THE USE OF (AGROECOSYSTEMS AND WILD HARVESTING) AS A SOURCE OF FOOD IN THE BRIBRI AND CABECAR CULTURES IN THE CARIBBEAN COAST OF 1

CARLOS RAMOS GARCiA-SERRANO AND JUAN PABLO DEL MONTE

Ramos Garcia-Serrano, Carlos and Juan Pablo Del Monte (Departamento de Producci6n Vegetal: Botdnica y Protecci6n Vegetal Escuela Superior TJcnica de Ingenieros Agr6nomos, Ciudad Universitaria Sn, 28040 Madrid, Spain; email [email protected]). THE USE OF TROPICAL FOREST (AGROECOSYSTEMS AND WILD PLANT HARVESTING) AS A SOURCE OF FOOD IN THE BRmPd AND CABECAR CULTURES IN THE CARIBBEAN COAST OF COSTA RICA. Economic Botany 58(1):58-71, 2004. For the Bribri and the Cabecar Indians of Costa Rica the environment is divided in two: the "near", indigenous space; and the "'far", natural space, which they think does not belong to them. In the former, the following agroecosystems can be distinguished according to biodiversity and intensity of human activity: tropical home garden, rotating slash- and-burn agriculture, plantain polyculture, and plantain monoculture. In the "far" space, these two culturally close groups harvest wild observing ancestral rules, which have helped ensure a sustainable use of forest resources. Their diet is based on 84 species, of which 24 are harvested in the "'far" environment (hombr6n, semko, platanillo, tacaco, etc.) and 60 are obtained in the "near" environment (, bean, cacao, manioc, etc.). Owing to acculturation, exotic species (mainly rice, sugarcane, plantain, cacao and citrus ) have become part of their diet and crops.

El Maneso del Bosque Tropical (Agroecosistemas y Recoleccion de Flora Silvestre) coho base de la Alimentacion en las Culturas Bribri y Cabecar de la Costa Caribera de Costa Rica. Los indfgenas bribris y cabdcares de Costa Rica consideran que su entorno se divide en dos: el "cercano" o indigena, y el "lejano" o espacio natural que no les pertenece. En el espacio "cercano," en funcidn de las biodiversidad presente y la intensidad de la actividad humana, se distinguen los siguientes agroecosistemas: huerto tropical indlgena, la agricultura rotativa de roza y quema, el policultivo del pldtano, y el monocultivo del pldtano. En el espacio "le- jano," estos dos etnias culturalmente cercanas recolectan plantas silvestres observando una reglas ancestrales, que aseguran un uso sustentable de los recursos del bosque primario. Su dieta se basa en 84 especies, de las que 24 son recolectadas en el espacio "lejano" (hombr6n, semko, platanillo, tacaco, etc.) y 60 son obtenidas en el espacio "cercano" (mas frijol, cacao, yuca, etc.). No obstante y debido a la transculturaci6n que han sufrido estas etnias, se han introducido en su dieta yen sus cultivos especies al6ctonas (como arroz, carla de azticar, pldtano, coco y c{tricos). Key Words: Agroecosystems, Bribri, Cabecar, Costa Rica, ethnobotany food plants, indige- nous cultures.

The majority of the Bribri and the Cabecar becar settlements are located in the north and Indians, the two Caribbean tribes in west of the area, based in La Estrella Valley and Costa Rica, occupy an area of about 3600 km 2 its mountain spurs, while those of the Bribri lie in indigenous reserves of La Amistad National mainly in the south and east in the Talamanca Park, in the Regi6n Huetar Atl~_ntica, province Valley and the surrounding mountain ranges. of Lim6n. The area includes part of the canton Eight of the 12 life zones defined by Holdrid- of Lim6n in the north and part of the canton of ge et al. (1971, 1987) for Costa Rica have been Talamanca in the south (Fig. 1). Most of the Ca- identified in the Bribri and the Cabecar area (Castro 1985; G6mez 1986; Hartshorn 1991; 1Received 12 June 2000; accepted 5 August 2002. Junkov 1985; Masterson and Chavers 1986; Ra-

Economic Botany 58(1) pp. 58-71. 2004 2004 by The New York Botanical Garden Press, Bronx, NY 10458-5126 U.S.A. 2004] GARCIA-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 59

Fig. 1. Distribution of Bribri and Cabecar tribes in the study area.

