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269 Louis Massignon, the Melkite Church and Islam

269 Louis Massignon, the Melkite Church and Islam

ARAM, 20 (2008) 269-297. doi: 10.2143/ARAM.20.0.2033133A. O'MAHONY 269

LOUIS MASSIGNON, THE CHURCH AND

ANTHONY O’MAHONY (Heythrop College, University of London)

LOUIS MASSIGNON: ASPECTS OF HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT

Louis Massignon (1883-1962) saw the relationship between and Islam through the lens of the tragic figure of the mystic al-Hallâj (857- 922).1 Al-Hallâj, who was ‘martyred’ in for , represented for Massignon a direct parallel to the suffering of on the cross.2 As Christi- anity had suffering and compassion as its foundation, so too, according to Massignon, did Islam. Indeed, he regarded suffering as fundamental to Semitic and Jewish tradition: “This brings us to a fundamental problem of Semitic, and particularly Jewish psychology, in its most ‘Kirkegaardian’ aspect: there is a hidden but divine good in suffering, and this is the mystery of anguish, the foundation of human nature”3 Massignon’s mystical Catholicism belonged to the core and essence of his being, and it informed his entire understanding of Islam. It was ‘commitment’ to the other outside his own Christian faith which made Massignon such a powerful witness. The Dominican scholar Jean-Pierre de Menasce OP states, “If the attitude of Christians towards Muslims and Is- lam (and consequentially towards all the great ) has changed in the last forty-years, through objective understanding, through gripping the highest and most central values, through a complete respect for people and institu- tions, and all this as a result of Christian intensity and not despite it, this is a great extent owed to Louis Massignon”.4 Indeed, the explicit recasting of

1 Herbert Mason, ‘Louis Massignon et al-Hallâj’, Presence de Louis Massignon. Hommages et témoignages. Textes réunis par Daniel Massignon, : Éditions Maisonneuve et Larose, 1987, pp. 105-112. 2 Roger Arnaldez, ‘Hallâj et Jèsus dans le pensèe de Louis Massignon’, Horizons maghré- bins. Louis Massignon. Hommes de dialogue des cultures, no. 14-15 (1989), pp. 171-178. 3 L. Massignon, ‘Nature in Islamic Thought’, Testimonies and Reflections: Essays of Louis Massignon Selected and introduced by Herbert Mason, Notre Dame, Indiana, University of Notre Dame Press, 1989, p. 83. For an interesting account of Massignon’s relations with Jewish oriental scholarship see, Joel L. Kraemer, ‘The Death of an Orientalist: from Prague to Cairo’, The Jewish Discovery of Islam, Edited by Martin Kramer, Tel Aviv, University Press of Tel Aviv, 1999, pp. 181-223. Kraemer states: “Even though Massignon’s study of Islam was engage and mystique, he respected the philological skills of Jewish scholars like Goldziher and Kraus. Goldziher had helped him with his Kitâb al-tawâsîn, and Kraus contributed to his Akhbâr al-Hallâj. Massignon was impressed by the appreciation that Goldziher, Kraus and other showed for al-Hallâj and tried to explain their attraction to Sufi texts”, p. 192. 4 J-P. De Menasce, ‘Reconnaisance à Louis Massignon’, Mémorial Louis Massignon, Cairo, Dar-es-Salam, 1963, p. 81. These views expressed by De Menasce are more surprising as he was

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western effort, by the French theologian and Cardinal of the Church, Jean Danielou S.J. after the Second World War, as one finding Christ even more then preaching him, can be traced directly to Danielou’s association with Massignon.5 have been pitted against each other because of their overtly worldwide mission. There was for many centuries a territorial standoff between Islam and Christendom, with the attendant isolation of many of the Eastern Churches from the Western Christendom.6 According to David Burrell it would be difficult to find a longer, more sustained animosity than that be- tween ‘official’ Christianity and Islam. For if the Jew was the ‘other’ in the midst of Christendom. Islam was the ‘other’ facing it, and with power at is dis- posal. Massignon came to the view that Islam was more resourceful spiritually than it ever had been militarily and that these resources could be mined by Christians to recover dimensions of their faith hitherto hidden.7 The French

deeply sceptical of Islam as a distinct religious tradition, “Islam, without doubt, is to be ranked among the . The biblical revelation, although poorly known, is not unknown and is for- mally rejected with respect to the essential truths: the Incarnation and the Trinity”, in, ‘La théologie de la mission selon Kraemer’, Neue Zeitschrift für Missionswissenschaft, Vol. 1, 1945, p. 251. 5 See on Jean Danielou see the systematic study by Fritz Frei, Médiation unique et transfigu- ration univer selle themes christologiques et leurs perspectives missionnaires dans la pensée de J. Danielou Bern, Peter Lang, 1981. For relations with Massignon, see Marie-Thérèse Bessirard, ‘Louis Massignon and le Père Daniélou’, Louis Massignon et ses contemporains (éd) Jacques Keryell, Paris, Éditions Karthala, 1997, pp. 163-180. We also think of here Massignon’s influ- ence upon his contemporary Jules Monchanin (1895-1957). On 5 May 1939, at the age of 44 and after many years of patient waiting, Jules Monchanin embarked from Marseilles for India. It was the fulfilment of many years of studying, waiting and hoping. He had wanted to go to India for some ten years hoping to secure the approval of an Indian for a plan of total adaptation to Indian life, and, although two were interested by the originality and uniqueness of Monchanin’s plan of a Christian-Hindu contemplative life, at once totally Christian and fully Hindu, each for his own reason was hesitant to have the French establish a foundation in his diocese. From ordination, Monchanin had been drawn to India as a result of his contact with destined for the East. In their concern with the apostolate they deeply questioned for sociological, economic, and political matters relating to the westernization of Asia as well as the forms and the dynamics of Christian missionary work in Asian culture. The depth of Indian spir- ituality struck him perhaps most strongly in personal contacts. Indian students and friends in Ly- ons gave living proof of India’s vitality and convinced him of the great wealth of spiritual wis- dom India had to give the Church. Thus, in the early thirties it became apparent to Monchanin that he called to give his life to the Church in India. He was convinced that not only does Indian spirituality have to be rethought as Christian but also Christianity must be rethought as Indian: Indian spirituality must be transfigured in the Trinity and Indian will infuse a new life within Christianity. See Française Jacquin, ‘Pour une comprehension des cultures: Louis Mas- signon et l’abbé Monchanin’, Louis Massignon et le dialogue des cultures (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1996), pp. 341-356. 6 See the essays in the various volumes edited by A.O’Mahony, Palestinian Christians: Reli- gion, Politics and Society in the Holy Land, London, Melisende, 1999; The Christian Communi- ties of Jerusalem and the Holy Land: Studies in History, and Politics, Cardiff, Univer- sity of Wales Press, 2003; : Studies in Modern History, Religion and Politics, London, Melisende 2004; and Christianity in the : Studies in Modern His- tory, Religion and Politics, London, Melisende 2008. 7 David Burrell, ‘Mind and Heart at the Service of Muslim-Christian Understanding: Louis Massignon, as Trail Blazer’, The Muslim World, Vol. LXXXVIII, no. 3-4, 1998, pp. 274-276.

