Indians from the valleys of Cochabamba argued for access to their maize fields in the central valley. The Saras of Tapacari granted to Dona Luisa de Vivar, the Soras of El Paso enjoyed by Polo Ondegardo and the Soras of Tiquipaya granted to Rodrigo de Orellana addressed the Audiencia to settle their dispute over which of the three groups had legal rights to the former fields

Steve J. Stern, Peru's Indian Peoples and the Challenge of S p an ish Conquest. Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982), 47-48.

** Levillier, Gobernantes del P er u . ii:591; ANB, LAACh 2 - La Plata, Lunes 29 deJunio de 1565, f. 26; Ibfd., Jueves 29 de Julio de 1565, f. 29; Ibid., Lunes 12 de Marzo de 1566, f. 65

ANB, EP. Vol.8 Lâzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 12 de 1566, f. 488v. 251 (suyus) located in the central valley of Cochabamba. While the

Indians argued for property rights over lands previously granted b y Inka Huayna Capac, the three encomenderos fought over their rights to Indians’ labor and tributes. As in the previous case, the final decision was made by the Council of the Indies. Licenciado Polo benefited from the tributes of 114 Soras. He received 798 pesos ensayados. from which he discounted 233 for Catholic indoctrination and 114 for salaries for the kurakakuna and protector de naturales.-^

From 1570 and until his death in 1575, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo spent much time at his house in La Plata, attending to his businesses and defining the future of his offspring. Viceroy Toledo asked him to serve another term as a corregidor of Cusco in 1571. however, an office he held when the neo-lnka kingdom of Vilcabamba was invaded and its leader, Tupac Amaru 1. executed. During his last term as corregidor, he wrote the Relacidn de los notables danos que résulta de no guardar a los indios en sus f ne ras. The Relation was written to instruct Viceroy Toledo about the sociocultural and economic aspects of Inka rule, their origins, religion, policy of conquest, political organization and land tenure system to be compared to the Spanish system in order to provide for Indian survival and safeguard the future of the colony. Soon thereafter, Licenciado Polo submitted to Viceroy Toledo his Informe

ANB, LAACh 2 - Jueves 3 de Diciembre de 1568, fs. 314v-315v; AMC, B2 16, fs. 351-354; Ibid., La Plata, Abril 10 de 1568, fs. 398v-399; AHP, CR 18, fs. 20- 20v; Noble David Cook, ed. Tasa de la Visita General de Frar.cL^.co ue Toledo. (Lima: Universidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1975), 16; Nathan Wachtel, "Los mitimas del valle de Cochabamba: la polftica de colonizaciôn de Wayna Capac," Historia B o liv ia n a 1:1 (Cochabamba, 1981): 21-57. 252 sobre la guerra de las indios chirigiianos. This report was a

contribution to the viceroy's personal political plan to incorporate the indomitable inhabitants of Charcas’ eastern border and their

territory within the boundaries of the viceroyalty. His bureaucratic career ended in 1573 with his appointment as corregidor of Charcas.-' Although the official activity of Licenciado Polo demanded long

absences from the city of his residence, by means of a careful organization of his business through his family network, he achieved enormous success in amassing an impressive patrimony that made him one of the wealthiest vecinos of La Plata. Marriage endowed him

with a vast kin that helped in managing some of his enterprises in La Paz and Lima. During the thirty years Licenciado Polo lived in Peru, he enjoyed the lifestyle of an extraordinarily prosperous encornendero, miner, and land holder.

The Entrepreneurial Side: Marriage, Family and Business in Charcas

During his first years in Peru, Licenciado Polo was determ ined to remain a bachelor. His decision to not marry could explain his desire to return to Valladolid, his patria chica, where he planned to enjoy the wealth he had achieved with the help of his younger brother. In a letter to his mother, in 1550, he wrote:

-' Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru. iv:317. 253 Penssarâ vuestra merçed que pues prometo de yr a Espana de aqui a vn ano que deuo de tener la boisa hecha como séria de rrazôn (...) con estes veynte mill castellanos me pienso yr sin esperar mas anos, que avnque pudiera yr mas rrico quiero mas estar vn ano antes sirviendo a vuestra merçed que todo cuanto acâ queda. (...) E yo ni me tengo de casar ni tener casa aparté, sino entregârselo todo a vuestra merçed e que me dé de corner como hazia antes. Mi ermano yrâ mas rico, porque con el partido que yo le dexo hecho en mi hazienda que le doy la mitad de los frutos en très anos con las grangerias nos puede yr a remediar a todos.^-

By the mid 1560s, however, he had married Dona Jeronima de

Penalosa, daughter of the former Governor of Nicaragua, Rodrigo de Contreras and his wife Dona Maria de Penalosa. After the marriage

negotiations, Licenciado Polo received 7,000 pesos ensayados as the bride's dowry. Licenciado Polo was now related by affinity with a family of conquistadors, bureaucrats, and officers. Ondegardo's mother-in-law was a daughter of Pedrarias Davila—the controversial governor of Nicaragua until 1531—and Doha Isabel de Bobadilla.

Doha Isabel de Bobadilla was a Castilian lady who played a role in the conquest of Tierra Firme and whose strong will was inherited b y her granddaughter. Polo’s wife. Women of the Contreras-Pehalosa family were active participants in the conquest and colonization of the New World, and I will focus on their roles in the following pages.

After some unsuccessful experiences in Tierra Firme, the Contreras- Pehalosa family settled in Lima in 1552. Despite the outrageous crimes committed by some of the Contreras in Nicaragua, the family

-- Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biograffa," 99-100. 254 enjoyed status and seniority in the conquest. The recognition of their

high social status was evident after Ondegardo's m other-in-law became a widow. She received from the crown a situacion or pension of 1,500 pesos ensayados from the repartimiento of Parinacochas (Cusco) that Licenciado Polo, as her representative, usually collected in her name.-^

Since Licenciado Polo had commercial interests in Potosf, Porco, La Plata, La Paz, and Lima, he benefited from the social capital his wife brought to the marriage. The Contreras-Pehalosa were a large

kindred that provided Ondegardo with many relatives, some of

whom he appointed to take care of his businesses in each viceregal

city. With his brother-in-law, Diego Gonzalez de Contreras, a resident

of Lima. Licenciado Polo maintained close links that enforced kinship through business. Together from 1564 they acted as commercial middlemen.--* Licenciado Polo's manager and administrator, Diego Bravo, had settled in Potosf where he received the Indians' tribute

from the encomienda of Cochabamba. He supervised the mining production at the Cerro Rico of Potosf and at the Veia Larga in Porco.

-3 Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biograffa," 100; ANB, EP Vol. 9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Setiembre 24 de 1567, fs. 540v-541v;Boyd -B ow m an , Indice Geo-biogrâfico. i:249, 103. The couple Contreras-Penalosa produced eleven sons and daughters, initiating a vast kindred linked to many fa m ilie s settled in the viceroyalty of Peru. See: Pedro Alvarez Rubiano, Pedrarias D avila (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientffica, 1954); Juan C ontreras y Lopez de Ayala, Marqués de Lozoya, Vida del segoviano Rodrigo de C on treras. gobernador de Nicaragua (1534-1544) (Toledo: Imprenta de la Ed. Toledana, 1920); Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Amarilis Indiana. Identificacion v Semblanza (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Catdlica del Peru, 1993), 313-328.

Boyd-Bowman, Indice Geo-biogrâfico. i:247, 275; ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Diciembre 29 de 1564, f. dclxxxi; Hampe M artinez, "Apuntes para una biograffa," 89. 255 while in charge of marketing the diverse production from the m any estates Polo had in Charcas. Licenciado Polo's brother, Diego de

Zarate, and his brother-in-law, Vasco Arias de Bobadilla (or Contreras), were his representatives in La Paz. Juan de Guevara and Lope de Obregon were the stewards of several ranches and estates

Licenciado Polo had in the valleys of Cochabamba.-^ Thus relatives, representatives, managers, administrators, stewards, and experts looked after the businesses and investments of a man whose official residence had been established in La Plata since 1548, but whose responsibilities required travel throughout the Viceroyalty of Peru. In the 1570s Licenciado Polo's assets included an encomienda located in the valley of Cochabamba, whose Indians inhabited 4 8 villages spread out over a radius of twenty léguas. During the visiia general of Viceroy Toledo, Polo's Indians were resettled in Santiago del Paso in Cochabamba, a town also known as the Pueblo de

Ondegardo. As stated before, Licenciado Polo was granted his encomienda after the rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro. By that time, the repartimiento formerly enjoyed by Alonso de Camargo had 45 0 tributaries and was worth more than 20,000 pesos ensayados. There is no information available to assess the taxation of Polo's encomienda in 1549 when President Gasca ordered the first general inspection. Nevertheless, the profits must have been considerable as they provided the wealth that allowed Licenciado Polo to diversify

25 ANB, EP Vol. 7 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Julio 27 de 1565, fs. ccccxiii-ccccxiv; Ibi'd., La Plata, Agosto 16 de 1565, f. ccccxxiii; EP Vol. 8 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 18 de 1566, f. 642; Ibid., La Plata, Mayo 2 de 1566, fs. 653v-654v; EP Vol. 2 Garcia de Esquivel - La Plata, Enero 21 de 1573, fs. 13v-I4v. 256 his investments. In a letter to his mother from Potosf, dated March

1550, he said he was expecting to receive from his younger brother, who was touring his Indians' villages:

.mill hanegas de trigo, las quales estaran puestas aquf de aquf en seys meses y valdran quinze mill castellanos, y valian el aho pasado quarenta, porque esta es nuestra ventura que quando laba la suzia luego anubla; tanbién me dize que se podrân hacer otros çinco mill castellanos de puercos e algunas cabras que ay e de otras bugerfas.-^

The income in cash from the encomienda during the mid 1550s was 6.800 pesos ensayados. The income in kind and in labor was not

included in this amount. During the general inspection ordered b y Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, however, the 683 Indians of Santiago del Paso, who along with their families totaled 3.298 people,

paid Polo Ondegardo 4,460 pesos ensayados and 400 fane gas of

maize appraised at 300 pesos ensayados. In addition, the Indians were obliged to cultivate a plot with 6 fanegas of maize and 2 fanegas of wheat in a year. The encornendero was to provide them

with the seeds. After deducting the expenses, Licenciado Polo collected 2,906 pesos ensayados, plus 400 fanegas of maize and the produce from the plot.-"^

The encomienda of El Paso included different ethnic groups, among whom there were a group of Soras. The encomenderos of

Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para una biograffa," 99.

AGN Sala XIII, Leg. 17-2-5, fs. 159v-160; Cook, Tasa de la Visita G e n er a l. 30-31. 257 Cochabamba shared the numerous mitmaqkuna Soras resettled in the

valley during the times of Inka Huayna Capac. This situation led the encomenderos to appeal to the real aiidiencia to determine which

encornendero would possess the Indians and collect their tributes. Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was dispossessed of his Soras and.

instead, he was granted a pension of 450 pesos ensayados collected from the 114 Indians who were previously included in his

encomienda. The cash assigned to Polo was part of the total amount

of the tribute paid by the Soras of the vacant repartimiento of Paria.-® After fifteen years of an effective policy designed to limit the

power of the encomenderos through periodical official assessments, the crown had succeeded in ending the Indians' former obligations in

labor. As personal service was no longer available, the economic success of the encomenderos were curtailed and their economic

diversification no longer relied on the appropriation of their human resources’ free labor. It was during the government of Viceroy Toledo, whose fiscal policy was to monetize fully the Indian tributes,

that the income from the encomienda decreased dramatically.

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, however offered the colonial authorities

new insights into how to profit from the Indians. He was attracted to the initial colonial means of taxation, which had founded the fortunes of the encomenderos. The encomenderos' unlimited request for goods and labor resulted in the strangulation of the Andean economy.

-® AGN Sala XIII, Leg. 17-2-5, fs. 140v-142v. 258 Licenciado Polo advised the authorities to return to the system of a tax assessment based on labor. Licenciado Polo was convinced of the potential success for a system based on the ancient patterns of tribute collected in human energy which, he argued, would result in the survival of the Indian peoples and the perpetuation of the encomienda system as the backbone of the entire economy.-^

Although Licenciado Polo's advice was not considered by the authorities, he had richly benefited from the opportunities offered to an encomendero during the early colonial period. The greedy appropriation of the unregulated Andean surplus, from which

Ondegardo and his peer encomenderos had profited, contributed to their wealth and allowed them to diversify their businesses and invest their assets in mining.

The encomienda of El Paso financed Licenciado Polo's investments, which allowed him to increase his assets in various locations around the southern colonial territory. Among his possessions were two inns, the Venta and lands of El Jagiiey, and the

Ventilla del Negro, near the city of La Paz, situated between Sicasica and Caracollo. Also, close to La Plata, he had the chacras of Tococala,

Luje, Pajcha and Camocamo, and the sugar mill and lands of Chuquichuqui. In Cochabamba he became a wealthy landowner where he had title to the estates and ranches in the valleys of Cliza and Colomi, and besides his Indians' lands, he held the chacras of

Paucarpata, Calabiri, Patata, Ururo, Sorata, and Esquilan in the best

Assadourian, "La renta de la encomienda," 138-139. 259 maize fields of the valley. Furthermore, he owned an ingenio and 6 0 varas in the Cerro Rico of Potosi and 40 varas in the Veto Larga at Porco. He owned houses in Potosi and in Cochabamba and seven tiendas in Potosf. His main residence stood in La Plata, and half a legua from the city, in Guaya-pajcha, he owned a resort, with a n orchard and grazing land. In Valladolid, his region of origin in Spain, he kept the lands of Cigunuela, Zaratan, and la Puente del Duero.^o

The patrimony of Licenciado Polo started to grow soon after his settlement in Charcas and after the defeat of Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion in 1548. Coincidentally, at the height of the first silver boom in Potosf, which had motivated mercantile regional development, the prices of marketable goods tripled. In August 1548, Diego do Zarate bought, in the name of his eldest brother, the dwelling houses in Potosf located around Plaza del Carbon for 9 00 pesos ensayados. In Potosf, in January 1549 during a public auction.

ANB. EP Vol.9 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Junio 13 de 1567. fs. 847v- 848v; Ibid.. Agosto 25 de 1567, fs. 939v-940; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, .Agosto 29 de 1569, fs. 10l9-lU20v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 18 de 1570, fs. 352-353; Ibid.. La Plata, Octubre 13 de 1573, f. cclx.xvii; EP Vol. 2 Garci'a de Esquivel - La Plata, Julio 20 de 1575, fs. I209v-I2l0v; Ibid.. La Plata. Marzo 18 de 1575; EP Vol. 14 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Diciembre 16 de 1575, fs. 799-802; EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Abril 26 de 1591, fs. 320v- 323; EP Vol. 58 Jeronimo de Prias - La Plata, Agosto 7 de 1592, fs. 846v-847; EP Vol. 44 Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Octubre 24 de 1593, fs. 3IO-3l3v; AMC, EC 9 f. 235; Ibid., EC 16. fs. 93-111; Ibid., PCC 12 - La Plata, Enero 24 de 1592, f. 232; Cook. Tasa de la Visita G en era l. 30-31; Luis Capoche, Relacidn General de la Villa Imperial de P otosi [1585], ed. Lewis Hanke, Biblioteca de .Autores Espanoles, vol. 122 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1959), 92; José Macedonio Urquidi, El origen de I a Pgbig villa de Oropesa. La fundacidn de Cochabamba en 1571 por Jeronimo Osorio (Cochabamba: Biblioteca de la Municipalidad de Cochabamba, 1971), 233- 234.