mirez and Lewis 1981; V~isquez 1988). These wet forest (P-wf) covers the foothills from the include zones from Tropical moist forest (T-rnf), border with to the Fila de . Be- which extends along the coastal plain from low that range of hills, large parts of the valleys Puerto Lim6n to the border of Panama in the of the rivers Chirrip6, Pacuare and Reventaz6n indigenous reserves of Talamanca and Taymi, to are covered by Premontane rain forest (P-rf), Sub-Alpine rain paramo (SA-rp), which can be along the strips of land next to the Cordillera of identified in the most northern part of the Cor- Talamanca. Lower Montane wet forest (LM-wf) dillera of Talamanca. Tropical wet forest (T-wf) appears in small patches throughout the Bribri can be found behind the low hills that skirt the and Cabecar area. Lower Montane rain forest coastal plain of the Caribbean, to the west of (LM-rf) can be found in the Cordillera of Tala- Puerto Lim6n, and in the medium basins of the manca and its spurs, in the altitude of 1500 to rivers , Estrella and Banano. Premontane 2500 m, and finally, Montane rain forest (M-if) 60 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58

is represented along the Cordillera of Talamanca space, i.e., the indigenous, humanized space, and its upper spurs. they can modify and shape the landscape, while There are an estimated 3000 to 4500 Bribri the "far" space, i.e., natural, primary forest and from 2000 to 3000 Cabecar Indians. It is space, does not belong to them and can be used believed that the origin of these two culturally only by observing strict rules. The rules are con- close groups are tribes of the Tupi-Guarani fam- tained in the /Suw~, a concept which can be ily (, Lesser Antilles and ) and translated as wind, puff or knowledge. These the Chibcha () who spread out along rules resemble some of the principles governing the Atlantic coast and inland of Central Ameri- social relationships of the Bribri and the Cabe- ca, reaching in some cases the Pacific coast. car, such as respect for what belongs to others The Bribri and the Cabecar believe that the and not borrowing from a neighbor more than environment is organized in a hierarchy similar what is strictly necessary (Bozzoli de Wille to their social system. The earth and everything 1986). Maize, manioc and cacao, and in general it contains, people, plants, animals, stones, and crop species, are close to the settlements and the sub-soil ("the veins of the earth"), belongs therefore the tradition imposes relatively few to/BkubLu/, the master spirit, who lives in the limitations on their use. The plants on tacotales depths of the Kamuk hill. He has under him (fallow land), such as Gynerium sagittatum /DuaLok/or/Duarko/ and other owners of the (Aubl.) Beauv. (carla blanca) and Ochroma pyr- forest, the water and the animals. These, in turn, amidale (Cav. ex Lam.) Urban. (balsa), grow a have workers who assist them in taking care of little further away and their use is limited by their properties, such as/Shurakma/, the maker some restrictions. The use of trees in the primary of large earthenware jars, and/Daleklablu/, who forest, for instance Minquartia guianensis Aubl. is in charge of gasipaes Kunth (peach (manta) and Tapirira brenesii Standl. (campo palm), and an endless number of devils or spirits santo), is restricted and regulated to a great de- called/Be/. Every plant and animal has its/Tmf/, gree. Generally, major restrictions concern the a king or a queen, for example: /Tsiru'/, the use of plants by /okrmpa/, masters of ceremo- queen of cacao;/SaLbLu/, the king of monkeys; nies at burials and gravediggers, and by/awapa/, /TsuibLu/, the king of the armadillo; and traditional healers. Minor limitations are usually /NmabLu/, the king of the fish. Natural resources related to the management of species by women belong to these spirits and have to be borrowed in the "near" space, and are often temporary. from them by giving them something in ex- However, in some cases major restrictions apply change or by deceiving them. This explains cer- to women even in the "near" space. For in- tain practices and behaviors of the Bribri and the stance, women cannot sow Aristolochia odora- Cabecar in relation to their environment, such as tissima L. According to the Caribbean Talaman- referring with false names to the products to be ca Indians' culture, those who infringe the reg- harvested. Thus, they may say, 'We are going to ulations will be exposed to illnesses or death gather manioc', when they go fishing or, 'I am sent by the spirits who own the natural elements. going to cut snake beards', when they are going These punishments are executed by/SkuLakma/, to collect lianas to anchor constructions (Bozzoli who is a/Yeria/, a hunter, who points his bow De Wille 1972, 1977, 1986; Gabb 1981). More- at the transgressor and shoots his arrows, which over, in their beliefs, some plants and animals turn into poisonous snakes upon reaching their are their brothers or brothers-in-law, and have to prey (Gagini 1921; Pittier 1938). be treated as such (Bozzoli de Wille 1986; Pittier 1905, 1938). METHODS In the Bribri and Cabecar world, the physical The field work was conducted in the area of distance of the species from the community lower Coen, which is inhabited by the Bribri, marks the relationship between people and and in the Estrella Valley, an area occupied by