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Jesuit André d’Alverny S.J. observed of Massignon “Everywhere, it is a man of prayer, one of the great men of prayer to whom believers of all religions relate and who give unbelievers themselves a secret and happy wound”.8 Massignon’s keen sense, as observed by David Burrell, of there “being but one God, complemented by his careful delineation of the proper notes of each traditions which affirms that ‘onenesss’ as an article of faith, lead him to find resonances between the assertions of each tradition”. That is the very oneness of God leads him antecedently to suspect correlations between divergent tradi- tions, while his respect for those divergences forbids him seeking commo- nalities in other ways.9 Jacques Waardenburg in one of the early accounts of Massignon’s life and work has stated first his understanding was that of the universality and unity of human reason. Wherever reason functions on data, which are analogous but which occur in different historical and social con- texts, the result will be a parallelism which at first sight would seem to have its root in a borrowing or in an imitation, while in reality there is only the same functioning of reason in different individuals.10 Secondly to explain existing parallels if the idea of a certain realm of human imagination. The latter has to use certain images in order to represent non-material and non-rational realities and such images occur at different places and times, and in different social and cultural contexts. At a deeper level, however, they may be considered to be the expression of ‘archetypes’ which manifest themselves at singular points in his- tory, which have a eschatological significance. Lastly is theological rather than philosophical and is meant to explain religious rather than rational or imagina- tive expressions in the realm of mysticism. Certain striking parallels, which can be established between religious or mystical vocations in different reli- gious traditions, could be attributed to one divine grace operating in different minds and souls. It is thus assumed that authentic mystical experiences are due to a divine action, which gives birth to inspirations and vocations, leading to a certain personalisation of the subject and to a direct if not intimate relationship between man and God. Charles Journet (later Cardinal) closely read Mas- signon’s work stated and in his classic work of pre-Vatican II Théologie de l’Église states: “The witness of the of the Orthodox Churches, or the Protestant Churches of of Judaism, or of Islam, or of India, if their sanctity is genuine, would dim the brilliance of the sanctity of the Church only if the latter taught that genu- ine supernatural life and sanctity can be found only among those who belong to

8 A. d’Alverny SJ, ‘Louis Massignon, chrétien et mystique’, Mémorial Louis Massignon, Cairo, Dar-es-Salam, 1963 p. 2 9 David Burrell, ‘Louis Massignon, as Trail Blazer’, p. 274. 10 J. Waardenburg, Louis Massignon's study of religion and Islam; an essay á propos of his Opera Minora’, Oriens, Vol. 21-22, (1968-69) pp. 136-158. Waardenburg has returned to his subject in ‘Louis Massignon (1883-1962) as a student of Islam’, Die Welt des , Vol. 45, no. 3, 2005, pp. 312-342.

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her invisibly and spiritually, without knowing it, by virtue of the grace that they have received from Christ. The Church teaches the contrary”.11 Massignon investigated a number of such vocations in Islam, of which he judged that of al-Hallâj to be superior to that of the others. One scholar has observed that “yet the very exploratory character of his writings, and indeed of his often enigmatic prose, continues to draw from us something which mere scholarship can never do: a glimpse of the spirit which animated these classi- cal works”.12 Massignon understood that his views were controversial to many in the church, however, loyal to the fidelity of the Catholic faith, he always sought clarification from theologians and church authorities. In many ways this what made his contribution to Christian thought on Islam so integral and profound, was that he held it was only by remaining close to the authority of the church and authentically within the tradition that truth could be sustained.13 Louis Massignon was arguably one of the most important scholars of and Islam in the European tradition of the twentieth century,14 who was a dominant presence in the field of Islamic Studies, and whose career which be- gun in 1900, spanned more than sixty years.15 However, distinguished as his career was, today his name would probably be known only within the schol- arly world as related to Islamic studies, were it not for a life whose range de- 11 Charles Journet (1891-1975), Théologie de l’Église, Paris, Desclée De Brouwer, 1958, p. 247. Journet would continue this theme: “The Kingdom, like its king, experiences two phases, one in which it is veiled and in pilgrimage, the other in which it is glorious and definitive”, ‘Le Mystère de l’Eglise selon le Iie Concile du Vatican’, Revue thomiste, no.1, 1965, p. 11. We quote this knowing that Journet was no outsider to reflection on Islam from within the Christian theo- logical tradition see his ‘L’Islam’, Nova et Vetera, Vol. 42, 1967, pp. 137-155. 12 David Burrell, ‘Louis Massignon, as Trail Blazer’, p. 268 13 Massignon wrote in 1937 “Trying to live among my Christian brethren, just as I live it among the others, my faith, hope and love, pregnant of the full dogma> My only way to love my friends is to love them personally, with all that may seem to them, in their R.C. friend ‘queer, obsolete, or borrowed,’ with all that I recognize as the living structural personality of the R.C. Church: ecclesiastic hierarchy, sacramental realism, vows perpetual, all that warrants my irrevocable love; for me, and for them: immaculate in Her Conception, exclusive in Her infalli- bility, indissoluble in Her wedlock, wearing the threefold token of crowning union given by the Spirit to the Bride”, Opera Minora, Vol.III, p. 789. 14 Albert H.Hourani: Islam in European Thought, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press 1990, pp. 43-49. Since his death from a heart attack on the night of October 31, 1962, many memoirs, appreciations, scholarly and biographical studies of Louis Massignon have appeared, attempting to capture and convey something of his range of ideas, interests, and personal imprints on others. Because of the complexity of his life and thought, though he kept nothing of either secret from anyone, he remains richly elusive. And perhaps because of the devotion of his intel- lectual and spiritual disciples, anything approaching an objective, let alone full, biography is dif- ficult to achieve, however see the following studies: Présence de Louis Massignon: Hommages et témoignages. Textes réunis par Daniel Massignon, Paris: Éditions Maisonneuve et Larose 1987; Jean Moncelon: ‘Louis Massignon', La Vie Spirituelle, Vol. 680, 1988, pp. 363-379); C. Destremau & J. Moncelon: Massignon, Paris: Plon 1994; G Zananiri: ‘Massignon', La Vie Spirituelle, Vol 138, No 659, 1984, pp 226-231; Louis Gardet, ‘Louis Massignon’, Dictionnaire de Spiritualité, Fasc. 66-67, Vol. 10, 1978, col. 750-753.. 15 Mary Louise Gude's fine study in English: Louis Massignon: The Crucible of Compas- sion, Notre Dame, Indiana, Notre Dame University Press 1996.

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fies easy categories.16 He made a special contribution to our knowledge of Is- lamic mysticism, , and sociology and had deep and lasting influence upon Islamic studies in general, particularly in .17 However his most lasting contribution was to how Islam was to be understood and interpreted within the Christian tradition and in particular within his own Catholic Church18 and its thinkers.19 By the force of his personality and the originality of his ideas Louis Massignon was perhaps the only Islamicist scholar who was a central figure in the intellectual life of his time.20 Abbé Harpigny21 in his study Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Mas- signon,22 divides Louis Massignon's life into three episodes: ‘le cycle halla-

