Mutual Reinforcement: CSDP and NATO in the Face of Rising Challenges”, Focus Stratégique, No
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2018 May Veliko Tarnovo 4Th CSDP Olympiad Booklet.Pdf
4th COMMON SECURITY AND DEFENCE POLICY OLYMPIAD Residential phase, 21 - 25 May 2018 at Vasil Levski NMU, Veliko Tarnovo, under the auspices of the Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the European Union and the European Security and Defence College, Brussels, Belgium Publication of the Vasil Levski National Military University Editor: Colonel Prof. Dr. Veselin MADANSKI, Colonel Assoc. Prof. Nevena ATANASOVA - KRASTEVA, PhD Language Editor: Senior Instructor Marina RAYKOVA Disclaimer: Any views or opinions presented in this booklet are solely those of the authors. © Vasil Levski National Military University, Veliko Tarnovo, BULGARIA, 2018 ISBN 978-954-753-278-6 2 CONTENTS Table of Contents .......................................................................................................... 3 History of the CSDP Olympiad ................................................................................ 5 History of the Vasil Levski NMU, Veliko Tarnovo ........................................... 8 OPENING CEREMONY SPEECHES ....................................................................... 10 Speech of the Deputy-Minister of the Bulgarian Presidency of the EU Council ................................................................................................................ 10 CSDP Olympiad 2018 – Speech of the Chairman of the IG .......................... 13 Speech of the Head of the ESDC ............................................................................. 15 Speech of the Minister of Defence ........................................................................ -
The European Security and Defence Policy
TTHEHE FEDERALFEDERAL TRUSTTRUST foreducation&research enlightening the debate on good governance EuropeanPolicyBrief Apr 2006 • Issue 26 • The Federal Trust, 7 Graphite Square, Vauxhall Walk, London SE11 5EE • www.fedtrust.co.uk The European Security and Defence Policy Introduction Established at the Cologne European Council in June 1999, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) has, in the 7 years since its inception, given rise to countless debates and discussions. Whereas some commentators regard the ESDP as an overall success story, others voice doubts. The current discussion about whether the EU should send peacekeeping troops to the Democratic Republic of Congo during elections this June seems to crystallise these doubts. Only three EU member states would be capable of leading such a mission, and two of them, France and the United Kingdom, are currently unwilling and unable to mount an international deployment because of their respective involvement in Iraq and the Ivory Coast. After months of discussion, Germany eventually agreed at the EU External Affairs Council on 20 March 2006 to lead the military operation to the Congo from headquarters in Potsdam. Nevertheless, opposition to a Congo mission is still strong in Berlin, with considerable scepticism even within the governing parties. It is still unclear whether the German government will be able muster enough votes in the Bundestag (which has a right of veto on the mission) to send soldiers to Congo. Such uncertainty is not calculated to increase Europe’s standing and military credibility in the world. On the other hand, the European Security and Defence Policy has undoubted successes to its credit. -
France, NATO and ESDP: the Impossible Balancing
France, NATO and European Security: Status Quo Unsustainable; New Balance Unattainable? Jolyon HOWORTH∗ In January 1947, British and French officials met to discuss draft versions of the Treaty of Dunkirk. A sticking point emerged over the precise conditions under which the proposed mutual defence clause could be invoked. For the French, the simple threat of territorial invasion should trigger British support. For the British, however, only an actual invasion could warrant the implementation of alliance solidarity. This seemingly arcane distinction already presaged the fundamental difference of strategic approach between Paris and London which was to result in fifty years of stalemate in European defence Cupertino. For the United Kingdom (U.K.), too strong a statement of European resolve risked demotivating the United States (U.S.) and encouraging U.S. isolationism. For France, a strong Europe was the logical prerequisite for a strong Alliance. Europe needed to balance U.S. power—in the interests of both parties. Thus, from the outset of the post-war period, France expressed confidence in Europe's ability to safeguard her own future, whereas Britain worried that the old continent could never be secure without the permanent entanglement of the new1. Contrary to a great deal of mythology, France was never opposed to the “involvement of the new”—indeed the mainstream of the political class, including Charles de Gaulle himself, actively pressed for the creation of NATO and for the construction of an Atlantic partnership. What France in general (and the General in particular) could not accept was an imbalanced alliance in which one of the ∗ Jolyon Howorth is Jean Monnet Professor of European Politics at Bath University and Associate Research Fellow at the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri). -