plants. The use of plants and the rules and re- the Cabecar. Field trips took place during 1992- strictions limiting the use of plants depend on 1995 at different times of the year, in order to this relationship. According to the traditional be- cover all the phenological states of the species liefs of the Bribri and the Cabecar, the environ- and to obtain taxonomically identifiable sam- ment is divided in two parts, which can be de- ples. Specimens of all species were collected at fined as the "near" and the "far." In the "near" least once in the dry season and once in the 2004] GARC[A-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 61 rainy season. The samples were obtained along a great complexity and a high degree of inter- various itineraries accompanying an/ok6rn/and relation among the biotic components. Socio- two/awapa/and other informants from the com- cultural norms and the tribes' interest in con- munities of Coroma and San Jos6 Cabecar on serving the environment influence the manage- their collecting journeys. Samples were obtained ment of the systems (Camacho 1974). following the ethical advice for collectors in the UNESCO sponsored 1992 Manila Declaration TROPICAL HOME GARDEN Concerning the Ethical Utilization of Asian Bi- The basic function of the home garden is to ological Resources (Anon 1992). The voucher provide products for family subsistence. It offers specimens were deposited at the Herbarium of a varied, stable and continuous harvest of fruit, the National Museum of Costa Rica. A duplicate legumes, vegetables, tubercles, as well as me- set was made of part of the collection and de- dicinals and material for construction, household posited at the Botanic Department of the Escuela and crafts. In the home garden both cultivated Trcnica Superior de Ingenieros Agr6nomos of and non-cultivated species are handled and the Polythecnic University of Madrid. The in- mixed. The agroforestal methods the Bribri and terviews with the informants, both in the forest the Cabecar practise in the home garden make and in the communities, took place following a it possible to maintain the local capacity to sat- semi-structured interview format (Martin 1995) isfy various needs throughout the year and at the for qualitative data collection, and were audio- same time to conserve the ecological character- tape-recorded. Literal transcriptions and trans- istics of the tropical forest (Granados, Matarrita lations of the recordings were prepared by the and Brenes 1981). Department of Indigenous Philology of the Uni- A home garden is usually located close to a versity of Costa Rica in San Jos6 The transla- family house. The average size is between 1 and tions were confirmed by a bilingual informant. 2 ha, depending on the availability of land and The analysis of the agroecosystems was based the number of family members. This agricultural on the studies of Hart (1985). In order to attain system is mostly found in communities located a more holistic understanding of the Atlantic on alluvial terraces and fiat inter-alluvial areas Talamanca tribes' use of plant resources socio- in the mountainous sector; it is also found in cultural aspects and sustainability concerns were foothill and valley settlements close to the Cor- given special emphasis in the study. dillera (Fig. 2). Owing to acculturation, the in- digenous home garden system has practically DESCRIPTION OF THE disappeared and been replaced by plantain AGROECOSYSTEMS AND THE USE OF monoculture in the communities more accessible THE PRIMARY FOREST to and linked with the outside world. According to the data collected, the Bribri and This system has four different vegetation stra- the Cabecar use a taxonomically diverse group ta similar to the stratification of the primary of plants for food consisting of 84 species (Ap- tropical forest vegetation. Trees measuring more pendix). These include 49 domesticated species than 25 m in height, such as Cedrela odorata L. (some of them exotic), and 35 wild and semi- (cedro) and Cordia alliodora Ruiz & Pav.) domesticated species. Apart from the primary Cham. (laurel) represent the top. The second forest, food plant products are obtained mainly stratum consists of 15 to 20 m tall trees, among from three different agricultural systems: tropi- them Cecropia insignis Liemb., C. obtusifolia cal home garden, rotating slash-and-burn agri- Bertoloni, C. peltata L., C. polyphlebia Donn. culture, and plantain polyculture (i.e., the near Sm. (guarumo), Ochroma pyramidale (Cav. ex space). In addition, monoculture of plantain has Lam.) Urban. (balsa), and emerged in areas where the Bribri and the Ca- Kunth (peach palm). The third stratum includes becar are in close contact with the outside world permanent crops, such as Coffea arabica L. and have undergone relatively intense accultur- (coffee), Theobroma cacao L. (cacao), musa- ation. In the three systems where many species ceas, and shrubs such as Neurolaena lobata R. are handled, in the "near" space, the Bribri and (L.) Br. (gavilana) and Inga spp. (ingas), which the Cabecar reproduce to a great extent the measure less than 10 m in height. Finally the structure of the primary forest. The systems bottom stratum has various types of crops, in- have multiple functions and are characterized by cluding Capsicum annuum L. (chili pepper), 62 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58