16 P Rocalve, Place et rôle de l'Islam et de l'Islamologie dans la vie et l'œuvre de Louis Massignon, (Thèse de doctorat, Sorbonne, 1990. which has now been published as P. Rocalve: Place et rôle de l'Islam et de l'Islamologie dans la vie et l' œuvre de Louis Massignon, Institut Français de Damas, Collection Témoignages et Documents, No. 2, 1993. 17 is critical of Massignon. However, as has been pointed out by others that Said rarely engages with religious belief or discourse with sufficient rigour or understanding see his, ‘Islam, the Philological Vocation and French Culture: Renan and Massignon', Islamic Studies: A Tradition and its Problems, edited by Malcolm H Kerr, California, Malibu: Undena Publications 1980, pp. 53-72; and Orientalism: Western Conceptions of the Orient, London, Routledge & Kegan Paul 1978, pp 263-274. See the work of Roger Arnaldez as a counterpoint, ‘La pensée et l’oeuvre de Louis Massignon comme clés pour l’étude de la civilisation musulmane’, Louis Massignon au Coeur de notre temps, éd. Jacques Keryell, Paris, Éditions Karthala, 1999, pp. 305-320. 18 Roger Arnaldez: Abrahamisme, Islam et christianisme chez Louis Massignon, L'Herne Massignon, éd, J.-F. Six, Paris, Éditions l’Herne 1970, pp. 123-125; Neal Robinson, ‘Massignon, Vatican II and Islam as an Abrahamic Religion’, Islam and Christian-Muslim Relations, Vol. 2, 1991, pp. 182-205; Robert Caspar: La vision de l'Islam chez Louis Massignon et son influence sur l'Eglise, L'Herne Massignon, ed. J.-F. Six, Paris, 1970, pp. 126-147; Maurice Borrmans: ‘Louis Massignon, Témoin du dialogue islamo-chrétien' , Euntes Docete, Vol. 37, 1984, pp. 383- 401; A. O’Mahony, ‘‘Our Common Fidelity to is what divides’: Christianity and Islam in the Life and Thought of Louis Massignon’, Catholics and Interreligious Dialogue: Studies in Monasticism, and Spirituality, Edited by A. O’Mahony & Peter Bowe osb, Leo- minister, Gracewing, 200, pp. 151-192. 19 For example the Cistercian , see Sidney H.Griffiths: ‘Thomas Merton, Louis Massignon and the Challenge of Islam’, The Merton Annual: Studies in Thomas Merton, Religion, Culture, Literature and Social Concerns, Vol. 3, 1990, pp. 151-172; ‘Mystics and Sufi Masters: Thomas Merton and Dialogue between Christians and Muslims’, Islam and Christian- Muslim Relations, Vol. 15, 2004, pp. 299-316. 20 Massignon also had long relationship with Judaism and Jewish scholars see: Dominique Bourel: ‘Louis Massignon face à Israël', Louis Massignon et le dialogue des cultures, Paris, Les Éditions du Cerf, 1996), pp. 293-306; Jacques Nantet: ‘Louis Massignon et le Judaisme', L'Herne Massignon, ed. J.-F. Six, Paris, 1970, pp. 220-224; A. O’Mahony, ‘Le pélerin de Jérusalem: Louis Massignon, Palestinian Christians, Islam and the State of ’, Palestinian Christians: Religion, Politics and Society, edited by Anthony O’Mahony, London, Melisende, 1999, pp. 166-189. 21 See Guy Harpigny unpublished doctoral thesis, ‘Le Sacerdoce selon Louis Massignon (1883-1962) Attitude chrétienne devant l’Islam’ (1978), a version of which was published as Is- lam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, Louvain, Université Catholique de Louvain 1981. Harpigny gives us an overview and Massignon’s place in Catholic theological reflection on Is- lam, ‘L’Islam aux yeux de la théologie catholique’, Aspects de la Foi de l’Islam, Bruxelles, Publicatins des Facultés universitairés Sain-Louis, 1985, pp. 199-239. 22 G. Harpigny: Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, Louvain, Université Catho- lique de Louvain 1981, p. 27-28

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gien’ – which ended with the submission of his doctoral thesis: La Passion d'al-Hosayn-ibn Mansour al-Hallâj, martyre mystique de l'Islam in 1922; ‘le cycle abrahamique’ – up until his ordination as a priest in the Greek Catholic Melkite church in Cairo in 1950; and ‘un cycle gandhien’ – a period of politi- cal activism which ended with his death in 1962. It was also during the latter part of his life he developed a strong interest in Shi’a Islam. What he found in Shi’ism, was an appeal to heroism a fight for divine justice but also for justice on earth, as well as disquietude, seeing an anguished in the human condition that did not exist in Sunni thought. He also saw there an idea which was very dear to him: that of the restorative value of suffering. He would, in the future, be confronted with two great forms of Is- lam: a serene Islam, that of the masses, that of the perennial faith which noth- ing threatened, confident in divine justice; and Shi’a Islam, with its desire for human justice which attracted him but without convincing him completely. Massignon was also able to develop another one of his theological themes in relation to Shi’a Islam – divine substitution. The premises of Islamic substitu- tion, to use his expression, can be found among the Shiites: ‘Ali was the first substitute, Fatima is the female rôle model in Islam, and Sâlman Pâk, whose rôle among Shiites is known, particularly among extremist Shiites, was the first (or second) of the , or apotrophe substitutes, in this continuous spir- itual chain which follows the work of Redemption of the humanity.23 However we understand or measure the work and personality of Louis Massignon, there was a deep symmetry between his writings, his acts, and his beliefs.24 At the centre of Massignon's scholarly endeavour was the search for what was, or is, original in a person, a society or a work. Authenticity, where present, was one of the qualities he sought: there took place what was worth- while and essential. Such authenticity could lie in the subject matter, which

23 See the studies by Pierre Rocalve, ‘Massignon et le shi'isme’, Luqmân (Tehran), prin- temps-été, 1991, pp. 53-64; ‘Louis Massignon et l', Louis Massignon et le dialogue des cul- tures, Paris, Éditions du Cerf, 1996, pp. 307-340; Michel Cuypers: Une rencontre mystique: ‘Ali Shari'ati – Louis Massignon’, Melanges de l'Institut Dominicain d'Etudes Orientales, Vol. 21 (1993), pp. 291-330; Yann Richard, ‘Ali Shar’iati et Massignon’, Louis Massignon et l’Iran, Edited by Eve Pierunek & Yann Richard, Paris – Teheran, Travaux et mémoires de l’Institut d’études iraniennes, 5, 2000, pp.23-29, pp. 111-124. An attempt to synthesis these re- cent French studies on Massignon, Shi’a Islam and Iran see A.O’Mahony, ‘Mysticism and Poli- tics: Louis Massignon, Sh’ia Islam, Iran and Ali ’ti’, University Lectures in Islamic Stud- ies, Vol. 2, 1998, pp. 113-134; ‘Mysticism, Politics, Dialogue: Catholic Encounters with Shi’a Islam in the Life and Work of Louis Massignon’, Catholics and Shi’a in Dialogue: Studies in Theology and Spirituality, Edited by Anthony O’Mahony, Wulstan Peterburs OSB & Mhammad Ali Shomali, London, Melisende 2004, pp. 134-184; ‘The Image of Jesus and Christianity in Shi’a Islam and Modern Iranian Thought’, A Faithful Presence essays for Kenneth Cragg, Edited by David Thomas with Clare Amos, London, Melisende, 2003, 256-273; ‘ Rice, op., l’Islam chiite et la mission dominicaine en Perse-Iran, 1933-1934’, Mémoire dominicaine: Les Dominicains et les mondes musulmans, no. 15 (2001), pp. 217-225. 24 For Massignon's mysticism see: J. Keryell, Jardin Donné, Louis Massignon à la recherche de l'Absolu, Paris-Fribourg: Éditions -Paul, 1993.