Headline Goal 2010 and the Concept of the Eu Battle Groups: an Assessment of the Build-Up of a European Defence Capability
Headline Goal 2010 Cicero Foundation _____________________________________________________________________ Julian LINDLEY-FRENCH University of Munich Centre for Applied Policy Senior Scholar PARIS, 9 December 2005 HEADLINE GOAL 2010 AND THE CONCEPT OF THE EU BATTLE GROUPS: AN ASSESSMENT OF THE BUILD-UP OF A EUROPEAN DEFENCE CAPABILITY Lecture in the International Seminar for Experts “European Security and Defence Policy and the Transatlantic Relationship: How to Strike a New Balance?”, organised by the Cicero Foundation in the series Great Debates, Paris, 8 – 9 December 2005 Introduction Let me first set everything I am going to say against this opening statement. I believe passionately that Europeans should take their security destiny into their own hands. I therefore believe in a strong ESDP. Europeans will have to go strategic and they can only do so as Europe. I also believe in the reconstitution of the transatlantic relationship with NATO at its core if we are to have any chance of managing security in the big world that is emerging in the twenty-first century. Three methods are required to meet the challenge, description, prescription and assessment. I will get the description, (i.e. what is Headline Goal 2010 and what are the Battle Groups?) over as quickly as possible, but it seems to me the prescription should be built around three questions. • What is the relationship between Headline Goal 2010 and the Helsinki Headline Goal? • To what extent is the Capabilities Development Mechanism serving Headline Goal 2010? • What is the relationship between Headline Goal 2010 and the strategic environment? Headline Goal 2010 So, what is Headline Goal 2010? Let me quote from the European Council communiqué of 17-18 June 2004. -
National Visions of Eu Defence Policy
NATIONAL VISIONS OF EU DEFENCE POLICY COMMON DENOMINATORS AND MISUNDERSTANDINGS Edited by FEDERICO SANTOPINTO AND MEGAN PRICE With contributions from JOANNA DOBROWOLSKA-POLAK GIOVANNI FALEG ALESSANDRO MARRONE MANUEL MUNIZ MEGAN PRICE FEDERICO SANTOPINTO CHRISTIAN WURZER COST, GRIP, CEPS CENTRE FOR EUROPEAN POLICY STUDIES (CEPS) BRUSSELS The Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS) is an independent policy research institute in Brussels. Its mission is to produce sound policy research leading to constructive solutions to the challenges facing Europe. GRIP (Groupe de recherche et d’information sur la paix et la sécurité) is a research and information institute based in Brussels. Set up in 1979, GRIP specialises in peace and security studies. For more information: www.grip.org This publication is supported by COST. COST is an intergovernmental framework for European Cooperation in Science and Technology, allowing the coordination of nationally funded research on a European level. COST is supported by the European Union RTD Framework Programme. © COST Office, 2013 No permission to reproduce or utilise the contents of this book by any means is necessary, other than in the case of images, diagrams or other materials from other copyright holders. In such cases, permission of the copyright holders is required. This book may be cited as: COST ACTION IS 0805 – title of the publication. The Legal notice by the COST Office: Neither the COST Office nor any person acting on its behalf is responsible for the use which might be made of the information contained in this publication. The COST Office is not responsible for the external websites referred to this publication. -
Do European Union Defense Initiatives Threaten NATO? by Kori N
No. 184 Strategic Forum August 2001 Institute for National Strategic Studies National Defense University Do European Union Defense Initiatives Threaten NATO? by Kori N. Schake Building a capacity for “the eventual multilaterally to ensure that EU choices are Key Points framing of a common defense policy which consistent with U.S. national interests. uropean Security and Defense Policy might in time lead to common defense” has An enormous amount of the work needed (ESDP) is now the main item on Europe’s been a major European Union (EU) preoccu- to translate the St. Malo agreement into prac- Esecurity agenda because of a focus on pation since the Maastricht Treaty in 1991. tice has been done in the European Union and establishing a crisis management force capa- The Amsterdam Treaty in 1997 defined the in national planning staffs to advance the ble of acting independently of the North area for defense coordination as “humanitar- prospects for EU defense policy and capabilities. Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). ian and rescue tasks, peacekeeping tasks, and However, more work has been done to create an Although transatlantic policies will be tasks of combat forces in crisis management, organizational structure than to improve forces colored by issues such as the Kyoto treaty, including peacemaking” (known as the Pe- to carry out the mandate. missile defenses, and relations with Russia, tersburg Tasks). The project gained momen- ESDP is likely to dominate defense debates tum after Prime Minister Tony Blair of Great New Structures as the European Union (EU) tries to meet the Britain and President Jacques Chirac of France agreed at St. -