ANB, EP Vol. 2 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata, Octubre 7 de 1575, fs. 16- 17v. 260 Diego de Zarate purchased for 1,500 pesos ensayados the ranch and chacras of Chuquichuqui, which formerly had belonged to Alonso de

Camargo, who preceded Licenciado Polo in the encomienda of El Paso.32 Years later, Licenciado Polo turned Chuquichuqui into a sugar mill whose production included honey, sweets, jams, refined sugar, orchard produce, and various fresh and dried fruits. Chuquichuqui also had pastures for ranching where Ondegardo kept colts and young bulls. For the sugar production at Chuquichuqui, Licenciado Polo relied on his brother-in-law, Diego Gonzalez de Contreras, who supplied from Lima several boilers and different tools to produce sweets. In the 1550s he acquired African slaves in Potosi and La Plata who constituted the main labor force at the sugar mill. Several specialists and a master of refining, with a salary of 600 pesos ensayados, were in charge of the production of the most valuable asset of Licenciado Polo. Chuquichuqui had a smithy, a carpenter shop, houses for the owner and several managers, stewards, masters of sugar refining, and shacks for yanaconas and slaves.'-^

32 Ibid., Chuquichuqui is a lower valley located 60 kilometers from th e city of Sucre (La Plata), at the eastern shore of the Mojotoro River. The w arm climate allowed the cultivation of tropical fruits, sugar cane, and vegetables. Furthermore, the valley's pasture and the abundance of water gave opportunity for stock-raising. Diccionario del Departamento de Chuquisaca (Sucre: Imprenta Sucre, 1906), 108-109.

33 ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Agosto 29 de 1564, f. d.xx; Ibid., La Plata, Diciembre 29 de 1564, f. dclxxxi; Ibid., La Plata, Diciembre 29 de 1564, f. dclxxvi; EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Agosto 29 de 1569, f. 1021; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Setiembre 18 de 1570, fs. cccxlvi-cccxlvii; Ibid., Octubre 25 de 1570, fs. 4 1 3 v -4 1 4 ; EP Vol. 24 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Junio 14 de 1572, fs. 377V -378; EP Vol. 18 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 31 de 1581. fs. 181 V-184V. 261 In another auction, Diego de Zarate bought for his brother the

estate of Pajcha, located in the valley of Mojotoro, which was worth

1,450 pesos ensayados. The later acquisition of the lands of Camocamo and Tococala, surrounding Chuquichuqui and Pajcha, extended Polo's properties along the warm and fertile valley of

Mojotoro. Camocamo, or Kamukamu, located along the Grande River, had been purchased through a censo from the Yamparaez Indians, who inhabited the surrounding valleys of La Plata.^s These strategies of land acquisition enabled the successive purchases of chacras and lands in Mojotoro and the development of large-scale agricultural production to supply the internal market. Licenciado Polo's purchases of land took place during the golden age of the encomienda ( 1 550-

1560), when an encomendero benefited from his Indians' labor and produce and profited from commerce, agriculture, and mining. Polo Ondegardo could have received additional income from his activities as a counselor of viceroys and royal officers, but no documents remain to indicate revenues he may have earned for serving in an official capacity. The orchard of Guaya-pajcha—today El Guereo neighborhood in Sucre—constituted the major retreat where the encomenderos went for leisure during the early colonial period. Polo Ondegardo possessed

2** ANB, EP Vol. 2 Fernando de la Hoz - La Plata, Octubre 5 de 1575, ff. 16- 17v. Located at the hot valley of Mojotoro or Chico, Pajcha was at 55 k ilo m eters east La Plata, surrounding the ravine of Humahualso. Diccionario G eogrd fico. 219-220.

35 ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Febrero 23 de 1564, f. Ixxx; EP Vol. 18 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Enero 31 de 1581, f. 192; EP Vol. 55 Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Enero 28 de 1594, fs. 20-21. 262 Feet Metere i£ ^ f c h u ( 13.123 * 4 ^ 0 0 6.562 -^ZOOO . -♦. .•^♦*’i\.*- - f- - ■ '1 K • - % cchci * 3Æ81 1.000 1Æ 40i--500 656 ^ 2 0 0 o g o

P lo y a

1— — 1

Figure 6.1 Properties owned by the Ondegardo Family

263 two houses and grazing lands in Guaya-pajcha, one acquired just before his death.36

As one of the first miners in Porco, Licenciado Polo was the owner of 40 varas in the Veta Larga. In Potosf, he had 60 varas in the Cerro Rico in the Veta de San Agustm, an investment to which h e

added a refining mill, houses and tiendas at the Plaza del Carbon.^’’ Licenciado Polo's properties in Cochabamba included the ranches and chacras of Colomi and Cliza, where he cultivated a variety of cereals and engaged in stock-raising. Other ranches and haciendas producing maize were located in Esquilan and in the

former Inca suyus named Potopoto and Yllaurcu, where Ondegardo founded the estates of Paucarpata, Calabiri, Patata, Ururo, and Sorata. These fertile lands were watered by the rivers Patata, Hayata. and the ravine of Tiritiri. The opportunity to increase the production of

ANB, EP Vol. 2 Garcia de Esquivel - La Plata, Julio 27 de 1575, fs. 1209v- I210v; Diccionario Geogrdfico. 137-138.

ANB, EP Vol 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Agosto 29 de 1569, fs. 1 0 1 9 -10 2 0 v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Octubre 13 de 1573; Capoche, Relacion G e n e r a l. 92. 264 C o r r e g i m i e n t o Location Property name La Paz betw. Sicasica y Caracollo Venta del Jagiiey betw. Sicasica y Caracollo Venta del Medio Yamparaez (La Plata) M ojotoro Tococala M ojotoro Luje M ojotoro Chuquichuqui M ojotoro P ajcha M ojotoro Camocamo city of La Plata Guaya-pajcha city of La Plata main residence C ochabam ba Cliza Cliza Colomi Colomi Quillacollo P aucarpata Quillacollo Calabi ri Quillacollo Patata Quillacollo Ururu Quillacollo Sorata Quillacollo Esquilan Cochabamba city residence Potosf bank of Tarapaya River refining mill Veto Rica 60 varas of mine Villa Imperial dwelling house Villa Imperial 7 quarters Porco Vera Larga 40 varas of mine Castile Spain V alladolid C igunuela V alladolid Zaratan Valladolid Puente del Duero

Table 6.1 Properties of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo

265 maize prompted Licenciado Polo to invest in irrigation by building

ditches, canals, and drains.^^

Aware of the pending termination of the encomienda of El Paso after he had passed it on to his elder son, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, a wise investor, was able to prevent the diminution of his large

family's income. He assured for his family multiple incomes through diversifying his economic investments, and he made provisions to keep the property intact after the transfer of his inheritance.

As expected from a man of his status, Licenciado Polo planned his and his family's burial in one of the Monasteries of La Plata. I n 1564, eleven years before he died, he arranged with Fray Antonio de

San Miguel, the Franciscan Provincial Minister of the Province and

Kingdom of Peru, and the Friars of the Convent of San Francisco of La Plata, to build a chapel in the main church. The Ondegardo's chapel was to be located within the arch of the main chapel, which was closest to the epistle, and to the left of the priest. Polo promised to construct, decorate, and provide his chapel with ornaments to demonstrate that the altarpiece and bars resembled "the quality of

ANB, EP Vol. 18 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 31 de 1581. f. 183v; AMC, EC 9, fs. 233v-236; Ibfd., EC 16, fs. 9 3 v -lllv ; Ibfd., PCC 12 - La Plata. Enero 1 de 1592, f. 232. Colomi was located in today's province of Chapare, 45 kilometers from the city of Cochabamba. It was an extraordinarily fertile land, with natural irrigation and different climates. The valley of Cliza, 45 kilometers southeast of Cochabamba, was renowned during the colonial period for its production of wheat and maize. Esquilan and the rest of Polo's h a cien d a s were located on the way from Cochabamba to Quillacollo. All o f them were part of the wide valley located west of Cochabamba from the slopes of Tunari and represented an excellent environment in which to cultivate tropical and puna crops. Federico Blanco, Diccionario Geogrdfico de la Reptiblica de Bolivia. Departamento de C ochabam ba (La Paz; Taller Tipo-Litografico-A yacucho 21, 1901), 28-29, 52-53, 73, 106, 107, 114, 123. 266 his personality."39 Although the chapel had not yet been constructed in November of 1575, a few days after his death, his family buried Licenciado Polo Ondegardo in the Convent of San Francisco. He had signed his will in March 1575 , and added several codicils soon thereafter.

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo left behind a fortune for his family. His six children, five sons—Jeronimo Ondegardo, Polo Ondegardo, Lope Diaz de Zarate, Rodrigo de Contreras y Bobadilla, and Juan

Bautista Ondegardo—and his daughter. Dona Maria de Penalosa, were younger than 14 when he died. Licenciado Polo carefully planned his children's future and the role to be filled by each one to ensure success in a colonial world that was to be different from the one he had faced. He began by appointing his wise wife as the tutor and guardian to his children.-*") She became the sole administrator of the family assets. To maintain his material legacy intact, Licenciado Polo bestowed upon his eldest son many of his properties to be entailed soon after his death according to his specific instructions. Polo also wanted the best marriage for his daughter and university degrees for three of his sons, in order to maintain his family's status. Licenciado Polo's offspring, however, would struggle with varying

39 ANB, EP Vol. 6 Ldzaro del Aguila - La Plata, Octubre 19 de 1564, f. dlx.xiii. ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcia Torrico fs. 1035-1044, copy of Polo Ondegardo's original will dictated and signed before the notary Garci'a de Esquivel in La Plata, March 18, 1575; EP Vol. 12 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1575, fs. 362v-365; EP Vol. 21 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 26 de 1584, fs. 275v-283v, copy of Polo Ondegardo's codicil dictated and signed in La Plata, October 12, 1575; Hampe Martinez, "Apuntes para u n a biograffa," 102-111. 267 success to implement the plans designed by their father and faithfully followed by their mother.

Kindred and the Second Generation of Ondegardos in Charcas

Kindred is a group of relatives who trace their common identity through either the ancestry of the mother and father or by means of marriage alliances. Up to his death, Licenciado Polo was the focal point of a vast kindred. Between the Zarate-Ondegardo's and their affines, solidarity and loyalty—values cultivated and stressed b y kinship—evolved into a family hierarchy determined by the politics of lineage. Clientelism was a common practice among the Ondegardos. Lines of personal obligation tended to be multiple and complex and relations of dependence linked both relatives and allies. This was particularly notable among hidalgo migrants such as Polo Ondegardo, who by means of political and economic success gained social status and built a lineage that expressed his own achievements.

Regarding the offices of their closest relatives, the Ondegardos were respectful of the hierarchical social norms as a consequence of their association with the Tribunal of the Holy Office of the

Inquisition. Licenciado Polo's father was a bailiff of the Tribunal at Cuenca and Granada until his death, and his mother's father had been Secretary of the Council of the Inquisition. In their association with the Holy Office, the Ondegardos became clients of those at the top and enjoyed public, legal exemptions. They shared with their patrons

268 strict behavioral rules and norms that stressed the ideology of a n

estates society. The construction of the Lopez de Leon Ondegardo-Zarate's

family network reflected the incorporation of a hidalgo group into an institution that offered social protection, legal coverage, and the

accumulation of honor that could open the way to material gain.-*' Kinship was articulated with status and mediated by the countrymen's clientelistic bonds that involved kin, friends, and

servants. As a first-born, renowned professional bureaucrat, and successful colonial entrepreneur, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo built and

consolidated a network of primary bonds in which the m embers recognized him as both their master and patron. The hierarchical principles of a stratified society, embodied in institutions such as the Holy Office and the royal bureaucracy, which he and his family

belonged to for years, were clearly influential in his written will.

Licenciado Polo's testament, codicils, and legacy are examples of how

social hierarchies sealed the future of, and expectations for each member of his family. Licenciado Polo's brother, Diego de Zarate,

played the role of an alter ego, since he was appointed as his brother's primary executor.

Two of Licenciado Polo's executors, his brother Diego de Zarate and his countryman. Captain Anton de Gatos (son-in-law of Polo's

younger brother) were charged with carrying out his written will. 1 n

"* ' Jaime Contreras Contreras, "Clientelismo y Parentela en los Familiares del Santo Oficio," in Les Parentés Fictives en Espagne fXVIe-XVIIe S iè c le s ), ed. Agustin Redondo (Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 1988), 51-53, 58. 269 the last codicil he signed, Licenciado Polo stressed the need to compensate the Moyo-moyo Indians of his encomienda for unpaid personal services, and those Indians living around his estates in Cochabamba for damages caused by his herds. An inquiry among the Indians led both men to agree to compensate the Moyo-moyo with

5,160 pesos ensayados, payable with an annuity or censo, adding interest from the date Licenciado Polo died to the first payment. The

Indians had cultivated the estate of Pajcha over a period of 24 years, between 1548 to 1572. Licenciado Polo Ondegardo died November 8, 1575, and the first payment was due November 8, 1579. The Moyo- moyo were promised to receive 6,634 pesos and 2 tomines of plata ensayada. Licenciado Polo Ondegardo's heirs agreed to pay the Moyo- moyo an annuity of 473 pesos and 7 tomines ensayados until they could repay the entire amount of the long-term loan. To guarantee the payment, a mortgage was imposed on the family estates of

Pajcha, Chuquichuqui, and Cochabamba, including the tools and slaves.^- At the same time, and according to Polo's will, his executors agreed to a reparation for the Indians of El Paso of 200 pesos corrientes, 150 pesos corrientes to the Indians of Tiquipaya, and 100 to the Sipe Sipe, payable in young bulls from the herds of Ondegardo for damages caused to their lands.^3

ANB, EP Vol. 16 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 14 de 1579, fs. 9 3 4 - 9 4 3 V .

ANB, EP Vol. 12 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1575, fs. 362v-365; Ibfd., fs. 365-366b; EP Vol. 14 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Diciembre 16 de 1577, fs. 799-802v. 270 By establishing an amount and method of compensation. Polo

Ondegardo could "rest in peace" by returning—according to Christian norms—everything he considered that he had unfairly taken from his Indians. Restitution was a basic principle of Fray Bartolomé de las Casas' thought that established the means through which an encomendero could alleviate his guilt and regret for exploiting the Indians. Fray Bartolomé de las Casas had warned the conquistadors about their lack of Christian piety, recording how the Indians suffered and died as a result of their mistreatment and exploitation. At least some encomenderos recognized their sins and tried to amend their behavior before or after their death. At the threshold of eternity, encomenderos such as Licenciado Polo Ondegardo felt the need to appease their consciences and overcome the spiritual crisis resulting from their conflicts with the Church and their Indians. They were stuck between a life devoted to gaining status and fame and one devoted to God's word, which they had ignored in their daily treatment of the Indians. Within his petition of restitution. Licenciado Polo hoped to recover for posterity his irreproachable public image and gain the redemption every Christian aspired to obtain. Some encomenderos of La Plata expressed similar intentions in their wills. On the contrary, their executors and relatives ignored their desires and did not repay the Indians for the illegal exactions made by the encomenderos (see Chapter 5).^'*

Guillermo Lohmann Villena, "La restitucion por conquistadores y encomenderos: Un aspecto de la incidencia lascasiana en el Peru,” Anuario de Estudios Americanos xxiii (Sevilla, 1966): 21-29. 271 Another clause of Polo's will specified that his widow, Doha

Jeronima de Penalosa, be in charge of their children's assets. Although she was concerned with their children's education, she personally managed the family patrimony with the help of her kin,

legal representatives, administrators, stewards, employees, and clients. The Ondegardo's family property should have increased or at least remained intact in Charcas and in Valladolid to maintain the status reached by Licenciado Polo in Peru. Doha Jeronima did not hesitate to request the help of her brother, Vasco Arias de Contreras, her sisters-in-law, Doha Marfa Ondegardo, widow of Doctor Venero

de Lei va from the Council of the Royal Chamber, and Doha Ana Ondegardo and her husband doctor Bartolomé de Santoyo, jewel

keeper of the Royal Chamber. All of them, in both Lima and Spain became her legal representatives to administer the funds and estates

formerly possessed by Licenciado Polo.'*^ The majority of the family employees in Charcas had served

Licenciado Polo throughout his life. As a tutor of her children, Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa became an indomitable matriarch whose

strength provided them with of loyalty and fidelity. The strength of women in the Contreras-Pehalosa family was not new. There was a tradition among females to hold power and defend their lineage interests even under the most controversial circumstances. Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa belonged to a family that had enjoyed seniority in the conquest of Tierra Firme. Her grandfather

ANB, EP Vol. 21 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 26 de 1584. 272 from her mother's side was governor Pedro Arias de Avila, better

known as Pedrarias Davila. In April, 1514 Pedrarias left San Lucar de

Barrameda at the head of a large expedition to govern Castilla del Oro or Tierra Firme, the first colony founded by the Spaniards on the continental Americas. Future conquistadors such as Diego de

Almagro, Sebastian de Benalcazar, Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, and Hernando de Soto and Rodrigo d e

Contreras—the latter two of whom later married Pedrarias'

daughters— were members of the expedition. In defiance of her husband's will. Dona Isabel de Bobadilla y Penalosa, a Castilian lady, traveled with her daughters to support her husband's expedition. Panama was not a comfortable place to settle since fever, diseases, hunger, and Indian resistance were ubiquitous in the newly conquered isthmus. Pedrarias, at age 72, was energetic and

authoritarian. His wife, who was much younger, was not particularly

submissive. Both Bartolomé de Las Casas and Pedro Mdrtir de Angleria describe Dona Isabel de Bobadilla as an energetic and vigorous matron, who knew how to challenge her husband's decisions. Leaving behind the details of the conquest of Tierra Firme, it is important to know that once Pedrarias died, she battled at court for the right to receive pensions and recognition from Charles I.-*^

The chronicles asserted that Doha Isabel de Bobadilla always showed a strong will that surpassed that of many soldiers, even

Boyd-Bowman, Indice Geo-biogrdfico. 103; Catherine Delamarre and Bertrand Sallard, Las mujeres en tiempos de los con q uistad ores (B arcelona: Planeta, 1994), 144-148; David Ewing Duncan, Hernando de Soto. A Savage Quest in the A m erica s (New York: Crown Publishers, 1996), 205-206. 273 those veterans of the French and Italian wars. Soon after Dona Isabel

and her family arrived in Darien, epidemics and continuous fighting with the Indians killed a third of the expedition of 1,500 men. Additional problems arose after Vasco Nunez de Balboa, the discoverer of the Pacific Ocean, was named by the king as adelantado del Mar del Sur. Intimidated by Balboa's popularity, Pedrarias offered his rival the opportunity to marry his own daughter Doha Isabel Arias de Pehalosa—also known as Doha Isabel de Bobadilla, like her mother. A year later, invoking false charges against him,

Pedrarias imprisoned his son-in-law and, after a summary trial, ordered Balboa's execution.