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was expressed, or in the way in which such subject matter was expressed. His interest was aroused by the particular traits pointing to a certain authenticity. Behind such originality or authenticity Massignon could detect, in some cases, a sensitivity to a testimony. This sensitivity was at the basis of his never end- ing attention to expressions of the human soul, especially those of a religious connotation. Massignon's research constantly faced the methodological diffi- culty of proving that something was or was not a borrowing from something else.25 This was particularly true in the debates with the Spanish Catholic priest-scholar Miguel Asin Palacios on the Christian antecedents of Islamic mysticism.26 However, if Massignon could not present strict evidence, he al- ways attempted to discover other hypotheses than those of direct literary or historical derivation, in order to explain similarities between different phenom- ena without any apparent relationship. For example, he showed considerable interest in such coincidences as existed both in Islam and in Christianity and sought to link them with each other or find some connection between them at a deeper level.27 As Sidney Griffith’s has demonstrated that a clear record of how Massignon reconciled his scholarly work on Islam with his Orthodox Christian and Catho-

25 See the following works by Jacques Waardenburg who seeks to make a general assessment of Massignon as a religious thinker and as an Islamicist:’; ‘Massignon: notes for further re- search’, The Muslim World, Vol. 56 (1966). pp. 157-172; L'Islam dans le miroir de l'occident, Paris: Mouton 1963; ‘Regard de phénoménologie religieuse’, L'Herne Massignon, ed. J.-F. Six, Paris, 1970, pp. 148-156; ‘L’impact du travail de Louis Massignon sur les etudes islamiques, Louis Massignon au Coeur de notre temps, ed. Jacques Keryell, Paris, Éditions Karthala, pp. 295-304; ‘The Impact of Louis Massignon (1883-1962) on Islamic Studies’, Encounter: Documents for Muslim-Christian Understanding, No. 311, 2005, pp. 1-13. 26 Mikel de Epalza, ‘Massignon et Asin Palacios: une longue amitié et deux approches différentes de l'Islam’, L'Herne Massignon (éd) J.-F. Six, Paris, Éditions l’Herne, 1970, pp. 157- 169. 27 Louis Massignon's bibliography as a scholar is impressive. For the complete bibliography of see: : L'Œuvre de Louis Massignon; Pentalogie Islamo-Chrétienne I (Bei- rut: Éditions du Cénacle Libanais, 1972-73). Amongst his studies, the first place must go to his two doctoral theses of 1922: La Passion d'al-Hosayn-ibn Mansour al-Hallâj, martyre mystique de l'Islam Paris: Geuthner, 1922, First Edition, 2 Vols. Massignon continued to work on a new edition of this work until his death in 1962. After his death, the new edition was assembled by a group of scholars working together with the Massignon family and friends, which was published as: La Passion de Husayn ibn Mansur Hallâj, martyre mystique de l'Islam Paris: Gallimard 1975, Second Edition, 4 Vols. The second edition was translated into English by Herbert Mason as: The Passion of al-Hallâj: Mystic and Martyr of Islam Bollingen Series XCVIII. Princeton University Press 1982, 4 Vols. An abridged version appeared as: Hallâj: Mystic and Martyr ed- ited and translated by Herbert Mason. Princeton University Press, 1994. And Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane. First Edition: Paris: Geuthner, 1922; Second Edition: Paris: Vrin 1954; Third Edition: Paris: Vrin 1968. Translated into English by Benjamin Clark as: Essays on the origins of the technical language of Islamic mysticism. Univer- sity of Notre Dame Press 1999); One important edition to this bibliography is: Testimonies and Reflections: Essays of Louis Massignon. Selected and translated by Herbert Mason. University of Notre Dame Press 1989. We also have three volumes of Opera Minora, containing some 207 of Massignon's articles Opera Minora Edited by Abbé Y. Moubarac, : Dar al-Maaref 1963 and Paris: Presses Universitaries de France, 1969.

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lic beliefs is found in Les trois prieres d'Abhraham: Seconde priere, which is a meditation on Abraham's prayer for , as reported in Genesis. He stresses that Ishmael's exile took place after he had been circumcised and had received God's blessing in response to Abraham's prayer (Genesis 17:18-20). Massignon sees in Muhammad's own forced emigration, or hijra, from , a repetition of Ishmael's banishment at the instigation of Sarah. He suggests that, when Muhammad encountered the in Medina, he therefore declared before God that he drew his inspiration from Abraham and claimed Abraham’s entire spiritual and temporal heritage for the alone.28 In later years, he became particularly interested in those phenomena which show a convergence or dialogue between Islam and Christianity: the meeting of Muhammad and the Christians of Najran, the cult of Fatima as a parallel to the veneration of the Virgin Mary, the veneration of the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus by Chris- tians and Muslims alike,29 vocations within Islam of mystical compassion and substitution like that of al-Hallâj. Massignon, who was very interested in biog- raphy, liked to plot on the graph of what he called Curve de vie or ‘the curve of life’ of the life stories which attracted his attention. He also thought that there are ‘Christic’ figures within Islam who could ultimately play a role in bringing Muslims to confess the divine sonship of Jesus, the Christ, if only at the last judgement, such figures included Salmân Pâk,30 al-Hallâj,31 al-Ghâzali and others. The renewal of Massignon's Christian religious consciousness was directly linked in his own mind to Islam. Al-Hallâj, particularly, had moved forever beyond the realm of mere academic interest to become an actual guiding fra- ternal force. Their extraordinary friendship: “filled the heart of Massignon and shaped his mind so thoroughly that he can be seen as the greatest Muslim among Christians and the greatest Christian among Muslims”.32 Massignon, with his involvement in the political issues of his time, Jerusalem, Palestine, , , was not just a radical activist, but a radical exemplar of a Hallâjian synthesis of the heart and mind, qalb and 'aql, ‘unalienated from one another’. This was his full achievement as a human being and the simplest, profoundest fruit of his friendship with al-Hallâj. In a letter to the American mystic and Cistercian monk Thomas Merton, he wrote:

28 Sidney H. Griffith: Sharing the Faith of Abraham: the ‘Credo' of Louis Massignon, Islam and Muslim-Christian Relations, Vol. 8, no. 2 (1997), pp. 193-210. 29 A.O’Mahony, ‘Louis Massignon, the Seven Sleepers of Ephesus and the Christian-Muslim Pilgrimage at Vieux-Marché, ’, Explorations in a Christian Theology of Pilgrimage, Ed- ited by Craig Bartholomew and Fred Hughes, London, Ashgate, 2004, pp. 126-148. 30 Jean Moncelon: ‘Salmân Pâk dans la spiritualité de Louis Massignon’, Luqmân, Téhéran, autonme-hiver, 1991-1992, pp. 53-64. 31 R.Arnaldez, Hallaj ou la religion de la croix, Paris, Plon 1964; Herbert Mason, Al-Hallaj, Richmond, Curzon Press, 1995. 32 Ibrahim Madkour, ‘Louis Massignon’, L'Herne Massignon, op. cit., p.68

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“My case is not to be imitated; I made a duel with our Lord, and having been an outlaw (against nature in love), against law (substituted to Moslems), and Hierarchy…(leaving my native proud Latin community for a despised, brided and insignificant Greek Catholic Melkite church), I die lonely in my family, for whom I am a bore…I am a gloomy scoundrel”33 He died during the night of 31 October 1 November 1962. In his study “Une courbe personnelle de vie: la cas de Hallâj, martyr mys- tique de l’Islam”34, Louis Massignon wrote that to construct ‘une courbe de vie’ ‘obviously one must choose for each individual their personal axis which is particular to them’ for himself that axis was clearly Islam. Undoubtedly it would conform to his personal spiritual journey to choose an axis, in his case a Christian vocation to witness, his relation to the divine, and even more pre- cisely ‘the cross’ which was the guiding theme in his life. But to trace this ‘courbe de vie’ one must penetrate the secret parts of his soul. Islam was most clearly the key to his whole life, public and professional, as well as private and intimate. Research, teaching, political and spiritual engagement, the seeker, the professor, the grammarian, the linguist, the sociologist as well as the public man commissioned to the service of the state or the man of action defending collective and individual causes, the religious man and even the priest, con- stantly offering himself to Muslim souls, all these aspects of Massignon met in one pivotal theme: Islam. This axial point, Islam, for Massignon also joined his vocation to Arab Christianity as expressed in the religious culture and ecclesiology of the Melkite Greek .