Fig. 2. Maize crop, cocoa trees and start fruit trees in the tropical homegarden (Coroma village).

Manihot esculenta Crantz (manioc), and Xantho- slashing it and by pruning and removing branch- soma violaceum Schott. (tiquisque), as well as es. These species complement the functions of medicinal herbs. The composition of the culti- cultivated species and help satisfy needs which vated species in the home garden is defined by are not met with crop species. Wild species are cultural tradition. Another characteristic derived maintained in the home garden for the following from home garden's physiognomic-structural purposes: (a) for food, especially non-cultivated similarity to the primary tropical forest is the herbaceous species, e.g., Dioscorea spp. (flame) absence of a linear crop layout. Thus, the system and Urera baccifera (L.) Gaud. (cardillo); (b) to appears to be a chaos without internal logic, as obtain a large number of aromatic and medicinal the species are sown or planted in different plac- plants; (c) to fight plagues and diseases and to es, at different distances and in different mix- increase soil productivity, as no chemical agri- tures with other, non-cultivated species, in ac- cultural inputs are used in the home garden; (d) cordance with what the Bribri and the Cabecar to obtain material for fishing, e.g., Hura crepi- consider appropriate for each garden, from an tans L. (jabillo; its sap is used), Garcinia man- ecological and cultural point of view. The result gostana L. (mangost~in; its bark is used), and of these characteristics is a high plant density in Wigandia caracasana HBK (tabacon; its bark is a reduced area and a highly variable structure in used); (e) to obtain soap, e.g., Enterolobium cy- a plot and among different plots. The variability clocarpum (Jacq.) Gris. (guanacaste; its is is also intra-specific; for instance, in one home used); and (f) for other uses, e.g., Heliconia la- garden it is possible to find up to eight different tispatha Benth. (bijagua; its are used to kinds of plantains. build roofs, line baskets and to cover pots); and In this system non-cultivated species are man- Musa spp. (/spako/; its leaves are used to wrap aged as a crop. They are looked after and pro- the mojozo, crushed maize corn, to prepare the tected during their growth while the home gar- chicha). In addition to the intra-specific vari- den lasts by eliminating the undergrowth by ability, another special feature of the Bribri and 2004] GARdA-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 63