Around 1520, the colony was exhausted; the Spaniards committed all kind of excesses that Pedrarias decided to ignore. allowing corruption to fester, when another rival was appointed as judge in Santa Marfa de la Antigua del Darien. The new judge was

Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, the famous chronicler, who made public his disagreements with Pedrarias' government and started a long fight against him and his heirs. Far from facing his adversary at court, Oviedo met the resistance of Doha Isabel de Bobadilla, who was sent to Spain by her husband, who knew much about his wife's fierce temper and bravery. Several proven accusations and testimonies were not enough to support Oviedo's position. Although condemned to pay 100,000 maravedi'es, Oviedo appealed, and by 1525 Pedrarias had to resign and face his residencia. The efforts of Doha Isabel de Bobadilla y Pehalosa were recognized, however, after she obtained for her husband the office of Governor of Nicaragua. Pedrarias died 274 in 1531 and his son-in-law, Rodrigo de Contreras—who later became

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo's father-in-Iaw--succeeded him. The appointment of Rodrigo de Contreras as Governor of Nicaragua can be attributed to the efforts of his mother-in-law. Dona Isabel de Bobadilla y Penalosa.

The two daughters of Pedrarias inherited their mother's determination and strong will. Dona Maria de Penalosa m arried

Rodrigo de Contreras and Doha Isabel de Bobadilla, the widow of Vasco Nunez de Balboa, married Hernando de Soto. When Hernando de Soto, Governor of Cuba, left the island in 1539 to conquer La

Florida, he appointed his wife Doha Isabel Arias de Pehalosa as the Governor ol Cuba. At this time. Polo Ondegardo was a student of law in Salamanca.-*' For several years Doha Isabel awaited the return of her husband, who after his failure in founding the seven cities of Cibola, died in 1542 on the shores of the Mississippi River. She returned to Spain, and died soon after. To date, Doha Isabel is said to be the bronze figure that graces the Giraldilla at the Fortress of Havana, where she longingly looked at the horizon and waited for Hernando de Soto.-*^

Pedrarias' younger daughter, Doha Marfa de Pehalosa y Bobadilla, had married Rodrigo de Contreras in Segovia in 15 24. Contreras was appointed as Governor of Nicaragua in 1534, following

Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, The Florida of the Inca (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1951), 47; Delamarre and Sallard, Las mujeres en tiempos de los conquistadores. 149-155.

-^8 Ibid., 156. 275 the death of Pedrarias. The couple enjoyed a gracious and luxurious lifestyle in Nicaragua, even though Dona Marfa traveled with and

supported her husband on several expeditions. During the journey to the Suerre River, for example, she was in charge of the supplies as military intendant. Moreover, whenever Contreras was out of his residence. Dona Marfa remained in charge of the government. I n 1542, during Contreras absence in Spain, his son-in-law rebelled against him in Leon. In the meantime, Doha Marfa was asked to enforce the New Laws. The laws were particularly harmful to Contreras' family because they prevented royal officials from enjoying Indian labor. By then not only Rodrigo de Contreras but also his wife and sons had many Indians working on their estates and properties. During his residencia in 1544, Contreras had to resign as Governor. He later returned to Spain to request his rc-appointm em as governor. Contreras failed in his attempt to regain his office and. as a result, his sons rebelled in Granada (Nicaragua), murdering and causing havoc within the population. Although the Contreras did not enjoy royal favors, they were not condemned. They abandoned

Nicaragua in 1551 and resettled in Peru. Rodrigo de Contreras and Dona Marfa de Pehalosa with a son and four daughters, became vec/no5 of Lima. It was there where Licenciado Polo Ondegardo m et Rodrigo de Contreras again and later married one of his daughters.-*^ Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa demonstrated the same determination and strength displayed by her mother, aunt, and

Boyd-Bowman. Indice Geo-biogrâfico. 103, 247, 249, 275; Delamarre and Sallard, Las muieres en tiempos de los co n q u ista d o re s. 157-160. 276 grandmother after her husband, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, died on

November 8, 1575. Her task was not related to public policy. Hers was a family-oriented mission that involved the public prestige of a

lineage her husband had started to build in Charcas, and whose consolidation remained in her hands. Alone or in company, by taking advantage of the loyalties gained by Licenciado Polo among the individuals involved in his personal network, she exploited the estates, mines, and ranches inherited by her children. According to the instructions left by Licenciado Polo in his will, Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa enjoyed the "usufruct of her widowhood" until their elder son reached his legal majority to handle the family fortune.so By means of such an usufruct, Doha Jeronima—who never rem arried-- enjoyed control over her own and her children's property. Three of these children, almost a year after Licenciado Polo's death, were sent to Spain. In the company of Lope de Obregon, who had been Licenciado Polo's steward for many years, the younger Polo Ondegardo, Lope Diaz de Zarate and Rodrigo de Contreras traveled to Valladolid. They were attended by a slave, who was set free after their arrival in Spain. The three brothers settled with relatives of his father and according to his will, they pursued studies at the University of Salamanca.^'

sOAntonio Moreno Almarcegui, "Pequena nobleza rural, sistema de herencia y estructura de la propiedad de la tierra en Plasencia del Monte (Huesca), 1600-1855," in Poder. familia y consanguinidad en la Espana del Antiguo Resi men, ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez and Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), 74.

5* ANB, EP Vol. 13 Juan Garci'a Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 24 de 1576. fs. 1 154V-1 159. 277 In Charcas, Dona Jeronima continued administering the family’s

assets. She set up a company to exploit the mines at Porco and hired new stewards and masters of sugar and jams for Chuquichuqui. which was undoubtedly the most important of the family's properties.52 Since its acquisition in 1549, Licenciado Polo had improved Chuquichuqui; it became one of the most valuable sugar mills in the region. In 1581, Dona Jeronima transferred m any

properties, as she needed to send cash to Spain, where she had to maintain three of her sons and two nephews—the sons of Diego de Zarate—for whose education at Salamanca she paid. Chuquichuqui, which was purchased in 1549 for 1,500 pesos ensayados, was sold in a public auction for 32,000 pesos ensayados. This amount included the lands, a sugar mill, a smithy, a carpentry shop, tools, and 2 2 African slaves. At the same time, she sold Tococala for 500 pesos ensayados and offered—without success—the two orchards of Guaya- pajcha for 1,500 and 220 pesos ensayados, respectively.53 Much of the cash collected in the auction went to finance two of the fam ily's major enterprises that drained much of the material capital accumulated by Licenciado Polo during his life in Charcas. Although she emphasized the need to be rid of properties whose expenses were exceeding the profits, she hoped to avoid the division of

52 aN B, EP Vol. 16 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Noviembre 18 de 1579, fs. 996-1001; EP Vol. 17 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Enero 16 de 1580, fs. 20- 21 V.

53 ANB, EP Vol. 18 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Enero 31 de 1581, fs. 172-198. 278 property left by Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, so that family land

would remain in the hands of their elder son.

The first of the enterprises to be completed by Dona Jeronima was the marriage of her only daughter. Dona Marfa de Penalosa. Marriage and succession strategies contributed to family

reproduction and the perpetuation of its s t a t u s . Since marriage was

the vehicle of control over the family patrimony, status, and descent. Dona Marfa married a gentleman from a well-known peninsular

lineage, with connections in the viceregal capital. Although it is

impossible to assess the economic benefit of Doha Marfa's marriage,

that union was a costly enterprise for the Ondegardo family. Material

capital given as a dowry reflected the Ondegardo's social status and symbolic capital, and it allowed Dona Marfa's family in 1583. lo marry Don Pedro de Cordoba Mejfa, who was born in Jaén as ihc legitimate son of Don Pedro Ponce de Leon Mejfa and Doha Isabel de

Cordoba y Mendoza. The groom was a Knight of Santiago and resided in Lima, where he enjoyed the office of alcalde mayor of the Real

Audiencia. Together, Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa and Don Jeronimo

Ondegardo endowed their daughter and sister with 35.000 pesos ensayados, a dowry which did not include real estate. Doha Marfa's dowry was one of the largest an encomendero family paid to marry a

daughter. From those 35,000 pesos ensayados, it was Doha Jeronima

de Pehalosa who contributed 20,000 in bars of silver and 5,000 in

M. Dolors Comas d'Argemir, "Matrimonio, patrimonio y descendencia. Algunas hipdtesis referidas a la peninsula Ibérica," in Poder. familia v consanguinidad en la Espana del Antiguo R ég i men, ed. Francisco C hacdn Jimenez and Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), 160. 279 jewelry and fine cloth. Don Jeronimo Ondegardo added—from his own patrim ony—10,000 pesos ensayados more. Actually, he had requested a loan through the Real Audiencia of Charcas that authorized him a censo for 10,000 pesos ensayados from the cajas de comunidad of the Indians of Paria and Carangas. Until canceled, the loan was guaranteed by his mother's estates of Pajcha and Ckatalla, close to the granary of the city. The bridegroom, Don Pedro d e Cordoba, endowed the bride with 10,000 pesos ensayados as proof of her virginity and honor.^s Dowry and arras reflected the p atrim o ny of each family, as well as the lack of liquid capital and the excessive inflation of honors, particularly great at times for show and scarce when it had to be paid.^^

Don Pedro de Cordoba Mejfa was a relative of the third Viceroy of Peru, Don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of Cahete. A distinguished and cultivated gentleman, Cordoba Mejfa became an adviser to Viceroy Don Martfn Enrfquez. Although it is difficult to compare him with Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, Don Pedro de Cordoba

Mejfa served as a royal official and demonstrated a wide knowledge of the Andean region, its peoples, and their customs. Before getting married, he served as Corregidor of Cusco, where he wrote a succinct, but impressive Informe acerca de las costiimbres que lenian las Incas del Peru. The report was addressed to the king of Spain and

ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Agosto 19 de 1383, fs. 761v-772v; EP Vol. 33 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Abril 3 de 1585, fs. 6 0 2 -6 1 2v. Ckatalla was located northward La Plata, at 6 kilometeres of the city: Diccionario G eogrd fico. 70.

Moreno Almarcegui, "Pequena nobleza rural," 74 280 was written at Viceroy Enriquez’s request^? In 1594, during the

government of his relative, Don Garcia Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis

of Cahete, Don Pedro de Cordoba Mejia was appointed Corregidor of Castrovirreina. His main objective as corregidor was to resolve som e of the problems concerning the extraction of mercury from

Huancavelica, since many subterranean shafts were flooded. To drain the mines, he took mitayos previously assigned to local miners, a

decision that damaged his relationship with the mercury miners. By

1600 he was still enjoying the alguacilazgo mayor of the Audiencia de Lima, an office that was to be bequeathed to his male heirs. 1 n

1602, when he submitted his probanza de méritos y servicios to the

king, he was serving as Corregidor of Potosi.^^

Amazingly, Roberto Levillier and Guillermo Lohmann Viliena failed to understand that don Pedro de Cordoba Mejfa and don Pedro de Cordoba Guzman are relatives, but not the same person. Sometimes, both authors cast nephew and uncle as one in the same when discussing merits, offices, and possessions. Don Pedro de Cordoba Guzman was the nephew o f the first V icero y Canete. Being his favorite at court, he received grants, gifts, and concessions. Cordoba Guzman alsoacquired the status of encom endero once his uncle, th e viceroy, married him to dona Teresa de Avendano, who by means of a crime and family intrigues became the widow—without marrying him—of Pedro de Ysasaga, encomendero of Carangas. Later on, don Pedro de Cordoba gave up th e carangas of Corquemarca and Andamarca to enjoy Hatun Lucana and Laramati, granted by Viceroy don Francisco de Toledo, who also offered him the governorship of Tucumdn. See: Roberto Levillier, Nueva Cronica de la Conquista del Tucumdn. Tomo II 1563-1573 (Varsovia, Coleccidn de Publiaciones Historicas del Congreso Argentine, 1928), 159-163; Id., Gobernantes del P eril, ii: 449, 453, 454, 475-476; Ibfd.,ix:268, 271-279, 283-288; Fray Reginaldo de Lizdrraga, Descripcidn Breve de toda la tierra el Peru. Tucumdn. Rfo de la Plata y C h ile Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles, vol. 216 (Madrid: Ediciones Atlas, 1968), 121; Guillermo Lohmann Viliena, "Las Companias de Gentiles Hombres Lanzas y Arcabuces de la guardia del virreinato del Perd," Anuario de Estudios A m e rica n o s xiii (Sevilla, 1956): 14, 27; Cook, Tasa de la Visita G en era l. 20, 35-36. 261-262,

Guillermo Lohmann Viliena, Las minas de Huancavelica en los siglos XVI V XVII (Sevilla: Imprenta de la Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1949), 154; Levilllier, Nueva Cronica. 163; Capoche, Relacidn General. 180-181.

281 The marriage of Licenciado Polo's daughter linked his family

with another of superior status—the groom and his father enjoyed the title of "Don." Relatives of the new couple resided in Lima.

Although the Contreras Penalosa family enjoyed seniority in the conquest, their status did not match that of the bridegroom. Thus, the links between the Ondegardo and the Castilian nobility w ere mediated by the marriage of Dona Maria de Penalosa with a knight, who was a high ranking bureaucrat and a member of the viceregal court at Lima. The large amount of material capital endowed to the bride matched the symbolic capital gained by her father, Licenciado

Polo, which allowed his family to make an alliance with a noble peninsular lineage. The bride's dowry highlighted her leading role among her siblings, and confirmed the place her family occupied within the society of Charcas. The decision to marry the sole daughter to a candidate of caliber and higher status created material risks, however; the amount promised as a dowry was not only difficult to amass, but jeopardized the fortune made by Licenciado

Polo Ondegardo. The golden age of the encomienda had passed and to attempt to recover from an expenditure that was worth two large and well equipped rural estates proved impossible. Raising the money from the income provided by the encomienda to repurchase the land sold to finance the marriage was hopeless. Nevertheless, any difference in the assets and prestige endowed by the couple melded

282 in a marriage negotiated to benefit the candidates and their families.59

Another family enterprise remained pending after the wedding of Dona Marfa de Penalosa. As Licenciado Polo stated in his will, his wife had to concentrate in the eldest son the entire family patrim ony to make him the master of the house, the head of the family, the heir of the name, the story and memory of the lineage as well as administrator of the patrimony and prestige of the family.^^

Castilian law gave equal rights to all legitimate offspring. According to the legal norms, children were protected against their parents' desires to make arrangements favoring only one of them.