LOUIS MASSIGNON AND THE MELKITE CHURCH

On the 28 January 1950, Kemal Medawar, auxiliary of the Greek Catholic Patriarch Maximos IV, ordained Louis Massignon Priest in Cairo. Before de- scribing the sequence of events from Massignon’s entry into the Greek Catho- lic Church and until to his ordination and his life as a priest, we will briefly situate this church in the context of the Eastern Churches.

Melkite Greek Catholic Church.35 The name ‘Melkite’ originally applied to all Christians of the in the historical Patriarchates of Alexandria, Antioch and Jerusalem, who ac-

33 Louis Massignon to Thomas Merton, 31 December 1960, Thomas Merton Study Centre, Bellarmine College, Louisville, Kentucky quoted in Sidney H. Griffith: ‘Thomas Merton, Louis Massignon and the Challenge of Islam’, The Merton Annual, Vol. 3 (1990), pp. 151-172. 34 L. Massignon, ‘Une courbe personnelle de vie: la cas de Hallâj, martyr mystique de l’Islam’, Dieu Vivant, cahier 4, 1945, pp. 11-39. 35 I have found the account given by F.M. Pareja SJ of the modern history of Melkite Catholic Church of great help in constructing this section, ‘Society and Politics’, Religion in the Middle East, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1969, Vol. 2, pp. 515-518.

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cepted the Christological faith professed by the Byzantine Emperor after the Council of Chalcedon (451). More recently it has come to refer to the Byzan- tine Catholics in those Patriarchates who use Arabic in their liturgy.36 Jesuits, Capuchins and began ‘pro-union’ activity in the Ortho- dox Patriarchate of Antioch in the mid-17th century. While there were some conversions, the missionaries were primarily concerned with forming a pro- Catholic party within the Patriarchate itself. By the early 18th century, the Antiochene church had become polarized, with the pro-Catholic party centered in Damascus and the anti-Catholic party in its rival city, Aleppo. Patriarch Athanasios III Debbas, who died on August 5, 1724, had desig- nated as his successor a Cypriot monk named Sylvester. His candidacy was supported by the Aleppo party and the Patriarch of Constantinople.37 But on September 20, 1724, the Damascus party elected as Patriarch a strongly pro- Catholic candidate who took the name Cyril VI.38 A week later, the Patriarch of Constantinople ordained Sylvester as Patriarch of Antioch. The Ottoman government recognized Sylvester, while Cyril was deposed and excommuni- cated by Constantinople and compelled to seek refuge in . Benedict XIII recognized Cyril's election as Patriarch of Antioch in 1729. Thus the schism was formalized, and the Catholic segment of the Patriarchate eventually became known as the Melkite Greek Catholic Church.39 In the beginning this new Catholic community was limited to what is now Syria and Lebanon. But Melkite Catholics later began to immigrate to Pales- tine, where Melkite communities had long existed, and especially to from the eighteenth century onwards. In view of the new demographic situa- tion, the Melkite Catholic Patriarch was given the additional titles of Patriarch of Jerusalem and Alexandria in 1838.40 At first the Ottoman government was very hostile to this new church and took strong measures against it. The first years of the nineteenth century brought persecution to these Catholics of Aleppo and Damascus, incited by the Orthodox Greeks, which did not affect the of Lebanon under the pro-

36 Ignace Dick, Les Melkites. Grec-Orthodoxes et Grec-Catholiques des Patriarcats d’An- tioche, d’Alexandrie et de Jérusalem, Tourani, Brepols, 1994. 37 Robert M.Haddad, ‘Constantinople over Antioch, 1516-1724: Patriarchal Politics in the Ottoman Era’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, Vol. 41, no. 2, 1990, pp. 217-238. 38 Robert M.Haddad, ‘On Melkite Passage to the Unia: The Case of Patriarch Cyril al-Za’im (1672-1720), Christians and Jews in the Ottoman Empire: The Arabic Speaking Lands, Vol. I, Edited by B.Braude & B.Lewis, Boston, Holmes & Meier, 1982, pp. 67-90. 39 Markos Foskolos, ‘L’Unione parziale del Patriarcato di Antiochia (1724): una delle principali preoccupazioni della S.C. nel Medio Oriente’, Sacrae Congregationis de Proganda Fide: Memoria Reurm, 1622-1972 (-Freiburg-Vienna 1973), Vol. 2 (1700-1815), pp. 319- 334. 40 Thomas Philipp, The Syrians in Egypt, 1725-1975, Stuttgart, Franz Steiner Verlag, 1985, pp. 1-54; Th. Phillipp, ‘Demographic Patterns of Syrian Migration to Egypt in the 18th century’, Asian and African Studies, Vol. 16, 1982, pp. 171-195.

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tection of Amir Shihab.41 The Orthodox prelates took these desperate remedies because they had not succeeded in preventing wholesale conversions to Ca- tholicism a relatively easy matter since the converts were still subjects of their millet. The ‘Catholic Emancipation Act’ of 1831 put an end to the persecution, and after Muhammad ‘Ali's occupation of Syria the lot of the Christians of the country took a turn for the better. But conditions improved with the passage of time. The Basilian, Salvatorian and Choueirite orders provided the core of the Melkite Church owing to the scarcity of secular .42 The most outstanding individual in the Melkite church in those days was Maximos Mazlum. Made bishop of Aleppo in 1810, his election was quashed in Rome. He went to Rome, and there he vas forced to remain from 1813 to 1831. When the Eastern Catholics asked for the restoration of the Jesuit missions Mazlum offered him- self to the new Pope Gregory XVI as their guide. Gregory XVI was agreeable, and Mazlum accompanied Fathers Ricadonna and Planchet to Syria. Rome or- dered the meeting of a synod in Zuq1831 to resolve the difficulties facing the Melkites. Mazlum was present and tried in vain to persuade the old patriarch Ignatius V Qattan to appoint him as vicar; but after the patriarch's death in Kisrawan in 1833, Maximos V Mazlum stepped into the Patriarchate.43 He was regarded as intelligent, diplomatic and sincere in his faith. Egyptian rule made it possible for Maximos V to make his solemn entry into Damascus in 1834 and visit many dioceses. On 31 October 1837 he was invested with the berat, which now gave him civil jurisdiction over all his people in the Ottoman Em- pire.44 In 1836 Mazlum had gone to Egypt, to find himself involved in the struggle between Muhammad ‘Ali and the Porte, so he wisely withdrew to Rome and afterwards to France, until in 1843 he was able to return to Constantinople where he stayed five years and contrived to obtain the complete independence and recognition of the Melkite millet. In 1848 the government formally recognized the Melkite Greek Catholic Church, and the Patriarchate itself moved to Damascus from Holy Saviour Monastery near Sidon, Lebanon, where Cyril VI had established it after he fled there. This was followed by a period of growth, enhanced by the popular per- ception of the Melkite church as a focus of growing Arab national sentiment 41 Hidemitsu Kuroki, ‘The Orthodox-Catholic Clash in Aleppo in 1818’, Orient, Vol. 29, 1993. 42 Timothée Jack, Jésuites et Choueirites ou la fondation des religieuses Basilians Chouei- rites de Notre-Dame de l’Annociation à Zouq-Mikail (Liban) (1730-1746), Central Falls, R.I. 1936. Reviewed and noted by Goerg Hoffman, SJ in Orientalia Christiana Periodica (Rome), Vol. 3, 1937, pp. 703-705. 43 Joseph Hajjar, Un Lutteur infatigable, le patriarche Maximos III Mazloum, Harrisa (Liban), 1957. 44 Alfred Schlicht, Frankreich und die syrischen christen (1799-1861): minoritaten und europaischer imperialismus im Vorderen Orient, Berlin, Klaus Schwarz Verlag, 1981.