Cabecar home garden is the considerable num- ber of different uses some of the wild species have, most notably three varieties of Bactris gasipaes Kunth (peach palm), to which these tribes attribute more than a dozen uses as human food and as material for construction and cere- monial rites. ROTATING SLASH-AND-BURN AGRICULTURE Rotating slash-and-burn agriculture satisfies basic food needs, although when there is surplus production plant materials derived from this sys- tem are exchanged for other products, and some- times, especially in the case of maize, they are sold (Granados, Matarnta and Brenes 1981). In this system annual or seasonal crops, and espe- cially basic grains, Oryza sativa L. (rice), Zea mays k (maize), and Phaseolus vulgaris L. (bean), are rotated alternating with fallow peri- ods. Crop rotation takes place both within a plot and among several plots after the two or three year production cycle. During the rest period, the Bribri and the Cabecar harvest other culti- vated species, as well as non-cultivated species in a slash-and-burn plot. Each indigenous family usually has up to three trabajaderos (slash-and-burn plots) for ro- Fig. 3. Bean and plantain crops in rotating slash- and-bum field. tation at the same time. The average plot size does not exceed one hectare. In order to avoid problems caused by pigs and other domestic an- cultivated and non-cultivated species and its imals, the slash-and-burn plots lie some distance structure becomes more complex. At the end of from the family houses; it may take some 15 the cycle, three strata can be identified in a ro- minutes, or in some cases more than two hours, taring slash-and-burn plot. The first and highest to reach them on foot. In any case, the Bribri stratum consists of tall, scattered tree species; and the Cabecar consider that the plots are with- the second stratum is intermediate in height with in the "near" environment. Owing to the dis- musaceas and some shrubs such as ingas; and tance, however, it is impossible to avoid dam- basic grains, as well as pepo L. (ay- ages caused by wild animals, such as deer (Odo- ote) and Sechium edule (Jacq.) Sw. (chayote) coileus virginianus), the tepezcuintle (Agouti dominate the third stratum. As is the case in the paca), the saino (Tayassu tajacu) and birds. In indigenous home garden system, the crops do the indigenous Caribbean Talamanca territory, not follow any linear order in space resulting rotating slash-and-bum agriculture is found in from sowing. the valleys, foothills and in mountainous zones. The native farmer chooses the plot site on the It is practiced more intensely and more frequent- basis of his observation of the environment and ly in the foothills of the Cordillera, on slopes traditional knowledge of the fertility of the soil. with a gradient of 15 to 20%, and in some cases In general, three characteristics are taken into of more than 50% with plots facing ravines and account when the choice is made: the color of main rivers (Fig. 3). the soil (black colored soil of alluvial origin is During the first months after sowing, a slash- preferred); soil texture; and the capacity of the and-bum plot is relatively homogeneous with re- soil to adapt to certain crops, which is evaluated gard to the variety of crops. However, with time on the basis of the existing vegetation. Areas the plot becomes increasingly diverse regarding covered with stubble, gramineous plants or fern 64 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58 are avoided. If no suitable site can be found, an crops develop, other cultivated species are intro- area of the primary forest is cleaned. duced in the agroecosystem. These include tu- Chapia or tumba (the cut of the existing veg- bercles, such as manioc, fiampi, tiquisque and etation) is done with the machete or with an axe, camote; sugarcane; ayote; plantain; and citrus and sometimes fire is used to clear the plot. Use- fruit. In addition, the tree component that was ful wooden species are spared in this process. deliberately left in the plot provides useful plant Land preparation for sowing takes place during material or protects the crop. the time of the lowest rainfall, usually between After the basic grain crops have been culti- January and April. The slashed biomass is left vated for one or two cycles, the plot is aban- to dry and dehydrate for several weeks. Once it doned and left to rest for about 12 years until is dry, it is eliminated by burning after precau- either Cecropia insignis Liemb. (guarumo) or tions are taken to prevent the fire from spreading Ochroma pyramidale (Cav. ex Lam.) Urban. to the rest of the forest and from affecting the (balsa) flowers for the first time, a sign that the species of interest that were left in the plot. Usu- land has recovered its fertility and can be sown ally the plot is left to cool for about three days again. In the meantime, for another two years before the basic grains are sown. Vargas (1980) the Caribbean Talamanca Indians continue har- mentions an alternative method of preparing the vesting edible species in the abandoned plot. As land for sowing. It consists of cutting the veg- secondary bush and tree vegetation takes over etation; not burning the plant biomass, but let- the fallow, non-cultivated useful species appear, ting it dry and decompose instead for more than such as Astrocaryum standleyanum L. H. Bailey a month, before the beginning of the heavy rains (palmito de chonta), used for construction and around the month of May; and sowing in the clothing. In addition, the plots turn into impor- organic matter which is in the process of decom- tant hunting areas because animals, such as the posing. This form of land preparation is a clear tepezcuintle, the saino, the chancho de monte adaptation to the conditions of high humidity in and deer, go there in search of edible (for both the foothills and mountainous Caribbean Tala- humans and animals) from trees, including manca areas, but it is not very common today. Spondias dulls Parkinson (jocote), Brosimum The traditional sowing system consists of the es- costarricanum Liebm. and B. terrabanum Pittier peque (making holes in the earth with wedges (ojoche), Bactris gasipaes Kunth (peach palm), or sticks) and sowing up to 15 seeds of rice, Pachyra aquatica Aubl. (castafia de agua), Inga eight of maize and six of beans in each golpe coclensis Pittier. (guaba), and Psidium guajava (hole). A foreign method being adopted by the L. (guayaba). Caribbean Talamanca tribes is the bean or maize PLANTAIN CROP tapado (covered). It entails distributing the seeds The Musa X paradisiqfa L. plantain is a tra- at random or by broadcast sowing in the char- ditional exotic crop species in the native Atlantic rales (fields that have not been prepared). Sub- Talamanca communities. It has succeeded cacao sequently, the plots are cleaned, and the seeds as the most important cash crop in the Caribbean are covered and they will germinate and grow Coast of Costa Rica owing to the low prices of in the decomposing plant remains. cacao and the spreading of Monilia spp. infec- The distribution of basic grain crops in a plot tion in that plant, as well as the growing contacts and the timing of sowing vary. A typical crop with plantain companies. This has changed the rotation in Atlantic Talamanca is maize and form in which the Bribri and the Cabecar grow bean, and rice. Maize and bean represent direct plantain. Plantain polyculture and monoculture spatial and chronological interaction as sowing systems were analyzed following the terminol- of the bean takes place when maize has already ogy proposed by Borje and Castillo (1994 pers. developed and can serve as a tutor. Rice is sown comm.) and paying attention to the complexity after the harvest of maize and bean and a short levels of the agroecosystems and the accultura- rest period. Other crop rotation combinations in- tion process in the Bribri and Cabecar commu- clude: maize and rice, bean and rice, and maize nities. and bean. Moreover, sometimes only one of these basic grains is grown on a plot during one PLANTAIN POLYCULTURE cycle. The basic grain crops do not form mono- In the plantain polyculture system, plantain culture systems, since while the basic grain tree, the dominant species of the plot, grows to- 2004] GARdA-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 65