Since manipulation of the rules was common, at least a portion of the patrimony had to be transferred to the children and grandchildren. The obligatory quota parents had to give their children was referred to as légitima. During the sixteenth-century it was established that the legitimate heirs would receive four fifths of their parents' patrimony. Thus, the parents had the right to administer a fifth {qiiinto de libre disposiciôn) and its distribution was at their whim.

Parents—who exercised unlimited power over their children—did not often respect the norms that established an equal inheritance to their offspring. Moreover, parents could assign a third of the four fifths of

Pierre Bourdieu, El Sentido P ractico (Madrid: Taurus, 1991), 246, 251; Joan Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar. Reflexiones en torno a las estrategias matrimoniales cercanas," in Poder. familia v consanguinidad en la Espana del Antiguo R é g i m en, ed. Francisco Chacon Jimenez and Juan Hernandez Franco (Barcelona: Anthropos, 1992), 138.

Bourdieu, El Sentido Practice. 251-253; BestardCamps, "La estrechez del lugar," 133-135; Moreno Almarcegui, " Pequena nobleza rural," 72. 283 the légitima to any heir that they wanted to endow. Therefore, the patrimony had to be divided into five shares, four of which belonged to the legitimate heirs. From these four-fifths, parents had to distribute two-thirds equally among their children or grandchildren. The remaining one-third could be endowed to anyone they wanted to benefit.^*

By the end of 1583, the same year that Dona Maria de Penalosa married Don Pedro de Cordoba Mejia, Dona Jeronima de Penalosa, following Licenciado Polo's will, completed the second fam ily enterprise of the decade. She constituted a mayorazgo in favor of h e r elder son, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo, and his heirs. Mayorazgos gave the holder the seignieurial and eminent dominion over entailed land. Furthermore, it allowed the bearer to appropriate the produce and income of the land. The assets involved in an entail, however, could not be sold or transferred, since the law mandated their perpetual inalienability. The succession of a mayorazgo consecrated the preeminence of men over women and the primacy of the oldest over the younger siblings. A woman could become an heiress only in the absence of any male descendants.

The mayorazgo to be enjoyed by Don Jeronimo Ondegardo included 7,000 pesos ensayados from his wife's dowry, half of the produce of the lands of Zaratan (Valladolid), the income of more than

Enrique Gacto, "El Grupo Familiar de la Edad Moderna en los Territories del Mediterrâneo Hispdnico: Una Vision Jurfdica," in La Familia e n la Espana M ed iterrd n ea. ed. James Casey et al. (Barcelona: Cn'tica, 1987), 51-53.

Bartolomé Clavero, Mayorazgo v Propiedad Feudal en Castilla (1369- 1838) (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno Editores, 1974), 21, 48, 140. 284 100,000 maravedîes in Valladolid, a juro of 319,000 maravedies in

Cuenca, another juro inherited from Pedro de Arjona—a fellow of

Licenciado Polo—that was worth 31,700 maravedies, and 107,000 maravedies from an annuity from the Marquis of Berlanda. In exchange Don Jeronimo was obliged to maintain and provide study for his four brothers and his male parallel cousins until age 28.^^

Entailed property constituted an obligatory way to ensure the family's patrimonial reproduction. Mayorazgos embodied both principles and feudal rights of reproduction by entailing land under seignieurial jurisdiction. It was the first-born son, who would enjoy a social distinction based on his birth order. Thus, land embodied its owner's wealth which was supposed to perpetuate the legacy undivided. The habitus transcended the newly egalitarian norms of inheritance and stressed the supremacy of the oldest heir reproducing within a family the characteristic divisions of an estates society.^-*

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was the center of his network and the head of his lineage by means of his public, and private, high status. After his death, status and prestige were granted by the entail. Status and prestige had their residence at the family house, place of settlement of the symbolic capital of the lineage and visible embodiment of an indivisible patrimony.

ABN, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata. Diciembre 11 de 1583, fs. 1034V-1044V.

Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1980), 150-153; Clavero, Mavorazgo v Propiedad Feudal. 181. 285 Don Jeronimo's assets surpassed those entailed by his mother.

The encomienda of El Paso was passed on to him in the second

generation as well as the Moyo-moyo resettled in Colpavilque or Villaverde de la Fuente. Additionally, he enjoyed the situacion of 45 0 pesos ensayados from the vacant tributes of Faria. Since the

encomienda of El Paso was to be vacant at the end of his life, Don

Jeronimo Ondegardo requested, without success, an extra term to be enjoyed by his heir. However, Viceroy Don Garcia Hurtado de

Mendoza, Ondegardo’s in-law, granted him in 1593 half of the

Indians of Caquiaviri—jurisdiction of La Paz—previously held by Leon de Ayance. After receiving the king's confiimation of the grant of Caquiaviri. Don Jeronimo gave up the encomienda of El Paso so as to gain the new concession for the rest of his life and that of his heir.^- The encomienda of Caquiaviri, and its dependent towns of Larecaja and Omasuyos, led Don Jeronimo to a long lawsuit with a vecino of Huamanga, Nuflo de Romani, who claimed the repartimiento was passed on to him in the second generation. The case reached the Council of the Indies, which led Don Jeronimo to entrust his brother and cousin, Don Rodrigo de Contreras y Bobadilla and Licenciado Don Diego de Zarate Zurbaran, as his representatives.

ANB, LAACh XII - La Plata, Noviembre 15 de 1563 and Febrero 27 de 1602, fs. 1-2; EP Vol. 38a Luis Guisado - La Plata, Abril 7 de 1595, f. 771; EP Vol. 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata - Octubre 13 de 1597, fs. 2021-2024. 286 After 1595, Don Jeronimo received the tributes of Caquiaviri, w hich suggests that the trial resulted in his favor.^^

In October 1590, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo married a lady from the viceregal court. The bride was Doha Marfa Jacoba de Cordoba

Guzman, the legitimate daughter of Don Pedro de Cordoba Guzman, a Knight of Santiago, and Doha Teresa de Avendaho. The bride's father was the nephew of Don Andrés Hurtado de Mendoza, Marquis of

Cahete and former Viceroy of Peru, whom he served as Captain of the Gentiles Hombres Lanzas, the personal guard created by the

viceroy in 1556. After enjoying the encomienda of carangas from Andamarca and Colquemarca that his wife had questionably inherited from Pedro de Ysasaga, he was granted the Lucanas and

Laramati by Viceroy Toledo.^^ Don Jeronimo's brother-in-law, Don

Pedro de Cordoba Mejfa, the bride's parallel cousin, arranged the marriage, negotiated the amount of the dowry, and the arras to be endowed. This marriage meant the settlement of the Ondegardo house within the viceregal capital. The growth of family links at the regional level was coincident with the reinforcement of affinity b y the marriage of two parallel cousins. The marriage of the elder son and the only daughter of the Ondegardos—who enjoyed the m aterial and symbolic assets of the lineage—with two parallel cousins of noble

ANB, EP Vol. 36b Luis Guisado - La Plata, Marzo 26 de 1583, fs. 999-1000; EP Vol. 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Octubre 13 de 1597, fs. 2021-2024; EP Vol. 32b Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Abril 27 de 1603, fs. 114-115.

Levillier, Gobernantes del P eru , i: 295; Ibid., ii;449; José de la P u en te Brunke, Encomienda v encomenderos en el Peru. Estudio social v polftico de una institucion co lo n ia l (Sevilla: Exma. Diputacidn Provincial de Sevilla, 1992). 389. 287 birth incorporated more prestige to the family. Thus, kin and family network became assets in itself where marriage was a common

practice.^* At the same time, Don Jeronimo became the guardian of his minor parallel cousins. Dona Maria Ondegardo, Doha Isabel de

Zurbaran, Doha Ana de Zarate, and Alonso Ondegardo, four of the ten children of his dead uncle, Diego de Zarate, and aunt, Doha Catalina de Z urbaran/^ In October 1592, Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa prepared for h e r death. She wrote a will empowering her executors to administer

funds for charities, make donations to her domestic service Indians, and endow the Fathers of the Company of Jesus of La Plata and

Segovia—the land of birth of her parents. According to law, her assets had to be inherited by her legitimate children in equal

portions. However, she openly favored two of them, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo and Doha Maria de Pehalosa. The elder son received the

third of improvement and the fifth of the free administration to

found his mayorazgo and Doha Marfa de Pehalosa was endowed with

the amount of her dowry—35,000 pesos ensayados—'which, g reatly exceeded her share. At the same time, Doha Jeronima requested th at

her son Lope Dfaz de Zarate, father of the Company of Jesus at the

College of San Ambrosio of the Name of Jesus in Valladolid, to make a formal renouncement of his légitima in favor of his brothers an d sister due to his status. She made a special arrangement with his last

Bestard Camps, "La estrechez del lugar," 118.

ANB, EP Vol. 118 Caspar Nunez - La Plata, Octubre 4 de 1590, fs. 371- 373; Ibid., La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1590, fs. 245v-246. 288 son, doctor Don Polo Ondegardo. By giving up his légitima, she endowed him with the estate of Pajcha—Iocated in the valley of

Mojotoro—and an urban lot at Guaya-pajcha. I found no records indicating whether Don Rodrigo de Contreras y Bobadilla received a portion of the inheritance; however, he lived in Valladolid until his death in 1601. The youngest son of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo and Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa, Don Juan Bautista Ondegardo, had died in 1590. Had he lived, he stood to inherit the chacras and ranches named Paucarpata, El Potrero and Quillacollo in the valley of Cochabamba. Pursuing the clear device of favoring her eldest son, Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa issued a deed of sale for 9,600 pesos ensayados. In an attempt to mask the donation, she stressed that Don Jeronimo owned the ranches because he had paid the rate of coniposicion from his assets in 1593. These transactions purposely concealed the favoritism bestowed on the first-born to prevent the division of family propertyT he deed increasing Don Jeronimo Ondegardo's possessions provided the channel to transcend the rules of an inheritance system, which guaranteed equal rights to each legitimate offspring. Although the law benefited all, the first-b orn and the only daughter benefited the most. The hierarchical differences among offspring reflected the inequities established by an estates society. Patrimonial indivisibility favored one of the heirs.

ANB, EP Vol. 57 Hernando de Medina - La Plata, Octubre 20 de 1592, fs. 739-743v; Ibfd., La Plata, Octubre 21 de 1592, fs. 743v-745; Ibi'd., Febrero 2 de 1594, fs. 1033-1037v; Ibid., La Plata, Febrero 2 de 1594, fs. 1004-1007; Ibid.. La Plata, Abril 20 de 1594, fs. 1065-1068; EP 46a Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Marzo 6 de 1597, fs. 419-420. 289 the oldest male and head of lineage. He was to assume the

responsibility of keeping the property together, and administer and increase his parents legacy in Cochabamba, La Plata and Spain.

Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was a meticulous planner; he m ade provisions for his family's future and his own funeral. He was unable

to predict, however, the subsequent demise of his family's assets that initially resulted in his reburial. His family was requested to remove

his remains because after seventeen years, the chapel he promised to

build in the church of San Francisco had not been constructed. Dona

Jeronima de Penalosa continued to promise in vain, after Licenciado Polo's death, to build the chapel but was compelled by the friars to remove the remains of her husband in 1592. She decided to deposit

them in the Church of the Company of Jesus in La Plata until they could be sent to Spain, as Licenciado Polo had requested/'' This episode denotes the sudden changes that occurred within the

Ondegardo family which reflect those of Charcas society. The wealth

amassed by Licenciado Polo was unavailable at the time to build the chapel that would keep his remains. Its construction could not be afforded by a family that had compromised much of its assets in entailing property, endowing the sole daughter with a fabulous dowry, and draining money to maintain five future professionals on the peninsula. With the removal of the bones of Licenciado Polo

Ondegardo from San Francisco, the whole encomendero family of

^' ANB, EP Vol. 21 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Febrero 15 de 1584, fs. 117-211; EP Vol. 57 Hernando de Medina - La Plata, Febrero 22 de 1592, fs. 571- 572; Ibfd., La Plata - Mayo 20 de 1592, fs. 573-579v. 290 Charcas saw its power turned into ashes. Although Licenciado Polo

could have imagined how colonial society would evolve once the encomienda system terminated, he would have never predicted such an opprobrious spectacle as that in which his remains became a sign of his family's decadence. Despite his efforts in planning his family's

future, seventeen years after his death his lineage entered its eclipse.

Two years later, on August 19, 1594, Dona Jeronima de Penalosa died

and was buried in the Jesuit Church, at the left of the major altar.^- After his mother's death, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo

administered the family assets without much success. He added to his parents legacy the estate of Ckatalla, also named Guancaran,

purchased for 5,500 pesos ensayados in 1582. Five years later, he

sold half of the land to his relative, the Corregidor Captain Diego de Contreras, for 6,500 pesos ensayados and set up a company to exploit

the estate together.^^ Furthermore, Don Jeronimo hired stewards to be in charge of the lands of Largampa Grande, at the banks of the

Grande River. In 1600, Don Jeronimo filed a lawsuit with the protector de naturales of El Paso to contest the Indians' rights to the lands of

Paucarpata, in the valley of Cochabamba. In 1604 he was sued by the Indians from Cochabamba who demanded water rights over lands

ANB, EP Vol. 55 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Agosto 19 de 1594, fs. 1485-v.

ANB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico • La Plata, Febrero 28 de 1582, fs. 146-147; EP Vol. 39 Pedro Pérez de Velasco - La Plata, Julio 31 de 1587, fs. 1397v- 1398v.

ANB, EP Vol. 42 Cristobal de Aviles - La Plata, Julio 19 de 1588, f. 174; EP. Vol. 43 Juan de Saldana - La Plata, Octubre 1 de 1591, fs. 1999-2002. 291 annexed to Paucarpata.'^^ After 1600 it was difficult to find

information about the activities of Don Jeronimo Ondegardo.

Don Jeronimo Ondegardo died in 1613 after serving as alcalde ordinario for La Plata city council (1587, 1591, 1593), mayor of the Santa Hermandad (1592), and representative of the vecinos of La Plata at the court of viceroy Cahete (1592). Here he requested the purchase of the office of regidor perpetuo for him and his peers to govern unchallenged the city council.^^ Don Jeronimo's brother, Don Polo Ondegardo—a doctor in law from Salamanca, after returning from Spain, devoted his life to the royal bureaucracy. His professional skills denote a family strategy that emphasized educating some offspring in order to place them in specific royal offices or church employment. He served as Corregidor of Paria in 1604, a responsibility that kept him away from the administration of his property in La Plata. As a result, he leased to his brother, Don Jeronimo, his estate of Pajcha.^^ The same year that he was appointed corregidor, Don Polo Ondegardo married Doha

Maria de Rivera. Doha Maria was the daughter of the late encomendero of Pajcha—the valley where Don Polo also ow ned

AMC, EC 9. Pleito del protector de naturales en favor de los indios de Santiago del Paso contra Jeronimo Ondegardo sobre las tierras de Paucarpata y otras; EC 16 Los caciques e indios del pueblo de Santiago del Paso contra don Jeronimo Ondegardo sobre la servidumbre del agua. ANB, EP Vol. 144 Diego de Adrada - La Plata, Abril 15 de 1613, fs. 754- 755; AMC, EC 12 Diego Alfonso de Garnica con la parte de dona Maria Jacoba de Mendoza, su mujer, sobre el capital que trajo al matrimonio.