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against the Ottoman Turks.45 The Orthodox Patriarchate of Antioch, on the other hand, was viewed by many as dependent upon Constantinople and there- fore upon the Ottoman government. With the object of re-organizing his Church he arranged for a council, which took place in Jerusalem from May to June in 1849.46 After the council passed his schemes, he proposed to promulgate them without reference to Rome, against the advice of his prelates. During this council he had difficulties with the metropolitan of Beirut, Agapios Riyashi. After the council Mazlum had moved to Aleppo, but when a Muslim revolt degenerated into a Christian massacre he fled to Damascus, where he stayed from 1851 till 1854. In 1852 Pius IX ordered him to Rome with Agapios Riyashi. He refused to go. He set out for Egypt in November 1854 with the object of building a cathedral and patriarchal residence, but death overtook him in August 1855. His Patriarchate is conspicuous for the increase in membership of his Church which from 50,000 in 1833 had grown to 70,000 by 1855. He had brushes with his bishops when he meddled in their affairs, and occasionally with the laity. He laid the foundations of a regular celibate clergy as a nursery for future bishops. There were eight of these when he became patriarch, and thirteen when he died. To promote this education the Jesuits had founded the seminary at Bikfayya in 1833; this was moved to Ghazir in 1845 and later to Beirut in 1875. Until then he had had to rely on the monks for parochial duties, but extra-conventual life proved fatal to monastic discipline, and the brotherhoods became a battle- ground of monks, fighting for bishoprics and benefices. Rome had appointed the metropolitan of Tyre as topoteretes but he died in 1854 and had not been replaced. When Mazlum died the Apostolic Delegate Brunoni convoked and presided over a synod which elected the Salvatorian

45 One of the first political expressions of discontent with Ottoman rule in Palestine, which included a desire for an independent Arab state was given by Naj'ib ‘Azuri's (Najib Azouri) in a book he published in 1905 entitled: Le réveil de la nation arabe dans l'Asie Turquie en présence des intérêts et des rivalités des puissances étrangères, de la Curie Romaine et du patriarcat oecuménique. Partie asiatique de la question de l'Orient et programme de la Ligue de la Patrie Arabe.45 Azouri was born (c. 1870) in the village of ‘Azur in southern Lebanon. He was a Syrian Christian, a Maronite or Greek Catholic, educated in Constantinople and Paris. He was made an assistant to the Governor of Jerusalem and served as an official in the sanjak of Jerusalem from 1898 until 1904. Azouri then proposes creating a national Arabic catholic church where Syriac, Greek and Latin are banned and the language of prayer and liturgy is exclusively Arabic. Azouri proposes that such a church should have a patriarch of its own and predicts that this new rite will absorb all the others, which would include the Orthodox communities as well within a short pe- riod of time. He implores the Pope to take steps in this direction. Stefan Wild: ‘Negib Azoury and His Book: Le réveil de la nation arabe', Intellectual Life in the Arab East 1890-1939, Edited by Marwan R Buheiry Beirut, American University of Beirut Press, 1981, pp. 92-104. As can be imagined Azouri’s ideas did not receive agreement from other Arab Christian thinkers. See for example St. Wild: ‘Ottomanism versus Arabism. The Case of Farid Kassab (1884-1970)', Die Welt des Islams, n.s. Vol. 28, 1988, pp. 607-627. 46 Cyril Charon, ‘Le concile Melkite de Jérusalem en 1849’, Echos d’Orient, Vol. 10, 1907, pp. 21-31.

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bishop of Acre, Clément Bahuth (1856-64)47, a prelate who had kept outside church politics. He implemented the wishes of Rome to adopt the Gregorian calendar, hitherto accepted by and Chaldeans alone. Mazlum him- self had given thought to this, but considered that some preliminary prepara- tion was advisable. The new patriarch's decision had few objectors to begin with, but Agapios of Beirut, embittered against Rome among other things by his rejection as candidate for the Patriarchate, organized a movement of resist- ance. He befriended two clerical groups in Egypt and Damascus, refused to obey the pope and won over the bishops of Zahle, Sidon and Baalbeck to his side. Without a word to Rome or the synod, Clément resigned and retired to his convent; but Pius IX would not hear of it, so he took his seat once more. Agapios ignored a summons to Rome, consulted his three allies in Zahle in 1859, intimated that he took Clement's resignation for granted, and put him- self at the head of the millet. Rome condemned Agapios and advised Clement to appeal to the Porte, but the Porte, on the eve of the massacres in Lebanon, was not interested in Christian reconciliation. These massacres in Lebanon and Damascus had an impact on the Melkites almost as hard as they hit the Maronites. The three dissenting bishops yielded to the patriarch after the mas- sacres, but Agapios, encouraged by Russian agents, still held out in company with other dissidents who had built their own chapels in Damascus and Alex- andria, calling themselves sharqiyyun, (Orientals). However in the end most of them gave in. In the 19th century the Melkite church experienced tensions in its relation- ship with Rome because many Melkites felt that their Byzantine identity was being overwhelmed by the Latin tradition.48 This uneasiness was symbolized at Vatican I when the then Melkite Patriarch Gregory II Youssef left Rome before the council fathers voted on the constitution Pastor Aeternus, which defined papal infallibility and universal jurisdiction.49 At Rome's request, the Patriarch later assented to the document, but he only did so with the clause, “all rights, privileges and prerogatives of the Patriarchs of the Eastern Churches being respected” added to the formula. 47 Cyril Charon, ‘Bahouth (Clément), Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésias- tiques, Vol. 6, 1932, col. 229-236. 48 At the , Melkite Patriarch Maximos IV Sayegh spoke forcefully against the Latinization of the Eastern Catholic churches, and urged a greater receptivity to the eastern Christian traditions, especially in the area of ecclesiology. Today the Melkite bishops, including the former Patriarch Maximos IV, support the idea that, in the event of reconciliation between the Orthodox and Catholic churches, their church should be reintegrated into the Ortho- dox Patriarchate of Antioch. A bilateral commission for dialogue between the Melkites and Antiochene Orthodox was established in 1995, and both sides expressed the firm intention to heal the schism of 1724. See Gabriel Hachem, ‘Un projet de communion ecclésiale dans le patriarcat d’Antioche entre les Églies grec-orthodoxe et Melkite-catholique’, Irénikon, Vol. LXXII, 1999, pp. 453-478. 49 Joseph Nasrallah, ‘Mgr Gregoire et le concile du Vatican’, Proche-Orient Chrétien, Vol. XI, 1961, pp. 297-320; Vol. 12, 1962, pp. 97-122.