Fig. 4. Association of plantain and tubercles in plantain polyculture. Fig. 5. View of environment in harvesting area (Talamanca Mountains). gether with other crops and plant species not cultivated to generate income but for domestic towards a less diverse system in which plantain use and consumption. This traditional system is becomes the main crop owing to its growing im- more frequent in areas where, in spite of accul- portance as a commercial product. turation, important elements of the Bribri and PLANTAIN MONOCULTURE Cabecar traditions still exist, i.e., in foothills and in La Estrella Valley and in the Talamanca Val- First only non-indigenous farmers practiced ley (Fig. 4). The structure of this agricultural plantain monoculture in the indigenous reserves, system is similar to that of the home garden with in relatively large properties compared with the regard to the formation of several growth strata average indigenous plots. However, as a result and the irregular distribution of the different of the growing contacts with the outside world species. There is less biodiversity in plantain po- and the growing acculturation, an increasing lyculture system than in the home garden, but number of Bribri and Cabecar farmers in the more than in the rotating slash-and-bum system. lowlands of La Estrella Valley and the Talaman- Plots are selected with the same criteria as for ca Valley take up plantain monoculture and rotating slash-and-bum agriculture. In general, abandon the traditional agroecosystems. the planting density of plantain is very low to In addition to the change of the type of crop, allow other species to grow. Plantain polyculture plantain monoculture has implied the introduc- management is also similar to home garden tion of totally alien inputs to the traditional in- management. Tradition and cultural beliefs digenous Caribbean Talamanca agriculture. greatly influence the management practices and These inputs include agrochemicals to fight especially those related to plantain. For instance, pests, diseases and weeds, fumigation equip- according to the tradition, plantain can be plant- ment, as well as plastic bags to protect the fruit ed at any time of the year during the period of and synthetic cords to support the plants. The the waning moon. If sowing takes place in the use of these new inputs is causing a series of new moon, the "sons of water" will grow very threats to the natural ecosystem, including river tall, have few roots, and they can topple easily. and soil contamination and erosion, which lead If sowing takes place in the full moon, the plan- to a decline in long term productivity. tain tree grows little and develops many roots; it is strong, but the fruit is not very large and HARVESTING IN THE PRIMARY FOREST often bursts when mature. When sowing takes The primary forest is not intact in the indig- place in the waning period, the tree will be me- enous reserves of the Caribbean Talamanca. The dium sized and the fruit large. Cleaning and Bribri and the Cabecar harvest the primary for- eliminating weeds from the plantain tree take est in the mountainous areas far away from the place in the new moon and pmning a little after communities, in what they consider the "far" new moon. environment (Fig. 5). They collect plant material The plantain polyculture can be seen as a practically for all purposes, for food, medicine, gradual change from the home garden system constmction and household, fuel, hunting and 66 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58 fishing, crafts, clothing (textiles and dying ma- tory, a varied set of methods to obtain food terials) and for ritual ceremonies. However, at plants. These methods have evolved from wild present the number of species harvested in the plant harvesting and tropical home gardens to primary forest and the yields are less important rotating slash-and-bum agriculture. Subsequent- than in the past. Species harvested for food in ly, under the influence of the "Western" culture the primary forest include herbaceous species, some of the communities of these tribes have such as Passiflora vitifolia HBK, Sechium ta- gradually adapted home garden practices to cul- caco (Pittier) C. Jeffrey, Phytolacca rivinoides tivate one dominant species converting home Kunth et Bouche, and two species of the genera garden system to plantain polyculture, and even- Carludovica; and trees and palms, such as An- tually to conventional plantain monoculture. nona reticulata L., Iriartea gigantea Wendl. ex. The outside world has influenced the use of Burret, three species of the genera Brosimum tropical forest in the Bribri and Cabecar com- and four species of the genera Theobroma. Half munities in different degrees. The agricultural of the species collected for food are also used systems and the management of natural resourc- for other purposes. es in the settlements situated in remote inland The forest is not considered public. In order areas have been least influenced by outside cul- to obtain forest products, the Bribri and the Ca- tures. These, mainly Cabecar areas frequently becar need to ask for permission of the clan in isolated by heavy rainfall and river flooding, still charge of the respective forest area. In some cas- depend exclusively on home garden, rotating es, forest products must be bought. Not respect- slash-and-bum agriculture and wild plant har- ing a clan's control over an area of forest can vesting as food plant sources. The indigenous create friction between clans. In the past, mostly population closer to the coast lives in more ac- young people collected wild plants, usually once cessible environment, has more contact with the a month. Nowadays young generations mostly outside world, and is engaged in commerce. In look after the plantain crop and do not know the these communities, the traditional agricultural secrets related to the attributed properties of the systems have disappeared to a great extent and plants. Wild plant harvesters are now mainly been substituted by plantain monoculture, and older Bribri and Cabecar people, both men and markets have become the most important food women, who also use the products derived. Gen- sources. The acculturation process goes hand in erally, those who do harvest in the primary for- hand with the introduction of crop species and est still respect the traditional rules and restric- the subsequent increasing dependence on the tions and ask/DuaLok/and the other owners of outside world. the forest for permission to obtain the products Of the 84 food plants identified, 51 plants are needed. obtained only from one agroecosystem or from In the past, the primary forest served as a the primary forest, 23 from two sources and 10 close and well-stocked warehouse satisfying from three different sources. It was concluded fresh food and other needs. Wild plant harvest- that 63 food plant species grow in the tropical ing ensured the survival, autonomy and repro- home garden, 21 grow in the plantain polycul- duction of the Bribri and Cabecar cultures. ture system, 24 are harvested in the primary for- est, and 18 species can be obtained in the rotat- DISCUSSION ing slash-and-bum plots. Regarding the uses of The Bribri and the Cabecar live in a relatively these plants, 55 species are used only for food, small area with a radius of 34 km and the two while 12 are also used for medicine, seven for tribes are culturally very close. Cabecar settle- ceremonial rites, five for textiles, and five are ments were mainly located in isolated and hard- also used for construction. to-reach inland areas. Generally, the Bribri oc- Presently, cultivated species dominate the diet cupied less isolated inland areas similar in en- of the Caribbean Talamanca tribes while the im- vironmental characteristics to the Cebecar settle- portance of non-cultivated species is diminish- ments, as well as areas in the lowlands close to ing. Among the cultivated species, exotic spe- the coast. With regard to the use of tropical for- cies are gaining ground from autochthonous spe- est, there are no substantial differences originat- cies owing to the acculturation process. These ing from the past. The Bribri and the Cabecar tendencies are leading to the loss of the tradi- have developed, during the course of their his- tional botanical knowledge among the Bribri and 2004] GARCIA-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 67