ANB, EP Vol. 20 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Marzo 1 de 1583, f. 226; AP Vol. 36a Diego Gutierrez - La Plata, Octubre 16 de 1593, fs. 2493-2497; EP Vol. 46b. Jun de Higueras - La Plata, Noviembre 5 de 1597, fs. 2118v-2122; EP Vol. 122 Gaspar Nunez - La Plata, Enero 9 de 1604, f. 19. 292 Diego L6pez de Leân luan» Fendodcz

Diego Lâpez de Ledit JuanaLdpez 1------PedreriwDdwU D». Iwbei de Bobedilto Mari Lipez de Lete PdoOitdegvdo LdpeDludeZdnle babetdePoUnoo I 1------1------De. MarUdePdUloM Rodrigo de Contiens Diego Ldpez de LednOndegirdo De. JcrônimadeZiiate ; I 1------1— I— r n Dt. Jertnin» de Pcflsloes Lie. Polo Ondegardo Dr. Alonao Ondegardo Lie. Lope Diaz de Zdnie Diego de Zirate Da. Maria Da. Arm Da. Jeronima w \o u> 1 1 1 1 l Don JorAnitno De. Maria Jaootw Dr. Don Polo Da. Maria Sedano Father LopeDIaz Da. Maria de PcOaioaa Don Pedro Dr. Rodrigo DonJ.Bautiria Ondegwdo deCdidoba Ondegardo deZdnite de CdrdobaMe)(a de Contrera# Ondegardo yBobadilU

Figure 6.2 The Ondegardo Family property—Hernando Sedano de Rivera and Dona Catalina de

Matienzo. The grandfather of doctor Ondegardo's wife, Licenciado

Juan de Matienzo, was the famous judge of the Audiencia de Charcas between 1561 and 1579. The marriage brought Don Polo a dowry of 20,000 pesos ensayados, including jewelry, household furnishings, a

domestic female slave, the residence house of the Sedano family in

La Plata—appraised at 7,000 pesos—and 2,500 jars of wine from the harvest of Don Polo's mother-in-law from Poco Poco, a vineyard

located on the shores of the Pilcomayo River, near La Plata.^* His status of vecino of La Plata required his services as regidor ( 1 583 ) and alcalde ordinario (1593) of the city council.

There is no trace of the resettlement of Don Rodrigo d e Contreras y Bobadilla and the Jesuit Father Lope Diaz de Zarate in

Charcas. The remaining sons of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo may have spent their lives in the peninsula.

Little information is available to study the third generation of the Ondegardo family. From his marriage to Maria Jacoba de Cordoba Guzman, Don Jeronimo left some children, among them Dona Leonor

Ondegardo, who later became a nun at the Convent of Nuestra Senora de la Concepcion in Lima, and Doha Jeronima de Pehalosa, who remained in Charcas. Don Jeronimo's widow, Doha Maria Jacoba d e

Cordoba Guzman (or Mendoza) married Diego Alfonso de Garnica. a merchant with interests in San Felipe de Austria de Oruro (a mining city located in the altiplano, northeastern Lake Poopo).

ANB, EP Vol. 122 Gaspar Nunez - La Plata, Diciembre 15 de 1604, fs 90- 93v. 294 After the death of Licenciado Polo's eldest son, his heirs lost

most of the family fortune in expensive, long-lasting lawsuits. Don Jeronimo's children had legal conflicts with Don Miguel Jeronimo Luis de Cabrera, encomendero of El Paso, a repartimiento formerly owned by their father and grandfather. They also went to court to contest

the heirs of Nuflo de Romani who claimed a portion of the tributes of the encomienda of Caquiaviri. Finally, they were also sued by their mother's new husband, who demanded her dowry and her children's self-sustenance. Unfortunately, all the suits resulted in their disfavor.

The attorneys for Don Jeronimo's children were often at the Audiencia to contest embargoes and debts.^^

There is no information available on the mayorazgo, or how the

assets in Valladolid were managed. It is known, however, that the grandchildren of Licenciado Polo did not enjoy the luxurious life that they might have expected. Their material capital diminished in a period when prestige without wealth served only as a reminder of

the ancestors' glorious past. According to one observer:

79 AMC, EC 12. 295 El nervio principal del lustre, ornato y sustento de esta ciudad era el de los encomenderos y feudatarios, que ellos como hacendados, con haciendas y rentas fijas sustentaban los actos de caballerfa con que la ennoblecian, es to ha dado todo en tierra y esta extinto y acabado; que como a sus pasados se dieron las encomiendas por una o dos vidas, y aquellas pasaron tan breve, las rentas se incorporaron a la corona real, y sus nietos y descendientes quedaron por hospitales, y como no se h an de ocupar en ministerios viles, son los mas pobres de la repûblica y algunos mendigos.^o

Although the decline of the encomenderos needs more research, the chair of the Cathedral of La Plata offered this vivid account of the third generation’s bankruptcy. Among the impoverished were the grandchildren of Licenciado Polo, who were penniless only fifty years after the acquisition of the lineage's main assets.

The Ondegardo family in Charcas, however, did not end with that of Licenciado Polo. His brother, Diego de Zarate, the closest relative by blood, who accompanied him from his migration until his last will, had settled in La Plata. There he had built a large fam ily and enjoyed his encomienda. The close connection between the brothers offers the chance to study the family branch of Diego de

Zarate.

80 Pedro Rami'rez del Aguila, Noticia.s Polfticas de In d ia s [1639] trans. Jaime Urioste Arana (Sucre: Imprenta Universitaria, 1978), 68. 296 Consanguineous and Collaterals and Their Role within Licenciado Polo's Lineage

In order to fulfill his role in his brother’s personal netw ork. Diego de Zarate became the administrator, representative, and partner of his elder brother. While a resident of La Plata, he sought fortune at the mining camp of Aullagas, where he had a share of 6 0 varas in the vein of San Francisco.*' His aspirations of getting vecindad in Charcas were realized after marrying Dona Catalina de Zurbaran in 1558. Although her first marriage was said not to be consummated, Doha Catalina had inherited the encomienda from h e r first husband. Juan Vendrel, an encomendero who enjoyed half of

Achacache and Areyungas in the district of the city of La Paz.

Marriage enabled Licenciado Polo’s younger brother to enjoy one half of Achacache for the rest of his life. However, he claimed a new g ran t to pass on to the next generation. In 1560, viceroy Cahete issued a new grant in his favor that allowed the enjoyment of the encomienda for two generations. The confirmation of the new grant came during the government of Viceroy Nieva.*-

Both halves of Achacache were in the hands of two b ro th ers- in-law. One half was enjoyed by Jeronimo Zurbano, a native of Biscay, who before going to Peru married a countrywoman named Doha

*' ANB, EP Vol. 3b Francisco de Reinoso - La Plata, Febrero 5 de 1560, f. dxxi. *- Josep M. Barnadas, Charcas 1535-1565. 564-565; Teodoro Hampe M., "Relacion de los encom enderos y repartimientos del Peru en 1561,” Historia v Cultura 12 (Lima, 1979): 86; Levillier, Gobernantes del P eru, ii: 585. 297 Petronila de Zurbaran, who was Dona Catalina's sister. The other half

was enjoyed by Diego de Zarate, after his marriage.83 Personal

ambitions and possible disputes with Zurbano—who had a reputation for being pretentious, short tempered, and treacherous--motivated Diego de Zarate to request the whole repartimiento from the Count of

Nieva but he was turned down. Zarate offered to buy the encomienda for 14,000 pesos ensayados

The profits obtained from the encomienda allowed Zarate to

buy the chacra and ranch of Pocpo, within the jurisdiction of La Plata, which was 45 kilometers to the north. During the 1560s he exploited

the estate while in partnership with Gasion de Torres de Mendoza, the encomendero of Chupi in the yungas of La Paz, and Pedro de

Zarate, a relative and his representative and future encomendero of

Omaguaca (today northern Argentina). The company involved both the production and commercialization of crops. Crops produced on Diego de Zarate's property were transported by mule trains owned

by Torres de Mendoza. Agricultural produce and livestock were sold in the regional market along with cloth and Castilian goods supplied by merchants. The management of the company remained in the hands of Pedro de Zarate. With an initial duration of four years, and once they withdrew the capital invested, the partners agreed on

*^3 Boyd-Bowman, Indice Geo-biogrdfico. 11:370; Guillermo Lohmann Viliena, Los Regidores Perpetuos del Cabildo de Lima (1535-1821) (S evilla: Exma. Diputacidn Provincial de Sevilla, 1983), 343-344.

ANB, EP Vol. 7 Lazare del Aguila - La Plata, Abril 8 de 1564, fs. Ixxiii v - Ixxi V. 298 dividing profits and expenses equally. Partnership and friendship between the three fellows lasted for life.^^

Diego de Zarate had also purchased a ranch in the Laguna de los Carangas, in the middle of the altiplano, where he raised flocks of llamas, and an estate named Conchacalla in the Azari valley,

approximately 8 kilometers north La Plata.^^

Because the encomienda was still an important source of

income and labor, Diego de Zarate petitioned Viceroy Toledo for a

new grant. He justified his request by submitting his probanza de méritos y servicios. In the early years of the 1570s, the viceroy granted Zarate the encomienda of the Aullaga Indians formerly enjoyed by Hernan Vela, whose tributes had been assigned to the Compania de Gentiles Hombres Lanzas y Arcabuces, the viceroy's

personal guard. The Guard received in compensation 500 pesos ensayados from the same Aullagas and the total amount of the tributes from the repartimiento of Xauxa. Although the royal confirmation did not arrive within the four years established to receive it, viceroy Toledo allowed Zarate to receive the Indian's tribute. Toledo justified his decision on the need to sum up an o th er

vecino—ihdii meant the resources and relatives—to make war against

ANB, EP Vol. 8 Lazare del Aguila - La Plata, Mayo 14 de 1566, fs. 603- 608v; Ibfd., Junio 25 de 1566, fs. 512-514v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, M ayo 25 de 1570, f. 261; EP Vol. 12 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Octubre22 de 1573, fs. 142-143v; Ibid., 143v-149; Ibid., Junio 4 de 1573, fs. 327v-330.

Diccionario G eoerafico. 25; ANB, EP Vol. 22 Juan Bravo - La Plata. Noviembre 21 de 1569, fs. 856v-857v; EP Vol. 23 Juan Bravo - La Plata, Agosto 7 de 1570, fs. 303-304. 299 the Chiriguano, the inhabitants of Charcas' eastern border.^? It is not difficult to conclude that the sympathy Licenciado Polo enjoyed from Don Francisco de Toledo was reflected in the concession and legitimation of the grant. The Indians of Achacache paid Diego de Zarate 3,533 pesos ensayados. A portion of the tribute was collected in woolen cloth for men and women. In addition, the Indians were expected to give the encomendero 162,5 fanegas of chunu and an equal amount of maize.

However, the new repartimiento of Aullagas was worth little more than 3,800 pesos e n s a y a d o s . The difference did not appear to b e significant unless considering that Diego de Zarate enjoyed the whole repartimiento, and the Aullagas of his new encomienda were the labor force working at his own mines in the region. Nevertheless, this irregular way of gaining the new concession resulted in a lawsuit at the Audiencia de Charcas between Zarate and the Hombres Lanzas. The fiscal favored the Hombres Lanzas, who claimed restitution for the tributes of the Aullagas.^'^ After gaining possession of his new encomienda, he became a citizen of La Plata. By relocating to La Plata, he sold his dwelling houses in La Paz, several coca fields and a vineyard in Puri and Mecapaca, respectively. As a new local lord, Diego de Zarate was supposed to have a casa poblada in La Plata. He purchased from Licenciado Juan de Torres de V era

ANB, EP Vol. 12 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Octubre 17 de 1575, f. 336v-338v; Cook, Tasa de la Visita G en era l. 56.

*8 Ibid., 22, 55-56.

89 ANB, LAACh 5, La Plata - Diciembre 19 de 1575, fs. 219v-220; Ibid., Diciembre 22 de 1575, f. 220v. 300 and his wife Dona Juana de Zarate a house with orchards, pastures, a

farmyard and water rights that formerly belonged to the Adelantado Juan Ortiz de Zarate for 3,000 pesos ensayados^^ The importance of acquiring honor by himself led Diego de Zarate to request an appointment as Captain to lead an expedition to pacify Tucuman. Although his services were recommended by the Audiencia de Charcas, his petition was denied.^' The quest for statu s and public recognition motivated the second generation of encomenderos to plan expensive and risky missions like those undertaken by the first conquerors of Peru, such as the conquest of

Tucuman. The warlike ideal of an hidalgo to gain honor, fame, glory, and rewards through risky enterprises continued to shape the encomenderos' activities. These were perfectly compatible with innovative economic undertakings, strategies of entrepreneurship that dealt with resource exploitation that gave rise to the dual paradigms of the conquest.

Following a memoir Diego de Zarate had left empowering her to do so, in December 24, 1582 Dona Catalina de Zurbaran wrote Diego de Zarate's last will. Together with her. Fray Diego de Castro, prior of

^°ANB, EP Vol. 13 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Agosto 23 de 1576, fs. 716v-717v. Puri is a coca area located in the vice-canton Challana. Its limits were Tipuani and Huanay on the north, Coroico on the east and south, and o n the west Challana. The fertile Mecapaca valley was plentiful in vines, maize, wheat, barley, fruits, vegetables, and beans. It is located at the shores o f Chuquiabo River, east of La Paz. Manuel Ballivian y Eduardo Idiaquez, Diccionario Geogrdfico de la Repûblica de Bolivia Tomo I, Departamento de La Paz (La Paz, 1890); ANB, EP Vol. 17 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Julio 19 de 1580, fs. 621V -627.

Levillier, Audiencia de C harcas. i:361. 301 the Monastery of San Agustin of La Plata, and the merchant Alonso

de Zamora became his executors. Diego de Zarate claimed possession

of the chacras of Pocpo, Viropoco, Pongo, and El Hospital, an estate in the valley of Mojotoro, two orchards in Guaya-pajcha—where many Indians of Achacache were still living—land in Guayopampa, and six African slaves for domestic service. From his marriage to Dona

Catalina de Zurbaran, Diego de Zarate had ten children: Don Polo or Francisco Ondegardo, Dona Jeronima de Zarate, Doha Maria de Zurbaran, Doha Isabel Ondegardo, Doha Ana de Zurbaran, Diego,

Alonso, Pablo, Doha Catalina y Doha Jordana de Zarate 2

Diego de Zarate had asked to be buried in the private chapel he built at the Monastery of Nuestra Sehora de los Remedios at a cost of

2,000 pesos ensayados. He paid for it half in cash and the additional 50 per cent in fanegas of wheat and a number of llamas from his estates.'^^ In 1586, his widow—as guardian of their children — requested the auction of the property left by her husband. She sold the chacra of Pocpo for 20,000 pesos ensayados, an amount that went to pay the debts left by Diego de Zarate. The sale of property can b e viewed as a way of preventing embargoes and suits due to the m any financial obligations the family had. Pocpo was transferred to a

ANB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata, Jullio 5 de 1582, fs. 647v-663v; Ibfd., La Plata, Diciembre 24 de 1582, fs. 15-25. In another n otary record, Diego de Zarate's ten children are mentioned; however dona Jeronim a, dona Catalina, and dona Jordana de Zarate are not in the records but in th e ir place appear Juan Ochoa de Zarate, dona Juana and Pedro de Zurbaran. ANB, EP Vol. 34 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Agosto de 1586. fs. 1330-1342v.

"^3 ANB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Diciembre 24 de 1582, fs. 22v-23v. 302 family friend who lent his name to help the Zarates negotiate with their creditors to avoid selling their main source of agricultural income^4

Soon thereafter the economic situation of Diego de Zarate's family deteriorated. Although two of his sons lived and studied in

Spain at the expense of their parallel cousin, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo, (Licenciado Polo's son), to provide subsistence to the remaining eight children led Doha Catalina to compromise their financial assets. Although sold in advance, in 1590 the courts prevented with an embargo the delivery of their wheat harvest produced on their estates for that year.^^

As a father of five daughters, Diego de Zarate could not afford to pay the dowries expected from a man of his status without compromising his patrimony. The option for some of his daughters was seclusion, the cheapest alternative for single women whose family could not amass dowries to match their high status. To guarantee at least three of his daughters a living according to his family status, he founded the Monasterio de Monjas Hermitanas de San Agustin, also known as Monasterio de Nuestra Senora de los

Remedies de Santa Monica de la Ciudad de La Plata, where unmarried women of high rank were to live. Other encomenderos and vecinos who experienced the same constraints in marrying their

ANB, EP Vol. 34b Luis Guisado - La Plata, Agosto 11 de 1586, fs. 1330- 1342v; EP Vol. 28 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Diciembre 19 de 1595; EP Vol. 28 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Diciembre 19 de 1595, f. 1584.