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Clément Bahuth again sent in his resignation which this time Plus IX ac- cepted, on 24 September 1864. In his place, the Salvatorian Gregory II Youssef of Acre, an alumnus of Ghazir and Rome, received the title of the tri- ple Patriarchate. A zealous defender of the rites and privileges of his Church, he kept things going with a small body of clergy who ‘lacked education and knowledge of their tradition’.50 He founded two patriarchal colleges, in Beirut in 1865 and in Damascus in 1874. In 1886 he re-established the seats of Paneas and Tripoli, as well as the ‘Ayn Tiraz seminary. In 1887 he gave the charge of the ancient seminary of St Anne in Jerusalem to Lavigerie and the White Fathers, and at the pope's suggestion it was opened as a purely Melkite seminary, with complete respect for their rites.51 Gregory II died in Damascus, in July 1897. The next election gave much trouble, while Cyril Geha of Aleppo was topoteretes. Only by a majority vote after an election punctuated by unfortu- nate incidents was Peter IV Jaraigiry of Zahle elected. The unrest attending the election lasted for the duration of the patriarchate. His attitude during diocesan visits occasioned protests to Rome, and only at his death did they cease. Cyril Geha, topoteretes once more, was elected unanimously at ‘Ayn Tiraz on 28 June 1902. His peaceful disposition induced calm after five years of storm. Cyril VIII did not look forward to the conciliatory council suggested by Leo XIII, but it took place at last ‘Ayn Tiraz, lasting from 30 May to 8 July 1909 -a sad spectacle of antagonism between reformers and monastics. The monastics disliked the secular clergy from St Anne's, and the patriarch dared not interfere. They were in the majority, and removed any hope of an agree- able settlement. He escaped this difficult situation by removing himself to Alexandria, where he died on 10 January 1916. The terrible war of 1914-18 with its sequel of hunger, executions and ban- ishment made an election ordered by the Porte impossible. Basil Hajjar of Sidon only lasted a short while as topoteretes, for he died soon after he re- ceived the firman. In March 1916 Dimitri Qadi, of Aleppo, was confirmed as topateretes by Rome until the interned bishops could return to their seats in 1919 to elect him unanimously as Dimitri I. The new patriarch resolutely re- fused the laity any part in episcopal elections; he undertook to repair the dam- ages of war, and began many charitable and cultural movements. He died in I925. Next in line was Cyril IX Mughabghab of Zahle. In 1932 he created the eparchies of Petra and Philadelphia in Jordan, which progress towards the

50 F.M. Pareja SJ, ‘The Melkite Catholic Church’, p. 517 51 Claude Soetens, ‘Lavigerie, le christianisme orientale et l’union des Églises’, Bulletin de Littérature ecclésiastique, Vol. XCV, 1994, pp. 2-22; Frans Bouwen, ‘Le cardinal Lavigerie et l’union entre Égiles d’Orient et d’Occident’, Bulletin de Littérature ecclésiastique, Vol. XCV, 1994, pp. 23-37.

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Catholic movement there during the twentieth century, had made imperative. In 1936 and the years following various, religious congregations were founded, many churches built, and schools to meet the demands of the grow- ing streams of immigrants, to which the First World War had largely contrib- uted. Then the Egyptian Melkite numbered 30,000, but from 1956 their num- bers started falling off rapidly. Cyril IX died on 8 September 1947, and on 30 October Maximos IV Sa'igh, metropolitan of Beirut, was elected. In 1944 the Melkite church had 55,000 members.

Massignon, the circumstances of his ordination52 Massignon had desired to become a priest since 1908. When he considered to which rite he should be ordained he thought that he ought to become a priest in the Chaldean Church.53 It was in Baghdad that he had found his faith again.54 It was in Baghdad that Al-Hallâj had been intercessor.55 And it was in the same city that Massignon had lived like an Arab with a Muslim family be- tween 1907-1908. Baghdad, the ‘Holy City’56 which had lead him to God and

52 My account of Louis Massignon as priest in the Melkite Church is deeply indebted to the Guy Harpigny chapter, ‘Le sacerdoce dans une Eglise orientale’, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, Louvain, Université Catholique de Louvain 1981, pp. 124-138. 53 For the history of the Chaldean Church see, A. O’Mahony ‘The Chaldean Catholic Church: The Politics of Church-State Relations in Modern Iraq’, The Heythrop Journal, Vol. XLV (2004), pp. 435-450;‘Syriac Christianity in the modern Middle East’, The Cambridge Eastern Christianity Vol. V., Edited by Michael Angold, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2006), pp. 511-535; ‘Eastern Christianity in Modern Iraq’, Eastern Christian- ity: Studies in Modern History, Religion and Politics, Edited by A. O’Mahony London, Melisende 2004, pp. 11-43; ‘Christianity in Modern Iraq’, International Journal for the Study of the Christian Church, Vol. 4, no. 2., 2004, pp. 121-142. 54 Jean-Marie Mérigoux, ‘La reconnaissance de Massignon envers l’Irak’, La vie spirituelle, Vol. 131, no. 620, 1977, pp. 434-443. 55 On Al-Hallâj see Ettore De Filippo, ‘Il caracttere cristiano della crocifissione del Martire Musulmano Al-Hallaj (+922)’, La Nuova Rivista di Ascetica e Mistica, Vol. 2 (1977), pp. 37- 155; H. Mason: The Death of al-Hallaj: a dramatic narrative, Notre Dame, University of Notre Dame Press, 1979. 56 With regard to Louis Massignon and Baghdad, one of the most distinguished contributions to the understanding of the Islamic city and its institutions was by Massignon, whose topographi- cal studies covered such diverse locations as al-Fâs, al’Kûfah, al-Basrah, Ukhaydir and Baghdad. Guided largely by his experiences in cities of the middle east around the turn of the century, Massignon based his methodology from the outset on “un fait constant et general, la fixité de la repartition topographique des corps de metiers dans un cité islamique déterminée à partir du mo- ment de sa fondation”. It is, of course, true that the topography of a city may be altered by given historical circumstances; but this will reflect only the changing surface of the city, its monuments rather than its geographical setting. As this position was rigidly held for all Islamic cities, regard- less of their historical development, the picture of Baghdad, implicit in Massignon’s view, is that of an integrated city covering land surface which must, of necessity, be limited by the distance of any populated location from the services of its single set of markets; for there can be no large urban occupation in the absence of these institutions. It is this particular position which is the basis of Massignon’s controversial views on Baghdad which lead him into disagreement with other scholars on such fundamental questions. Jacob Lassner, ‘Massignon and Baghdad: the

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to the desire to offer himself up even more, just like Christ, in the compassion and exaltation for the accomplishment of his submission to God. It was there- fore unsurprising for him to enter into the Catholic Church of Baghdad, the Chaldean Church. Furthermore, Abraham came from Ur from Chaldea. The influence of Abraham was fundamental to Massignon’s theological thought and theology.57 That Al-Hallâj and Abraham were prime forces in his life. Both where connected with Chaldea.