Cabecar people. Important autochthonous spe- the structure of the primary forest in their agroe- cies in the diet include: Zea mays L. (maize), cosystems; and their agroecosystem manage- Phaseolus vulgaris L. and Ph. lunatus L. (bean), ment methods and wild plant harvesting practic- Bactris gasipaes Kunth (peach palm), Persea es do not disturb the reproduction dynamics of americana Mill. (avocado), Manilkara zapota plant populations (Peters, Gentry and Mendel- (L.) Van Royen (zapote), Carica papaya L. (pa- sohn 1989; Nepstad and Schwartzman 1992). paya), Capsicum annuum L. (chili pepper), The- Religious beliefs and myths influence the use of obroma cacao L. (cacao); cultivated tubercles, plants, and the observance of ancestral rules and such as Manihot esculenta Crantz. (manioc), restrictions, which govern especially the use of Xanthosoma violaceum Schott., X. sagittifolium wild species, forms part of the traditional un- (L.) Schott. (tiquisque), and Dioscorea trifida L. derstanding of and respect for the tropical forest f. (flame); and wild tubercles, such as Dracon- and contributes to the sustainable use of plant tium pittieri Engl. (hombr6n), Carludovica pal- resources. In some Bribri and Cabecar areas this mata Ruiz et Pav. (semko), Heliconia mariae cultural heritage is being lost, together with the J.P. Hooker (platanillo), Psidium friedrichsthal- rain forest. It is hard to judge which of the two, ianum (Berg.) Nied. (cfis), Sechium edule (Jacq.) the disappearing botanical knowledge and tra- Sw. (cheyote). Important exotic species include: ditions or the decreasing biodiversity, is the Oryza sativa L. (rice), Musa X paradisiaca L. cause and which is the consequence of the other. (plantain), Saccharum officinarum L. (sugar Generation after generation the Bribri and the cane), Coffea arabica L. (coffee); Cocos nuci- Cabecar have had an agreement with nature, fera L. (coconut), Citrus spp. (citrus fruit). which has allowed both to survive to our day Excluding the plantain monoculture areas, (Stone 1961). Agriculture, and to varying de- maize is the most important cultivated species grees wild plant harvesting and hunting and fish- in the Bribri and Cabecar communities. It is used ing, continue being the main activities of the for the preparation of the chicha, the mojozo (a Bribri and Cabecar communities. They have ferment for the chicha), the bollo tamal (meat been based on a balanced system of exploiting pie), the atol (a shake made with dry maize grain nature. In the past, practically everyone in the powder), roast elote (sweet corncob), and the village participated in these activities observing sancochado (a stew). Influenced by Guanacas- the related rules and prohibitions strictly. Today, tecos (inhabitants of the northern plains of Costa young generations do not follow many of the Rica) and by Nicaraguans living on the Carib- rules. In substitution, new forms to control the bean coast of Talamanca, some families have abuse of natural resources are appearing, such adopted Central American food, such as tortilla as the constitution of native ecological organi- and tamale. Maize is also used to feed pigs and zations and the demarcation of territories under domestic birds. Rice, an exotic species of great community administration. importance in the basic diet in Caribbean Tala- manca today, is traditionally sown in foothills ACKNOWLEDGMENTS and highlands and, more recently, on lowlands, We are grateful to the Bribri and Cabecar indigenous people for their generosity and friendship and willingness to share their knowledge. We where the yield is higher. The bean crop areas thank Professor Luis Poveda of the Herbario de la Escuela de Ciencias are concentrated in foothills and plains. The Ca- Ambientales of Universidad Nacional Aut6norna de Heredia, Costa Rica, and Engineer Marion Valerio of the Herbario del Museo National de ribbean Talamanca tribes consume less beans Costa Rica, for their valuable collaboration in the classification of the than maize and rice because of production prob- plants collected for the study, as well as Professors Abdenago Brenes, lems related to the high humidity which make it German Rivera and Heroin Rivera of the Facultad de Agronomfa of Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Heredia and Engineer Rafael Ocam- impossible to obtain good harvests. po from the Proyecto de Conservaci6n del Centro Agron6mico Tropical Traditional Bribri and Cabecar people have a de Investigaci6n y Ensefianza of Turrialba, Costa Rica, for their advice profound knowledge of the ecology of their en- and support during the field work. vironment, as demonstrated, for instance, in the LITERATURE CITED criteria used for selecting a plot for rotating ag- Anon. 1992. The Manila Declaration Concerning the riculture and plantain polyculture. Traditional Ethical Utilization of Asian Biological Resources. exploitation practices have undoubtedly had a UNESCO Regional Network for the Chemistry of great impact on the sustainability of plant re- Natural Products in Southeast Asia, Selangor, Ma- sources: with the exception of plantain mono- laysia. culture, Bribri and Cabecar farmers reproduce Bozzoli De Wille, M. E. 1972. Notas sobre los siste- 68 ECONOMIC BOTANY [VOL. 58