ANB, EP 41 Pedro Pérez de Velasco - La Plata, Marzo 23 de 1590, fs. 28ÔV-288. 303 daughters joined Diego de Zarate in the task of collecting money to

found the Convent. Among them was Dona Petronila de Castro—who

enjoyed the encomienda of the Omaguaca Indians and was m arried to Pedro de Zarate, partner and relative of the Ondegardo Zarate

family— who had daughters from previous marriages.Diego de

Zarate became the patron of the Monastery and arranged that at least three of his daughters could enter Los Remedios. Additionally, Zarate was assured that another of his daughters could enter if one

died in the convent. The first of his daughters living at the

Monastery of Los Remedios was Doha Maria de Zurbaran (or Doha Maria de Zarate Ondegardo).She had became a widow in 1576 on the death of Captain Anton de Gatos, who was born in Valladolid--like

the Ondegardos—and had been the leader of an expedition to Mojos. Moreover, he had a pension from tributes of Chayanta and was one of the executors of Licenciado Polo. Until her remarriage, she spent some time at the (Convent^"?

By offering a meager 5,000 pesos ensayados and receiving an equal amount in arras, Doha Jeronima de Zarate, another of Diego de Zarate's daughters, married Alonso Tufiho, vecino and miner of Potosi

Fray Antonio de la Calancha, Crdnica Moraiizada del Orden de San Agusti'n en el P e r u , trans. Ignacio Prado Pastor, 6 vols. (Lima: U niversidad Mayor de San Marcos, 1976), iii: 1177-1180; Monsenor Julio Garcia Q uintanilla, Historia de la Iglesia de los Charcas o La Plata. (Sucre, 1963), iii:145-149.

ANB, EP Vol. 13 Juan Garcia Torrico - La Plata Jullio 22 de 1576, fs. 705v-707; Ibi'd., fs. 742v-743; Ibid., La Plata, Noviembre 13 de 1576, fs. 1216v- 1217; Levillier, Audiencia de C harcas. i:520; ANB, EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Mayo 8 de 1591, fs. 729-733; EP Vol. 38a Luis Guisado - La Plata, Abril 11 de 1595, fs. 796v-798; EP Vol. 46b Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Diciembre 23 de 1597, fs. 2508v-2509v. 304 in 1592.98 Jen years later, this marriage ended in a scandal. T ogether with her lover—Don Alonso Ortiz de Leiva, son of the Corregidor of Charcas—Dona Jeronima de Zarate planned a crime of passion that ended with the murder of her husband. In the meantime, she sought refuge at her mother's house while Leiva fled Charcas and vanished from Peru, avoiding persecution and punishment. In an attempt to avoid the social sanctions associated to such a crime, the Ondegardo network moved rapidly in order to manipulate justice. The network quickly recovered its honor, which had been challenged by a woman of the lineage at three levels: the nuclear family, the ex ten d ed family, and the great corporate family of the peers, the encomenderos. Family equilibrium was disrupted by criminal violence. The head of the nuclear family, Don Francisco Ondegardo-- Diego de Zarate's elder son and brother of the woman who instigated the murder--perfectly accomplished his role as guardian of the symbolic capital of his family. Together with his mother, he arranged Doha Jeronima's admission to the Monastery of Los Remedios. She immediately made her vows and received the name of Doha Gregoria. Years later, the lover came back to apologize in private for his crim e and to restore the family honor. A compensation of 7,000 Castilian ducados for the young daughter of the miner assassinated seem ed enough for Don Francisco Ondegardo to reconcile in private. Private apology and public notarial sanction erased any trace of dishonor.

98 a NB, EP Vol. 19 Juan Garcfa Torrico - La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1582, fs. lllOv-1112; Capoche, Reiacion General. 83. 103, 118. 305 Having confined the imprudent sister to the Convent and accepted

Don Alonso's honorable attitude, a gloomy incident became a question of the past. Family matters and social peace were settled through private and public reconciliation. Although Dona Jordana de

Zarate—another daughter of Diego de Zarate—had a different life, she also embraced convent life. Thus, the sisters at Los Remedios gave u p their légitimas in favor of their siblings as requested in their fath er's will.99 Although at the edge of social dishonor and economic debacle,

Don Francisco Ondegardo tried with regular success to administer the family's assets with his mother. He enjoyed the encomienda of th e

Aullagas and exploited the mines surrounding his Indians' villages. However, in 1593, a new lawsuit regarding his right to collect tributes from the Aullagas threatened his position as an encomendero. After thirty years, the problems that Viceroy Nieva and the comisarios reales generated when they issued new encomiendas over existing grants, were still being contested. The audiencia placed an embargo on the tributes and, later on, benefited their former grantees, the Gentiles Hombres Lanzas, with 3,200 pesos ensayados Consequently, in 1596 Don Francisco Ondegardo

99 Calancha, Cronica Moraiizada. iii:lI83-II86; ANB, EP Vol. 55 Francisco de Pliego - La Plata, Agosto 16 de 1594, f. 904; EP Vol. 38b Luis Guisado - La Plata, Setiembre 4 de 1595, fs. 2091-2095v; Ibid., fs. 2096-2108; Giovanni L evi, Inheriting Power. The Storv of an Exorcist (Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1988), 154-158.

100 ANB, EP Vol. 49 Juan B. Carrion - La Plata, Junio 9 de 1584, n.f.

•01 ANB, EP Vol. 57 Fernando de Medina - La Plata, Enero 11 de 1594, fs. 995-996v; EP Vol. 38a Luis Guisado - La Plata, Abril 6 de 1595, fs. 711-712v. 306 reacquired the tributes of Achacache, the first encomienda en joyed

by his father.‘0-

After the tricky negotiation of the estate of Pocpo in 1596, Don Francisco Ondegardo sold a harvest of 900 fanegas of wheat at 5 pesos 6 reales corrientes each. In the same year he sent to the

market 180 llamas from his ranches located in the altiplanoA^^ In an attempt to recover some liquid assets between 1590 and 1596, he sold two plots and a parcel of land in La Plata and the lucerne field at

Guaya-pajcha.'o^

Furthermore, Don Francisco Ondegardos family obligations included the economic support for his cloistered sisters, the tutorship exercised over his younger sister, Doha Ana de Zurbaran and his

niece Doha Sebastiana de Zarate, the daughter of the assassinated Alonso Tufiho and his sister Doha Jeronima—the nun Doha Gregoria.

In 1596 Don Francisco Ondegardo married Doha Mariana de

Saldaha, the legitimate daughter of Gaspar de Saldaha and Doha

‘0- ANB, EP Vol. 29 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Enero 2 de 1596, fs. lOv-llv.

‘03 ANB, EP Vol. 39 Jeronimo de Porres - La Plata, Junio 23 de 1587, fs. 1165-1166; Ibid., Pedro Pérez de Velasco - La Plata, Setiembre 9 de 1587, fs. 2257- 2259.

‘O'* ANB, EP Vol. 39 Pedro Pérez de Velasco - La Plata, Noviembre 20 de 1587, fs. 2949-2950; EP Vol. 118 Gaspar Nunez - La Plata, Setiembre 22 de 1590, fs. 66v-67v; EP Vol. 51 Francisco de Tovar - La Plata, Diciembre 31 de 1595, n.f; Ibid., Enero 1 de 1596, n.f.

‘05 ABN, EP Vol. 55 Francisco de Pliego - La Plata, Agosto 16 de 1 594, f. 9 04; EP 38b Luis Guisado - La Plata, Setiembre 4 de 1595, fs. 2091-2095v; Ibi'd., fs. 2096-2108; EP Vol. 4 6 b Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Setiembre 2 de 1 597, fs. 1681V-1687; Ibid., Setiembre 9 de 1597, fs. 1657v-1662; Capoche, Reiacion G en e r a l. 83, 1 18. 307 Leonarda de la Cuba. Corning from a family linked with the bureaucracy—her grandfather had been treasurer of Potosi—and commerce. Dona Mariana brought a dowry worth 16,000 pesos ensayados from which 11,172 pesos ensayados were delivered to the bridegroom in silver bars and the remaining 4,828 in jewelry, cloth, and a domestic slave. Ondegardo endowed the bride with 4,000 pesos ensayados in arrasA^^ The cash received as dowry was useful, enabling to Don Francisco Ondegardo to diversify his investments and improve the deteriorating material capital of the family. He bought the chacra and ranch of Soroche, only to sell it a year later. At the end of 1597 Don Francisco sold the lands of Soroche and the ranch of Cachoquera, with 8 yokes of oxen, 30 goats, 70 fanegas of wheat and their fallows, and the agriculture tools for 20,750 pesos e n s a y a d o s The following year he purchased the cereal lands of Socta, close to the lands of the Indians from Tarabuco, for 7,000 pesos ensayados. In 1599. he sold his chacra and orchard in Camocamo, which were located next to an estate that belonged to his uncle, Licenciado Polo, for 6,000 pesos e n s a y a d o s Furthermore, Francisco Ondegardo owned a chacra at the valley of Luje, Sapse, purchased from Hernando de Almendras

106 ANB, EP Vol. 27a Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Enero 8 de 1596, fs. 67-70v.

ANB, EP Vol. 46b Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Setiembre 11 de 1597, fs. 1714-1715; Ibi'd., Octobre 13 de 1597, fs. 1754v-1758. Cachoquera or Cachuquira is located in canton Yamparaez at the source of the Totacoa river; Soroche o r Sorojchi is located 33 kilometers southeast of Sucre, Diccionario Geogrdfico. 36, 294.

108 ANB, EP Vol. 47a Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Mayo 27 de 1598, fs. 854v-856v; EP Vol. 63 Juan Fernandez de Castro - La Plata, Enero 14 de 1599, fs. 691v-693. 308 and leased for 400 pesos c o r r i e n t e s These transactions show how

his financial speculations with real estate were used to obtain rapid profits and cash. When Dona Catalina de Zurbaran died in 1598, the inventory of her belongings included her chacra in Pocpo with 70 oxen, 1 8 donkeys, 20 mares, 130 goats and 140 fanegas of wheat in seeds, tools, and household furnishings.*The following year, in Madrid. Don Francisco Ondegardos younger brother, doctor Don Diego de

Zarate died. Don Francisco empowered his parallel cousin Don Rodrigo de Contreras y Bobadilla—Licenciado Polo's son—and his brother's widow to collect the rents of certain investments he and his m other had sent to the peninsula.' ' '

The close relationship between the parallel cousins, Don Jeronimo and Don Francisco Ondegardo, who enjoyed encomiendas in the second generation, was rooted in the personal network that had linked their parents, Diego de Zarate was grateful to his eld er brother, whom he considered a mentor and family head. 1 n recognition of his patronage, he donated in Licenciado Polo's favor the légitima of his parents. Being aware of his uncle's wish, Don

*09 a NB. EP Vol. 49 Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Diciembre 16 de 1601. fs. 35v-638v; EP Vol. 122 Gaspar Nunez - La Plata, Agosto 9 de 1604, fs. 767-768. Luje or Luxe is a valley located on the way from Sucre to Cochabamba. Sapse ca n to n is included in the province of Yamparaez, and it is located northeast Sucre, at the eastern shore of the Sapse River, 45 kilometers from the city, D iccion ario Geogrdfico. 187.

'*0 ANB, EP Vol. 47 Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Abril 22 de 1598, fs. 2716- 2717. ANB, EP Vol. 48 Juan de Higueras - La Plata [torn] de 1598, fs. 543 v- 546. 309 Jeronimo Ondegardo requested a corresponding amount to be incorporated with the entailed property he had in Valladolid. Without becoming partners or empowering each other, the parallel cousins were linked closely around the norms and procedures of

their individual transactions more than in a specific business. Since kinship safeguarded any commercial operation, the cousins guaranteed their individual transactions and entrusted each other to administer, represent, and collect for their businesses and pay debts.

At the same time, they shared their lineage's responsibilities b y exercising guardianship over the minors of each nuclear family, paid for their education in Spain, and supported and cared for the

youngest living in Charcas at their widowed mothers' home. In th a t sense, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo served as the guarantor of his cousin Don Francisco on the mortgages over the chacra of Pocpo from 15 8 6 onwards. He had also been tutor of his cousins Dona Maria, Doha Ana,

Doha Isabel, and Don Alonso Ondegardo from 1 5 9 0 .The family was always able to share business responsibilities. Once his cousin, Doha

Maria Ondegardo married Alonso Corbacho de la Cerda, Don Jeronimo Ondegardo appointed his cousin-in-law and his parallel cousin, Diego de Contreras, as representatives for trials and business in 1591."-* Don Francisco Ondegardo--/?e/ ejecutor of the city council—was in

" - ANB, EP VOL. 46b Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Noviembre 5 de 1597. fs. 2121-2127 [incomplete].

ANB, EP Vol. 49 Sebastian Alvarez - La Plata, Enero 4 de 1586, fs. 14v- 16; EP Vol. 118 Gaspar Nunez - La Plata, Noviembre 2 de 1590, fs. 241v-256.

ANB, EP Vol. 144 Diego de Adrada - La Plata, Julio 28 de 1591, fs. 304- 305. 310 1585 the guarantor that his cousin, Don Jeronimo, receive th e

pension on the repartimiento of P a r i a . " 5 Again, in 1597, Don

Francisco served as guarantor of Licenciado Polo's elder son in his sending money to the Peninsula to supply the needs of their brothers relocated there.

At the same time, the siblings in Spain were entrusted by both encomenderos to take care of their investments in the peninsula as well as to represent them in trials or at court in case of petitioning grants or requesting mercedes of recognition.'

Conclusions

Licenciado Polo's migratory enterprise took place during favorable political changes occurring at the end of the decade of the 1540s, which allowed the newcomer to benefit from his alliances with President Gasca. The prominent role played by Licenciado Polo during the Civil Wars opened his way to an encomienda. His talent, professional activity, and prestige acquired as an adviser for churchmen, royal officers and viceroys was considerable by the time a new general grant of encomiendas and cash rewards was issued.

' ANB, EP Vol. 33 Luis Guisado - La Plata, Enero 14 de 1585, fs. 11-12. 1*6 ANB, EP Vol. 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Noviembre 19 de 1597, f. 2289. 1'^ ANB, EP Vol. 27 Diego Sanchez - La Plata, Diciembre 17 de 1591, fs. 54v-56v; EP 46b Melchor de Roa - La Plata, Octubre 13 de 1597, fs. 2021-2024; EP 46b Juan de Higueras - La Plata, Marzo 6 de 1597, fs. 419-420v. 311 Like many Castilian hidalgos, Licenciado Polo had limited material capital, but enormous social aspirations to success. He could gain higher status because of his education that, together with his entrepreneurial skills, led him to accumulate an impressive store of assets and symbolic capital that resulted in the foundation of a prestigious lineage in Charcas. Ondegardo's investments and businesses were almost always supervised by his younger brother, Diego de Zarate. Between the two brothers there was always a visible and accepted hierarchical difference that not only expressed seniority or age, but a socially accepted role enjoyed by Licenciado Polo both within and outside the narrow circle of family networks.

Diego de Zarate, however, remained close to the central role performed by Licenciado Polo in his personal network. Hidalgo by words and the strength of his principles, Licenciado Polo's will is a witness to his life, which expresses the way that he obtained his material fortune and arranged his primary bonds. He requested that what he could not accomplish during his more than thirty years in Peru be fulfilled by his wife and executors. To select Dona Jeronima de Penalosa as his wife proved to be another of Ondegardo's achievements. As a woman who renewed her female ancestors, experience in dealing with the law, politics, and administrative tasks, she successfully placed the Ondegardo lineage at the top of Charcas' society.