Globsec Nato Adaptation Initiative
GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE ONE ALLIANCE The Future Tasks of the Adapted Alliance www.globsec.org 2 GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE ONE ALLIANCE The Future Tasks of the Adapted Alliance PRESENTATION FOLDER: COLLECTION OF PAPERS ONE ALLIANCE THE FUTURE TASKS OF THE ADAPTED ALLIANCE The GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative, led by General (Retd.) John R. Allen, is GLOBSEC’s foremost contribution to debates about the future of the Alliance. Given the substantial changes within the global security environment, GLOBSEC has undertaken a year-long project, following its annual Spring conference and the July NATO Summit in Warsaw, to explore challenges faced by the Alliance in adapting to a very different strategic environment than that of any time since the end of the Cold War. The Initiative integrates policy expertise, institutional knowledge, intellectual rigour and industrial perspectives. It ultimately seeks to provide innovative and thoughtful solutions for the leaders of the Alliance to make NATO more a resilient, responsive and efficient anchor of transatlantic stability. The policy papers published within the GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative are authored by the Initiative’s Steering Committee members: General (Retd.) John R. Allen, Admiral (Retd.) Giampaolo di Paola, General (Retd.) Wolf Langheld, Professor Julian Lindley-French, Ambassador (Retd.) Tomáš Valášek, Ambassador (Retd.) Alexander Vershbow and other acclaimed authorities from the field of global security and strategy. 4 GLOBSEC NATO ADAPTATION INITIATIVE CREDITS CREDITS GLOBSEC NATO Adaptation Initiative Steering Committee General (Retd.) John R. Allen1, Professor Dr Julian Lindley-French, Admiral (Retd.) Giampaolo Di Paola, General (Retd.) Wolf Langheld, Ambassador (Retd.) Tomáš Valášek, Ambassador (Retd.) Alexander Vershbow Observers and Advisors General (Retd.) Knud Bartels, James Townsend, Dr Michael E. -
Notebook: from Common Foreign and Security Policy to European External Action Service: EU Peacekeeping Operations
Jean Monnet Center of Excellence Research on Crucial Issues of European Integration University of Macedonia Thessaloniki Greece Notebook: From Common Foreign and Security Policy to European External Action Service: EU Peacekeeping operations Submitted by: Kyriakos Lefkopoulos Supervision: Voskopoulos George, Associate Professor The European Commission's support for the production of this publication does not constitute an endorsement of the contents, which reflect the views only of the authors, and the Commission cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein Time frame of EU peacekeeping operations Key points in the development of peacekeeping operations under European Union Western European Union [WEU] Council introduced the “Petersberg tasks” (1992) The British-French Summit St-Malo and the Cologne European Council, (1998- 1999) “Petersberg tasks” integrated in the Treaty of Amsterdam (1999) Helsinki headline goal of 1999-2003 Civilian headline goal of 2000 European Council in Nice setting the foundations for the “Berlin Plus Agreement” (2000) Treaty of Nice and the bodies supporting operational capabilities (2003) European Security Strategy (2003) Military headline goal of 2004-2010 Civilian headline goal of 2008 Lisbon Treaty (2009) Civilian headline goal 2010 Creation of European External Action Service [EEAS] (2011) EEAS goals and missions Introduction of the “Petersberg tasks” by the Western European Union [WEU] Council (1992) Information about WEU ■ The Treaty on Economic, Social and Cultural Collaboration and Collective Self- Defence signed in 1948 by the UK, France, and the Benelux countries, known as the Brussels Treaty, is its foundation. Afterwards the Treaty of Brussels was modified in October 1954 resulting to WEU. -
Looking at the Year Ahead – Priorities of the EU EEAS 2 by Ms
XXIV MAGAZINE OF THE EU MILITARY STAFF, EEAS, BRUSSELS - AUTUMN/WINTER 2017 ISSUE #24 HAND OVER OF THE EUTM MALI FLAG TO THE NEW MISSION FORCE COMMANDER E U MILITARY STAFF CONTRIBUTING TO EU GLOBAL STRATEGY LOOKING AT THE YEAR IN DEFENCE OF OUR SECURITY CONCERNS ALL EU AHEAD - PRIORITIES OF UNION - P.6 STAFF - P.18 THE EEAS - P.2 LT GEN PULKINNEN, DIRECTOR MPCC HANDS OVER THE EUTM MALI FLAG TO THE NEW FORCE COMMANDER BRIG GEN LAURENT (BE) AT EUTM MALI HQ, BAMAKO Dear Readers, We hope that you find IMPETUS 24 useful in increasing your situational awareness of what the EU Military Staff are doing, including EU CSDP Operations and Missions. If you have any comments on any of the articles, or indeed any suggestions on how IMPETUS could be improved, we would be very happy to receive both at the email address below. Thank you, the Editor. CONTENT Overview of the Operations and Missions of the European Union - October 2017 1 Looking at the Year Ahead – Priorities of the EU EEAS 2 By Ms. Helga SCHMID- EEAS Secretary General Progress in EU Security & Defence – Military Planning and Conduct Capability 4 By Lt Gen Esa PULKKINEN – Director General of the European Union Military Staff and Director MPCC In Defence of Our Union 6 By Mr. Mihnea MOTOC – Deputy head of the European Political Strategy Centre EU Military Committee Meeting May 2017 – Key Themes 8 By Lt Gen Esa PULKKINEN – Director General EUMS Global Memo - EU CSDP Operations and Missions 10 Civilian Missions – A reliable CSDP actor 14 By Mr. -