mas de parentesco de los indfgenas costarricenses. forestal en Costa Rica. Primera Fase: Locahizaci6n AmSrica Indigena 32(2):551-571 y caracterizaci6n. Documento de Trabajo No. 34, 1977. Narraciones bribris, Vfnculos 3(1-2): Proyecto DGF-PNUD-FAO, San Jos6. 67-104 Masterson, D., and E. Chavers. 1986. Reconoci- 1986. Nacimiento y muerte entre los Bribris. miento ecol6gico del parque nacional Chirrip6, re- Ed. Universidad de Costa Rica, San JosS. serva indfgena Chirrip6. Informe T6cnico. Proyecto Camacho, J. A. 1974. E1 sistema agffcola de los Ca- para ha planificaci6n del Parque Internacional de becars. Una perspectiva ecol6gica. AmSrica Indi- La Amistad. II Etapa. CATIE/FPN-SPN, San Jos6. gena XXXIV:469-476. Martin, G. P. 1995. Ethnobotany: A conservation Castro, V. 1985. Estudio climatol6gico de Costa Rica manual. Chapman and Hall, London. para la zonificaci6n agropecuaria y forestal. Vol. II. Nepstad, D. and S. Sehwartzman. 1992. Introduc- Talamanca. SEPSA, San JosS. tion: Non-Timber product extraction from tropical Gabb, W. M. 1981. Talamanca, el espacio y los hom- forests. Evaluation of a conservation and develop- bres. Ed. Universidad Estatal a Distancia, San JosS. ment strategy. Advances in Economic Botany 9: Gagini, C. 1921. Cuentos bribris. Revista de Costa VII-XII, New York. Rica. Afio III, No. 1:166-168 Peters, C. M., A. H. Gentry, and R. O. Mendelsohn. G6mez, L. 1986. Vegetaci6n de Costa Rica. Vegeta- 1989. Valuation of Amazonian rainforest. Nature ci6n y Clima de Costa Rica. Ed. Vol. I. Universidad 339:655-656. Estatal a Distancia, San JosS. Pittier, H. 1905. Folklore of the Bribri and Brunch Granados, C., J. Matarrita, and M. L. Brenes. 1981. Indians in Costa Rica. Journal of American Folk- Modo de producci6n y uso del suelo. Universidad lore 16(60):1-9. de Costa Rica. Departamento de Geograffa. Oficina --. 1938. Apuraciones Etnol6gicas sobre los In- dios Bribri. Serie Etnologfa, Vol. I, parte I. Museo de Pubticaciones de la Universidad de Costa Rica, Nacional, San Jos6. San JosS. Ramirez, M., and L. Lewis. 1981. Mapa del Parque Hart, R. 1985. Conceptos B~sicos sobre Agroecosis- Internacional de La Amistad (Mapa Ecol6gico). temas. Ed. CATIE, Turrialba, Costa Rica. Centro Cienfffico Tropical, San Jos6. Hartshorn, G. S. 1991. Suelos. Pages 119-160 in D. Stone, D. 1961. Las Tribus Talamanquefias de Costa Janzen, ed., Historia Natural de Costa Rica. Organ- Rica. Ed. Lehmann, San Jos6. izaci6n de Estudios Tropicales, San JosS. Vargas, G. 1980. Un Estudio Socioecon6mico de ha Holdridge, L., W. C. Grenke, W. H. Hatheway, T. Reserva Indfgena de Talamanca. Escuela de Tra- Liang, and J. A. Tosi, Jr. 1971. Forest Environ- bajo Social. Ed. Universidad de Costa Rica, San ments in Tropical Life Zones: Pilot Study Perga- Jos6. mon Press, New York. V~quez, R. 1988. Characterization of use of tropical 1987. Ecologfa Basada en Zonas de Vida. Ed. natural resources by the Cabecar Indians of Telire, IICA, San JosS. Costa Rica. Master's Thesis, School of the Ohio Junkov, M. 1985. Localizaci6n y valor de ha masa State University, Columbus 2004] GARdA-SERRANO & DEL MONTE: USE OF TROPICAL FOREST IN COSTA RICA 69

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