The intricate links maintained between kinship and family business in two generations of Ondegardos and the resulting multiple investments abroad prepared the second generation to enjoy a 312 luxurious lifestyle. Among the strategies of capital reproduction, the family established an anchorage in the human resources that could provide for the careful management of its assets. Charcas, Lima, and

Valladolid were knots within the mesh that linked marriages, business, acquisition of degrees, and bureaucratic careers. Licenciado Polo's lucid management of his milieu and skills allowed him to fulfill his ambitions to obtain a grant of Indians, which constituted the stepping stone of his family patrimony, one that was enhanced b y means of economic diversification in mining, commerce,ranching, and agriculture.

Licenciado Polo predicted dramatic changes would occur after the encomiendas had reverted to the crown. He observed the grow th of a new generation of entrepreneurs, who would surpass the first vecinos of Charcas. As the founder of his lineage and the head of its first generation in Charcas, Licenciado Polo Ondegardo was the designer of a policy of patrimonialperpetuation that favored his elder son. His consideration for the future of his offspring led Licenciado Polo to stress the importance of getting degrees for his sons. To study at Salamanca and obtain a title in law was a means to attain bureaucratic appointments that could offer his sons the opportunity to survive with dignity, keeping the status whose embodiment would remain the elder son. However, the dramatic changes Licenciado Polo envisioned shook the foundations of his own family in the twenty years after his death. The disinterment of his remains and the crime committed by his niece were obvious signs of his family's economic and moral disintegration. 313 Ondegardo's personal network was linked from its center of

power, the place occupied by Licenciado Polo, to two nuclear fam ilies

settled in La Plata. Both families took advantage of a variety of relationships to manage their businesses. Relatives, employees, and clients were strands in the close knit mesh of Licenciado Polo's personal network. The affines settled in La Paz and Lima were knots

of the same mesh, located a long distance from the center, but no less

connected in their activities and roles as agents, partners, and representatives.

Diego de Zarate's heirs were too numerous to surpass his uncle. Licenciado Polo, and his nuclear family in fame and fortune.

However, Diego de Zarate's family aspired to achieve a better future in the shadow of Licenciado Polo's family. Sons were given the

chance to acquire position and increase their fortune. However, some women were relegated to spend their lives at the convent founded

by their father. They were kept aside from a hierarchical world, because their poor dowries did not attract candidates of the caliber that equaled the family's status.

The study of the Ondegardo family provides tools to analyze the entrepreneurial behavior of a prestigious family of professionals

among the first generation of conquistadors. Furthermore, the example of Licenciado Polo allows us to observe how culture and professional activity were assets that did not conflict with the primary purpose for migration, the quest for valer mds.

3 14 CHAPTER 7

CONCLUSIONS

This study could have also been titled "Revisiting the

Encomienda," because my research strategy focused on a redefinition of both the encomienda and the encomenderos. In Chapter one I used Bourdieu's category of habitus to address those traditional values manifested in the conquistadors' migratory enterprises, family-building, business operations, and in the construction of a colonial society. This set of rooted dispositions and norms was challenged in the New World, however, where men of different social standings were given the opportunity to achieve a higher social status by engaging in mercantile e n tre p re n e u ria l activities. The encomienda was much more than an institution printed in Castilian habitus. Emerging out of a Reconquest model, the encomienda was a grant awarded by a king to a vassal in exchange for his military service. Similar in its essence, the P e ru v ia n encomienda was the key to economic diversification and provided the holder with social recognition. The encomendero used his grant as a vehicle to gain economic success in the new, colonial society.

The old peninsular encomienda system offered access to land and labor and provided the holders with a vehicle to gain econom ic

3 15 success. In the New World, the encomienda acquired a new meaning.

Different mercantile entrepreneurial opportunities and the chance to

rebuild a family history under a new identity constructed after the conquest were the potential rewards for the holders in the New World. Those who rebuilt their past and family origins, however, attached themselves to the norms that contradicted their lineage.

The encomenderos were local lords who enjoyed prerogatives th a t rivaled those of the peninsular nobles from whom they copied their lifestyle. An example of that lifestyle can be found in the casa poblada, which, in its grandness, provided space for plenty of relatives, guests and servants. A place that was the physical incarnation of an encomendero's power and prestige and the place where his identity was recreated.

The encomendero group of Charcas was socially heterogeneous.

Study of this group employing the paradigm of social network analysis widened the scope of my research and allowed me to explore the behavior of its members in a variety of situations. Variables such as common origin, kinship, migratory timing, businesses, and social status were used to establish the underpinnings of an estates society as reflected in the sphere of personal relations. A family network, an asset in itself, represented a fund of relationships and positions, and a reliable legacy of nonmaterial resources.

Centered around the encomienda, these networks were of a close-knit type. There was correspondence among their members by means of kinship, occupation, origin, and business. Among these

3 16 variables, kinship and business were useful to construct a personal

network whose projected image is a tree where branches or individuals occupied a place or knot whose proximity to the center

indicated the importance and specificity of their functions. The members of a personal network, either men or women, were

influential in interpreting roles, understanding social behavior, or analyzing the reproduction of the social system that reflected the peninsular values. Individuals and businesses were expressions of distance and proximity in an encomendero's personal universe, where roles and individuals necessarily overlapped. .A.n encomendero's will has become a useful source from which to detect these interrelationships, the quantity of his assets, and the destiny of his patrimony. It was a plan that prepared the encomendero for another migratory enterprise, one that required careful economic arrangements. It is from an encomendero's will that his origins, aspirations, and connections, in sum, the cycle of his life, can be gauged.

After the death of an encomendero, his grant passed on to his heir for a second, and last, generation. This inheritance required a transference of power and a titular change in a network. Sometimes it resulted in losses, as with the legacy of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo; for others there were gains for the network, as with the Paniagua legacy. Local, regional, and transatlantic social extensions of an encomendero network give a complete picture of his business and personal relationships.

3 17 The four family networks described in this study were centered around encomiendas in Charcas and had similar patterns of configuration. One of my purposes for analyzing the Almendras,

Ondegardo, Paniagua, and Zarate networks was to relate the social actors to the historical process of the conquest and early colonization of Peru and Charcas, whereeach one of them had a specific role. Francisco de Almendras was one of the men of Cajamarca and later one of Gonzalo Pizarro's lieutenants in Charcas; Licenciado Polo

Ondegardo was the most prominent lawyer of early colonial Peru; Pedro Hernandez Paniagua was the ambassador of Licenciado Pedro de la Gasca who established conversations with Gonzalo Pizarro during his rebellion, and Juan Ortiz de Zarate and his adventure in the Rio de la Plata were life stories that contributed to the development of the early history of Potosi and La Plata. All of them embraced migration as an enterprise to surmount a lack of opportunities and social mobility in the peninsula. Ondegardo was the sole professional of this highly heterogeneous encomendero group. Although he could have pursued a bureaucratic career on the peninsula, the New World offered him abundant alternatives in business and in his profession. Pedro Hernandez Paniagua, socially well connected and with a genealogy that differentiated him from the rest, had a material patrimony at home but many offspring to raise. For Paniagua's service to the king while living on the peninsula, his eldest son was endowed the prestigious status of "Don." Francisco de Almendras was an ordinary man from

Extremadura, whose origins remain—like those of his nephews who

3 18 succeeded him—unclear. The twelve natural children whom he

recognized as his own suggests he lived at the edge, without

planning a future or having realized what a legal family meant to a man of his position. Likewise, wealth and status ended abruptly for

the Mendieta-Zarate brothers. Theirs was a clear example of a family migratory enterprise to build a future in the New World. As in no other family studied, the quest for honor and success was so central for them that ambitionand miscalculations would erode their fortunes and cast a shadow over the future of their mestizas' offspring, who might otherwise have been the wealthiest women in Charcas in the late 1570s. Although different in many ways, all these encomenderos were successful entrepreneurs.

The role of an encomendero family was pivotal to this study. The Laws of Toro (1502), established equal inheritance and opportunities for the offspring of a conjugal group. However.

Castilian habitus overlapped the laws and biological randomness persisted favoring the eldest son over the rest of the legitim ate heirs. Inheritance in hierarchical peninsular society customarily reflected status and power within the family. New fortunes gained by inheritance was not enough to secure high status for a large family. Marriage was another way to forge economic alliances within the family or with other lineages of similar status. Marriage could mean exclusion for women, however, as it did for Diego de Zarate’s daughters, whom he could not endow with an appropriate dowry to marry a candidate with his family's status. On the other hand, women played influential roles that increased their families’

3 1 9 material and symbolic capital. Women such as Dona Jeronima de

Penalosa, the wife of Licenciado Polo Ondegardo, Dona Mayor

Verdugo de Angulo and her daughter Doha Leonor Alvarez Melendez, mother-in-law and wife of Don Gabriel Paniagua de Loaysa, were paramount within their networks; they exercised power and strengthened their families' status.

In their success in Charcas, these encomenderos achieved their aspirations for social promotion and economic success. Honor gained in the conquest provided them the means to alter the patterns of an estate society and, by means of wealth, amend the rules originally rooted in strong, seemingly inflexible institutions. The encomenderos could experience upward social mobility since they came from a system of social stratification and hereditary political power, which became more elastic and fluid in Peru with a greater emphasis on status acquired through an individual's career. Entrepreneurship stood out among the mechanisms offered by Spanish hierarchical society to assure social status strengthened through family or group power relationships in a way that led to changes in social m odels from the periphery, which prompted alterations in social and political norms and institutions in the peninsula.' It was from the periphery that a group of encomenderos challenged the metropolis through rebellions rooted in a strong sense of clientelism and patronage based on Iberian localism and regionalism and, later, through political manipulation of Royal officers. The encomendero

' Giovanni Levi, Inheriting Power. The Story of an Exorcist (Chicago, The University of Chicago Press, 1983), 100. 320 group, however, was never a compact unit enjoying solidarity.

Rivalries and contempt within the group eroded their capacity for unity, as did the differences that arose from their peninsular social origins. This new group of encomenderos of Charcas, although short­ lived as such, was in a position to appropriate the material and symbolic profits accrued from successful enterprises, developed through domination of others.- Indeed, their strategies were also short-lived and the lifestyle they chose was too costly to m aintain large families or to pass on to the following generation. State intervention in a colonial world which, until the 1550s, was governed only by bosses and their fellows, and the contempt from miners, merchants, and landholders, challenged the power of the encomenderos. Their unmatched supremacy came to an end in the

1570s. The second generation, therefore, received much of the symbolic capital, but a deflated material capital. Land was the material legacy that the encomenderos' children received, the ultimate guarantee of prestige to be transferred to the following generation. After all, to all of them honor was the incentive for their migration to the New World in hopes of "valer mds

- Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of P ractice (Stanford: Stanford U n iv ersity Press. 1990), 131. 321 APPENDIX A

Encomiendas and Encomenderos existing in La Plata prior to the end of the Rebellion of Gonzalo Pizarro (1544-48)

Encomendero E n com ien d a No. Indians Income Granted bv Approx.*

Gonzalo Pizarro Caracara 3,500 140,000 Fco. Pizarro Rodrigo Pantoja Chare as-Chayanta 800 53,000 V. de Castro Pedro del Barco Soras, Paria 2,000 49,000 Fco. Pizarro Pablo de Meneses Y am paraez 900 40.000 V. de Castro Luis de Ribera C harcas-Sacaca 1,200 32,500 V. de Castro Pedro de Hinojosa A u lla g a s 750 22,800 Fco. Pizarro Lope de Mendieta C arangas 900 22,600 Fco. Pizarro A. P. de Castillejo Soras, Tapacari 950 21,300 V. de Castro Alonso de Camargo Cochabamba 650 20,600 Fco. Pizarro Rodrigo de Orellana Cochabamba 750 20,600 Fco. Pizarro Don Gomez de Luna Carangas. Moyos 950 17,500 Fco. Pizarro Hernando Pizarro Chichas, Charcas 2,500 16.000 Fco. 1Pizarro Lope de Mendoza P o co n a 800 16,000 V. de Castro Francisco Negral Soras, Sipe Sipe 800 16,000 Fco. Pizarro Diego L. Zuniga C och avilca 700 16,000 V.de Castro Fco. de Ysasaga Carangas 900 15,800 Fco. Pizarro Luis Perdomo Charcas-Churu matas 800 14,000 V. de Castro Fco. Pizarro P u n a 700 13,000 Fco. Pizarro Herndo. de Aldana Aullagas, Quillacas 1,000 9,200 Fco. Pizarro Diego Centeno & Pocona 500 9,000 V. de Castro D. de Bobadilla Pocona 500 9,000 V. de Castro H. N. de Segura Ingas, Lipez, Moyos 750 8,600 V. de Castro Alonso Manjarres Soras, Caracollo 900 8,000 Fco. Pizarro Fco. de Almendras Tarabuco 1,200 7,000 Fco. Pizarro Fco. Retamoso Carangas, Tari j a 600 5,600 Fco. Pizarro Pedro de Vivanco Pocona, Moyos 600 5,000 V. de Castro Juan de Villanueva Chichas, Omaguaca 800 4,000 Fco. Pizarro Cristobal Pizarro M oyos* * 1,500 Fco. Pizarro Antonio Alvarez Chicoana* * Fco. Pizarro Martin de Tortoles Titiconte** Fco. Pizarro Francisco de Tapia Atacama, Moyos** V. de Castro H. del Castillo Jujuy** Fco. Pizarro Martin Monje Casabindo, Moyos** Fco. Pizarro

322 * a gold mark is equivalent to 16 silver marks, or 128 pesos o f 8 reales, or 34,848 maravedfes. These amounts do not include additional incomes in labor or goods.

** these grants were located in unconquered territories and the grantees were unable to enjoy their Indians.

Sources: Rafael Loredo, Bocetos para la nueva historia del Peru. Los re part os (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda, 1958), 141-176; Id., "Relaciones de re p a r tim ien to s que existfan en el Peni al finalizar la rebelidn de Gonzalo Pizarro," Revista de la Universidad Catolica viii:l (Lima, 1940): 51-62; Id.,"Alardes y Derramas," Revista Historica xiv:iii (Lima, 1941): 199-291; Id., "El reparto de Guaynarima," R evista H istdrica xiii (Lima, 1949); 78-124.

323 APPENDIX B

Encomiendas and Encomenderos Existing in La Plata in the 1550s.

Encomendero E n co m ien d a Granted by

Pedro de Hinojosa Carcaras-Charcas P. de la Gasca (Macha, Chaqui) Don A. de Montemayor Charcas-Caracaras P. de la Gasca (Sacaca, Chaqui) Martin de Robles Charcas (Chayanta) P. de la Gasca Hernando Pizarro Charcas (Chayanta), Chichas Fco. Pizarro Diego Centeno P u n a P. de la Gasca Pablo de Meneses Yamparaez, Charcas, Ingas P. de la Gasca Lorenzo de .A.ldana Soras (Paria, Capinota) P. de la Gasca Gomez de Soli's Soras (Tapacari) P. de la Gasca Licenciado Polo C ochabam ba P. de la Gasca Rodrigo de Orellana Tiquipaya (Cochabamba) Fco. Pizarro Hernando de Silva Sipe Sipe, Moyos P. de la Gasca Pedro Hz. Paniagua Pojo P. de la Gasca Gomez de Alvarado P ocon a P. de la Gasca Diego de Villavicencio Totora (coca) P. de la Gasca Herndn Perez de Pdrraga Totora (coca) P. de la Gasca Don Pedro de Portugal y N a V arra Q uillacas P. de la Gasca Diego Pantoja Q uillacas P. de la Gasca Herndn Vela A ullagas P. de la Gasca Lope de Mendieta Carangas (Chuquicota) Fco. Pizarro Pedro de Ysasaga Carangas (Corque y Andamarca) Fco. Pizarro Francisco de Ysasaga Carangas (Corque y Andamarca) Fco. Pizarro Antonio Alvarez Carangas (Urinoca, Sabaya, Totora) P. de la Gasca Juan Ortiz de Zarate Carangas (Totora) P. de la Gasca Francisco de Tapia Cochabilca, Moyos P. de la Gasca Herndn Ntlnez de Segura Cochabilca, Moyos P. de la Gasca Martin de Almendras T arabuco P. de la Gasca Diego de Almendras Tarabuco P. de la Gasca Juan Sedano Q uiquijana P. de la Gasca Francisco de Ysasaga A tacam a Fco. Pizarro Juan de Villanueva Chichas, Omaguaca Fco. Pizarro Martin Monje Casabindo, Moyos Fco. Pizarro

324 S o u rces: AHP, CR 1; Rafael Loredo, Bocetos para la nueva historia de! Peril. Los R epartos (Lima: Imprenta D. Miranda 1958), 141-176; Id., "Reiacion de repartimientosque esistfan en el Peru al finalizar la rebeliôn de Gonzalo Pizarro," Revista de la Universidad Catélica del Peru viii: 1 (Lima, 1949): 51- 62; Id., "Alardes y y derramas;" Revista H istdrica xiv.iii (Lima 1941): 199- 291; Id., El reparto de Guaynarima," Revista Histdrica xiv:iii (Lima, 1941): 78-124; Roberto Levillier, Gobernantes del Peru. Cartas v papeles del siglo XVI. (Madrid: Imprenta de Juan Pueyo, 1922), II; Teodoro Hampe Martinez, "Relaciôn de los encomenderos y repartimientos del Peril en 1561," Historia y Cultura 12 (Lima, 1979): 75-85.