Saint-Malo Plus Five: an Interim Assessment of Esdp
President: Jacques DELORS SAINT-MALO PLUS FIVE: AN INTERIM ASSESSMENT OF ESDP Jolyon HOWORTH Policy papers N°7 November 2003 STUDY AVAILABLE IN ENGLISH http://www.notre-europe.asso.fr/Policy7-en.pdf © Notre Europe, November 2003. This publication benefits from the financial support of the European Commission. Nevertheless its content is the sole responsability of the author. Niether the European Commission nor Notre Europe are to be held responsible for the manner in which the information in this text may be used. This may be reproducted if the source cited. CONTENTS INTRODUCTION 1 I – THE CONCEPTUAL AND DOCTRINAL UNDERPINNINGS: WHY ESDP? 3 II – EXISTENTIAL: WHAT IS THE COLLECTIVE ENTITY INVOLVED IN THE ESDP AND HOW DOES THAT ENTITY RELATE TO OTHER PROXIMATE ACTORS? 8 III – INSTITUTIONS: RECENT ADJUSTEMENTS AND THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE CONVENTION’S DRAFT CONSTITUTIONAL TREATY 18 IV – MILITARY CAPACITY 26 CONCLUSIONS 33 ACRONYMS 35 ABSTRACT The European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) process, launched five years ago at Saint-Malo, made significant steps forward in 2003 - despite the seriousness of EU divisions over Iraq. This progress will be accelerated as a result of the November 2003 agreement between France, the UK and Germany to harmonise their approaches to defence and security. The present report offers an interim assessment of the challenges faced and the challenges met by ESDP since 1998. It focuses on four main questions: - Conceptual/Doctrinal: what is the rationale behind the emergence of this unprecedented new EU policy -
The UK and European Defence: Leading Or Leaving?
The UK and European defence: leading or leaving? SVEN BISCOP* The problem of European defence is that it does not work with the United Kingdom, but would not work without it either. Unlike in other policy areas, in defence the issue is not British resistance to Brussels directives. Populist outcries against a mythical ‘Euro-Army’ notwith- standing, British sovereignty is not under threat. The real issue is that other European countries are not doing enough in spite of being urged from both sides of Brussels—by the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). ‘Too many countries are failing to meet their financial responsibilities to NATO, and so failing to maintain appropriate and proportionate capabilities. Too many are opting out of operations or contributing but a fraction of what they should be capable of ’, in the words of Defence Secretary Philip Hammond.1 Britain, on the contrary, is the leading European military power, accounting for 22.4 per cent of defence expenditure and 11.8 per cent of armed forces, and it is more willing than most to deploy those forces (providing 20.8 per cent of the average number of troops deployed),2 including for combat operations. Its military clout enables the UK to lead the others—any scheme for European defence without it would indeed be severely handicapped. But does Britain want to lead? The paradox is that while the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) would not have come into being without British leadership, it would be much more effective without British reluctance to make full use of it. -
The Path of the European Union Battlegroups a Historical Institutionalist Analysis of the Development of the EU Battlegroups Since 1998
The Path of the European Union Battlegroups A Historical Institutionalist Analysis of the Development of the EU Battlegroups since 1998 Caroline Schoofs 3856410 RMA Modern History (1500-2000) Utrecht University Supervisor: prof. dr. Jacco Pekelder Second Reader: dr. Marloes Beers Date: 21 February 2018 Abstract This thesis analyses the development of the EU Battlegroups, aiming to shed light on the question why the ambitious rhetoric of the EU deviates from reality considering the fact that these forces have not been deployed yet. Since the literature does not offer a proper theoretically informed explanation for this discrepancy, this thesis addresses the theoretical lacuna. After outlining the benefits and shortcomings of European integration and International Relations theory, this thesis argues that historical institutionalism has the best credits for analysing the EU decision-making process regarding the development of the Battlegroups. This approach highlights the importance of the historical institutional context in which rational actors make decisions, thus looks further than EU member states’ intentions. This context proved instrumental for understanding why the outcome of the development process (e.g. the inactive Battlegroups) deviates from the ambitious rhetoric of the EU on the need to play a full role at the international stage. This thesis invokes the metaphor of a tree to explain how the historical institutional context influenced EU decision-making regarding the Battlegroups. This thesis argues that the EU member states started to climb the tree in the late 1990s when a critical juncture took place. The decisions made in and influenced by the historical context subsequently could not be changed or reversed due to the institutional context.