325 GLOSSARY

Abasca: domestic fabric made of ordinary wool.

Adelantado: title of the actual or future discoverer, conquistador, and governor of a particular territory.

Administrador de bienes de difuntos: administrator of decedent estates and the probate of wills.

Alcabala: excise or sales tax levied on most commodities except foodstuffs.

Alcalde mayor de minas: the judge of a mining city with judicial and executive capacities.

Alcalde ordinario: municipal official of the city council with certain administrative duties, but primarily functioning as a judge with civil and criminal jurisdiction.

Alferez real: member of the city council who carried the royal standard in civic ceremonies.

Alguacil mayor: subordinate judicial officials, constables. However, the Alguacil Mayor de Carte, the Alguacil Mayor de Audiencia and the Alguacil Mayor de Cabildo were officials of high prestige, chief constables. The office was the Alguacilazgo.

Almojarifazgo: import-export customs duty.

Altiplano: arid, flat, high plateau area extending from the northern side of Lake Titicaca through the province of Paria southward with an average altitude of 3,800-4,000 meters (or about 13,000 feet) above sea level.

326 Arras: a 'pledge'; significantly the word comes to be applied to the endowment of the bride by her husband in Castile in the early modern period. Cognate with donatio propter nuptias.

Arroba: a weight of 25 pounds or 11,5 kilograms.

Audiencia: administrative and judicial body in the Spanish colonies under the Council of the Indies and the crown of Spain that served as an appellate and supreme court for the area under its jurisdiction.

Ayllu: quechua: lineage, genealogy, kinship, caste; the basic corporate group in native society, holding rights to land, organizing cooperative labor teams, and having various other collective functions.

Bayeta: coarse, inexpensive woolen fabric.

Cabildo: town council, municipal corporation of a Spanish city or an Indian pueblo.

Cabuya: a fibrous plant (comparable to hemp) found in the coastal region for ship cordage.

Cacique: Spanish term for an indigenous regional leader, often used as synonym for kuraka, Indian chief.

Caja real: royal treasury office or the strongbox found in that office.

Cajas de comunidad: community chest, general treasuries of Indian communities.

Capellanias: chantries, ecclesiastical benefice or chaplaincy; an endowment, usually founded in cash or by a lien against property, paying 5-7 percent interest on the principal, to fund a chaplaincy or the periodic celebration of masses for the deceased.

Capitan de conquista: the boss of a conquest band.

327 Capitulacidn: a contract between the Castilian Crown and a private citizen, usually outlining terms of exploration, conquest, and settlement.

Carga: a weight of approximately 20.5 pounds or 45 Kilograms.

Cédula real: a royal edict.

Censor reedemable mortgage {censo al quitar), a long-term loan or lien most often advanced by clerical orgnizations guaranteed by collateral, usually property, bearing 5-7 percent interest.

Cerro Rico: Literally, "rich hill," used to refer to the mountain of silver at Potosi.

Chacra: quechua, chajra; field, small farm.

Chacra de pan llevar: small farm producing grains, mostly wheat, and other foodstuffs.

Chunu: quechua, preserved potatoes or other tubers, alternatively exposed to sun and to frost; can be stored. There are many varieties.

Compadrazgo: ritual or fictive kinship, godparentage.

Composicion de tierra: legalization and confirmation of land title: the fee paid to the crown for such a review and an regularization of title.

Compuesto: legalized, as for landholding.

Consejero: advisor, counselor.

Convivencia: literally, "living together," the tolerance between those who were culturally different—Christians, Moors, and Jews in the peninsula before 1492.

Cordellate: from "cordon," woolen cloth knitted in the shape of a twisted string.

328 Correduna de lonja: the office of someone who had received a concession to manage and distribute merchandise.

Corregidor: district governor; de indios: district governor with jurisdiction over an Indian province; municipal: district governor with jurisdiction over Spaniards. By the seventeenth century one person could hold both positions simultaneously.

Corregimiento: an administrative province or district governed by a corregidor.

Costales: sacks used as cereal or other goods' containers.

Criado: servant, retainer.

Depositor a Peruvian way of granting conditional Indian labor to the first generation of conquistadors in compensation for their military services. Depositos should be amended, arranged, or confirmed after a "repartimiento general" that the assassination of Francisco Pizarro left unfinished.

Doctrinero: parish priest of an Indian community.

Don: Spanish term for gentleman, indicating respect.

Dona: Spanish term for lady, indicating respect.

Ducado: currency worth 375 maravedies.

Encomendados: Indians granted in encomienda.

Encomendero: holder of an encomienda grant.

Encomienda: a royal grant received by a conquistador as a reward for his military services. The holder was granted the right to enjoy the tribute of a selected number of Indians, who were to be protected and given Catholic instruction by the encomendero.

Estancia: cattle ranch.

329 Familiar: lay representative of the Inquisition.

Fanega: a unit of dry measure usually equal to 130 pounds.In Charcas, a fanega is worth two car g as. The relation betwen sowing and harvest is 1:30 (sowing of one fanega produces a harvest 60 cargas). A fanega of wheat equals 98.9 Kilograms and a fanega of maize is equal to 95.7 Kilograms.

Fanegada: a unit of land measure equal to a plot 144 varas by 288 varas or 2.89 hectareas or 7.16 acres.

Fanegada de sembradura: same as fanega de sembradura in sixteenth century, the area of land that can be planted with one fanega of seed.

Fiel ejecutor: municipal inspector of weights and measures.

Fiscal: judicial official of the audiencia, attorney, public prosecutor.

Galpones: small rural landholdings, which frequently had a textile mill.

Gentilhombre de boca: knight serving at the king's house after the majordomo of palace. His office was to serve the table of the king.

Hacienda: large estate, usually engaged in mixed farm.

Hato: small ranch.

Hidalgo: "son of somebody," a member of the lesser nobility in Spain.

Hidalguia: a Castilian aristocratic ideal of nobility.

Huayra: quechua, air, wind; a small furnace of native Andean design for refining metallic ores; draft for the furnace wasprovided not by bellows, but by exposure to wind.

Ingenio: sugar production: a water-powered mill; silver production: a refining mill.

330 Jefe: boss, leader of a faction.

Jerga: a cheap, rough woolen cloth, usually lower in quality than bayeta.

Justicia mayor: corregidor.

Khipukamayoc: quechua, from khipu, multicolored knotted string that served as memory aids; the one who read the khipus, accountant.

Kuraka: quechua, pi. kurakakuna: Indian chieftain or regional ethnic leader. Many of them retained authority and sometimes increased it after the Spanish conquest. They were often termed caciques by the Spaniards, after Mexican and Caribbean practice.

Legua: a league; equaled 4,179.5 meters or 4.2 kilometers or approximately 3 miles.

Légitima; a share of the paternal inheritance received by the legitimate children.

Licenciado: the holder of a university degree equivalent to a Master of Arts.

Limpieza de sangre: blood purity, the absence of Jewish or Moorish ancestors, legal proof of old Christian lineage.

Llactaruna; from quechua, llaqta: nucleated settlement, town, village or province. Llaqtayuq, a tributary from the area, a native born in the district where his tribute was collected; op. mitmaq.

Maestre de campo: an office in the local militia equivalent to colonel.

33 1 Maravedi; pl. maravedies or maravedis, basic Spanish monetary unit; I gold mark=32 maravedies; 1 castellano=850 maravedies; I peso ensayado=2,250 maravedies; 1 peso ensayado=450 maravedies; I ducado= 375 maravedies; 1 peso of 8 reales= 272 marvedfes; 1 real=34 maravedies; I tomin= 56 maraveies.

Mayorazgo; entailed estate, or trust, a device used in Spain by the nobility to pass their property intact to succeeding generations of heir.

Mayordomo: majordomo, a manager of an estate or enterprise.

Merced: pi. mercedes; grant, specially of land.

Mesta: stock owners' association, whose members were notoriously privileged for the management of their migratory flocks and herds.

Mestizo/a: the offspring of Spanish and Indian parents.

Mita: quechua: a Spanish reworking of the Incaic cyclical corvee: a rotating system of forced labor to man estates, coca fields, or textile mills. To Potosi, draft system created by Viceroy Toledo to bring forced Indian workers annually.

Mitayo: an Indian tributary fulfilling mita obligations.

Mitmaq: quechua, pi. mitmaqkuna; a stranger, outsider settled some place. Permanent Indian colonists living apart from their main settlements or territory of origin; mitima/mitimaes in Spanish.

Mulato: the offspring of black and white parents.

Obraje: a mill or workshop producing woolen textiles.

Oca: sweet potato.

Oidor: pi. oidores; judge of the royal audiencia, literally "listener."

332 Panaca: a deceased Inca's descendants other than the chosen heir to govern the Tawantinsuyu.

Pano; the highest-quality woolen cloth produced in an obraje or textile mill.

Patria chica: motherland, the small local place where someone was born.

Peninsular: a Spaniard born in the peninsula.

Peso: term given to various monetary units of account and exchange in the Spanish empire.

Peso corriente: standard unit for day-to-day transactions. A silver coin weighing one ounce, and subdivided into 8 reales of 34 marvedfes each. It corresponds to the peso de oro comun of New Spain and to the peso de a ocho [reales] known in English as a "piece of eight." Valued at 272 maravedies.

Peso ensayado: standard unit of account in the Potosi treasury, valued at 425 and 450 maravedies each and worth about twelve and a half reales.

Pesquisidor: the judge or conductor of a specific inquire or topic.

Plaza mayor: main square.

Probanza de méritos y servicios: testimony of merit and services of a conquistador, officer, or Indian of a high status.

Procurador general: general representative endowed to act in the name of who empowered him.

Provision: provision, edict.

Puna: arid tableland; altiplano.

Protector de indios: an attorney of the audiencia entrusted with pleading cases before that body involving Indians.

333 Quinto real: the "royal fifth" or one-fifth tax paid on silver assayed at the royal treasury office.

Rancherias: shacks or shanties.

Real: one-eight of a common peso=34 maravedies.

Real cédula: a royal edict.

Réditos: interest payments on a loan or censo.

Reduccion: Indian relocation plan and resulting settlements to which native population was forced to move under Viceroy Toledo.

Regidor: town council alderman, councilman.

Regidor perpetuo: office of town council alderman bought in perpetuity.

Repartimiento: encomienda; the allocation of an Indian chieftain and his people to a Spaniard to provide labor; a forced labor draft (mita); in seventeenth-century: forced sale of goods by the corregidor to the Indians.

Residencia: judicial review of a royal official upon the completion of his term of office.

Santa Hermandad: the Holy Brotherhood; a league of vecinos.

Sayales: cheap fabric made of ordinary wool.

Senorio: land under seigneurial, private, jurisdiction.

Situacion: a subsidy or pension from a royal treasury.

Solar: urban lot.

Suyu: quechua, the part taken by someone or by many to work as their share, field.

Tambo: quechua, way station, inn along the Inka road.

334 Tasa: colonial tribute list.

Tomm: a unit of currency, a tomm corriente=l real or 34 maravedies; a tomm esayado was worth 56 maravedies.

Tributario: Male Indigenous taxpayer between the ages of 18-50.

Uchu: quechua, chili pepper.

Valer mas: to be somebody, refers to the aspirations of the immigrants to acquire eminence, distinction, notabilty, prestige, in sum, honor, by means of service to the king.

Vara: a linear measurement of 0.838 meters, or some 33 inches.

Vecino: feudatory, in early sixteeth- century a householder who was an encomendero.

Villa: town, municipality possessing juridical independence.

Visita: inspection tour, administrative review; visita general: inspection addressed to an aministrative unit.

Visitador: visitor, inspector, an official conducting a visita.

Yanacona: quechua. In pre-conquest times, Indians not belonging to any ayllu, but attached to some dominant figure in native society, and working in a wide range of tasks. After the conquest, many surviving yanaconas and many others served the Spaniards in various tasks in return for a plot and/or wages, allotments of food, clothing, and shelter. They were free from tribute obligtions and draft labor; vacacamayos: those in charge of cattle.

Yungas: warm tropical valleys located on the eastern slopes of the Cordillera Real near La Paz, Cochabamba, and La Plata.

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EP Vol. 62 Juan de Elizondo 1597-1606 Philippe de Godoy 1601-1609 Juan Martinez Menacho 1602 Diego Ponce de Hojeda 1605-1606

EP Vol. 65 Lucas Prieto de Porras 1607-1610

EP Vol. 72 Alonso Fernandez Michel 1603-1613 Diego Ponce de Hojeda 1605

EP Vol. 98 Agustfn de Herrera 1599

EP Vol. 99 Philippe de Godoy 1602

EP Vol. 100 Agustfn de Herrera 1605

EP Vol. 118 Gaspar Nünez 1590-1595

EP Vol. I 19 Gaspar Nünez 1598

EP Vol. 121 Gaspar Nünez 1602

EP Vol. 122 Gaspar Nünez 1604

EP Vol. 123 Gaspar Nünez 1603

EP Vol. 139 Juan de Loarte 1604

EP Vol. 144 Diego de Adrada 1609-1613 Nicolas F. Ruiz (Provincial 1642

Libros de Acuerdos de la Audiencia de Charcas (LAACh) Cedulario de la Audiencia de Charcas (CACh) Expedientes Coloniales (E) Minas (M) Reales Cédulas (RC)

Archivo y Biblioteca Arquidiocesanas de Sucre (ABAS) Cabildo Eclesiâstico de La Plata

Archivo Histdrico de Potosi - Bolivia (AHP) Cajas Reales (CR) Escrituras Notariales (EN)

339 Archivo Municipal de Cochabamba - Bolivia (AMC) Expedientes Coloniales (EC) Protocolos Coloniales de Cochabamba (PCC) Expedientes Coloniales de Mizque (MEC) Protocolos Coloniales de Mizque (PCM)

Archivo General de la Nacidn, Buenos Aires - Argentina (AON) Sala IX - Legajo 17-2-5. Indice del Repartimiento de Tazas de las Provincias conttenidas en este Libro hechas en tiempo del Exmo. Senor Don Francisco de Toledo Virrey que fue de esttos Reynos, 348 fs.

Biblioteca Nacionai - Argentina (BN RA) Coleccion Gaspar Garcia Vinas de Copias de Documentos del Archivo General de Indias (CGGV)

Archivo General de Indias(AGI) Charcas 56 Escribania de Càmara 406, Pieza 6 Escribanîa 843c, Pieza 2 Escribania de Câmara 843c, Pieza 2 Justicia 654, N° 2 Justicia 655, Ramo 1 Justicia 658 N° 2 Justicia 1 125 Patronato 124, Ramo 5 Patronato 127 Patronato 142 Patronato 144 Patronato 146

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