Complexities of Growth in an Imperial City’, Journal of the Economic & Social History of the Orient, Vol. 9, 1966, pp. 1-27. His detailed historical studies of Baghdad in the 4th/10th century, in the time of her glory, were not just scholarly works on a long-past civilisation. They were in- tended also to indicate the “super-historical physiognomies” of cities and communities that would inspire, and so give hope, to those living in the present: “So for each person, each city, each community, there develops its definitive, super-historical physiognomy”, ‘Le Mirage byzantin dans le miroir bagdadien d’il ya 1,000 ans’, Opera Minora, Vol. 1 pp. 126-141. In this context, Massignon recalls two of the ancient names of Baghdad: ‘The God-given’, ‘City of Peace’: a peace, however, that often passes through the birthpangs by which ‘these Babylons crumble for the new Jerusalems to arise’, see also ‘Bagdad et sa topographie au Moyen Age: deux sources nouvelles’, & ‘Les saints musulmans enterers Bagdad’, Opera Minora, Vol. 3, pp. 88-93, pp. 94-101. Nicole Massignon, ‘Louis Massignon et l’Irak’, Bulletin de l’association des amis de Louis Massignon, no. 14, 2003, pp. 16-76. The notion of the “Islamic city” is a modeled developed by colonial, mainly French, urbanists to describe the defining characteristics of cities in the Middle East and North Africa, implicitly if not explicitly in contrast to those of Europe. Among its central aspects is that Islam, which is understood as a fundamentally urban religion, gave rise to cities whose morphologies were determined primarily if not exclusively by the fulfillment of the religious obligations of Islam. Thus the ‘real’ city is identified as such by the presence of institutions like a Friday mosque (jâmi’) for conducting prayers, a market com- plex or bazaar (súq), where the various “guilds” organized according to religious strictures were found (Massignon wrote some important works on the question of guilds which he invested with great religious significance see 'Enquête sur les corporations d'artisans et de commerçants au Maroc', Revue du Monde Musulman, Paris, Leroux, 1924; ‘Compléments', Revue d'Études Islamiques, Vol. 2, 1927, pp. 273-293; and his earlier study Enquête sur les corporations d'artisans et de commerçants au Maroc. L Massignon: Tableau géographique du Maroc dans les quinze premières années du XVIe siècle d'après Léon l'Africain, Algiers, Jourdan, 1906); and communal baths (hammâm) for maintaining ritual purity. For the debate see Janet Abu-Lughod, ‘The Islamic City: Historical Myth, Islamic Essence, and Contemporary Relevance’, Interna- tional Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 19, 1987, pp. 155-176. For the Jewish presence in Islamic urban space see, Emily Gottreich, ‘Rethinking the “Islamic City” from the Perspective of Jewish Space’, Jewish Social Studies, Vol. 11, 2004, pp. 118-146. 57 Massignon’s vision of Islam as an ‘Abrahamic' religion was popularized by several of his devotees. The Maronite priest Youakim Moubarac, in his remarkable, controversial doctoral the- sis at the Sorbonne tried to prove that the message of the Qur’an right from its inception centered on the figure of Abraham, Abraham dans le Coran. L’histoire dans le Coran et la naissance de l’Islam, Paris, Vrin, 1958; and ‘Abraham en Islam’, Cahiers sioniens: ‘Abraham, père des croyants’, Vol. V, no. 2, 1951, pp. 104-120. Jean Daniélou who know Masignon’s position sets out the Christian tradition, ‘Abraham dans la tradition chrétienne’, Cahiers sioniens: ‘Abraham, père des croyants’, Vol. V, no. 2, 1951, pp. 69-87. There is some continuity between Masignon’s thought and contemporary Catholic theological reflection on the figure of Abraham, see, R. Caspar, ‘Abraham in Islam and Christianity, Encounter: documents for Christian-Muslim under- standing, no. 92, 1996, pp. 1-17; Jean-Louis Ska, ‘Abraham dans le Coran ou le prototype du, “musulman’, Abraham et ses hôtes. Le patriarche et les croyants au Dieu unique, Bruxelles, Éditions Lessius, 2001, pp. 61-84; Jean-Louis Ska, ‘Abramo nella tradizione musulmana’, La Civiltà Cattolica, No. 3617, 2001, pp. 497-484.

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The reason why Massignon did not enter the Chaldean Church is simple. After 1934 Cairo replaces Baghdad.58 In Cairo Massignon had encountered Luis De Cuadra (1877-1921)59 for whom he had offered himself in substitution as early as 1909. In Cairo he met with Mary Kahil with whom he founded the Badaliyya in 1934. The substitution would therefore be lived out in Cairo where Kahil continually reminded him of this ‘duty’, day in and day out. Just as Mary Kahil had asked him about the ordination in 1913.60 She never stopped talking about it to him after 1934. Because Mary Kahil was a Melkite and because she had some influence with the authorities in her church it was understood that Massignon should enter this rite.61 It is not known if Massignon had made more than one request to be ac- cepted into the Melkite church as a priest. It is certain that if he had made a request during the pontificate of Cyrille IX Moghabghab (1925-1947)62 it would have been refused. As Kamel Medawar explained: “Our Patriarch Cyrille IX had reservations about these foreigners, priest or lay- men, who he feared might be competitors with our clergy, to endeavour to acquire an undue influence on the members of our church. This viewpoint was justified in numerous cases. In such an atmosphere it was not conceivable to accept the offer of a vocation such as that as Massignon, all the more as his ideas on the Badaliya where not understood. Furthermore Massignon did not reveal his desire to be or- dained until 1948-1949 in the more relaxed atmosphere of the new pontificate.”63

58 Edouard Méténier, ‘Massignon et l’Égypte’, Louis Massignon au cœur de notre temps, (éd), Jacques Keryell, Paris, Éditions Karthala, 19, pp. 153-172; Jacques Jomier, ‘Louis Massignon en Égypte’, Louis Massignon et le dialogue des cultures, Textes réunis par Daniel Massignon, Paris, Éditions du Cerf, 1966, 281-292. 59 Herbert Mason, Memoir of a Friend: Louis Massignon, Notre Dame, Indiana, University of Notre Dame Press, 1988, pp. 43-44. 60 Jacques Keryell, ‘Notice biographique de Mary Kahil’, Louis Masignon: L’Hospitalité sacrée, Paris, Éditions Nouvelle cité, 1987, pp. 77-132. Born in Cairo in 1889; her first encoun- ter with Massignon was in 1912; second encounter in 1934 with the founding of Badaliya; the foundation of Dar es-Salm in 1941 at a former Anglican church transferred to the Melkite church, Sainte-Marie-de-la-Paix; she in Cairo died in 1979. Kahil was also active in the Egyptian femi- nist movement, in education and other social movements, Thomas Philip, ‘Feminism and Na- tional Politics in Egypt’, Women in the Middle East, edited by L. Beck & N. Keddie, Cambridge, MA, Harvard University Press, 1978, pp. 277-294. 61 Jacques Keryell, ‘Notice biographique de Louis Massignon’, Louis Masignon: L’Hos- pitalité sacrée, Paris, Éditions Nouvelle cité, 1987, pp. 33-76. 62 Daher Moghabghab, born 10 November 1855, His father was a Melkite Catholic Priest. He attended the seminary at Aïn-Traz (1871), he went to Rome (1877), Ordained in 1883, he studied for a doctorate in philosophy and theology. Director of the Aïn-Traz Seminary (1886), secretary to the Patriarch Pierre IV Géreijiry (1899) and Bishop of the Eparchy of Furzol and Zahle. Or- dained a Bishop by Pierre IV in Constantinople, 1899. In 1903 he visited Europe and South and North America. In 1920 he was charged with a political mission to France regarding the forma- tion of Lebanon. He was elected Patriarch in 1925, with the name Cyrille IX; in the same year he travelled to Rome and France. In 1939 he travelled again to Rome and France. He died 8 Septem- ber, 1947, Le Lien, Vol. 12, no. 7-8, 1947, p.267. 63 Guy Herbigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, Louvain, Université Catholique de Louvain, 1981, p.127. For example the well-known case of Cyril Charon-Cyril Korolevsky (1878-1959), a French Latin catholic who in 1901 he was given permission to be or-

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The new Patriarch had a different approach to things, or a different concep- tion of these choices.64 He knew of the importance of the Arabic language to Muslim culture, religion and mentality. He himself was fluent in Arabic and had understood the strength of his Church as a bridge between the Arab Mus- lim world and that of the Occident. He wrote in a letter to Louis Massignon: “(the Greek catholic rite is) destined to explain as an Arab rite, Muslim thought to Westerners both to Rome itself and to the congregations of the Latin rite of which the powerful means of action in both in terms of people and money should not deceive; the congregation of Latin rite will not lead to anything as long as they will not treat the Arabic language and those who speak it with the same equality as the Latin Catholics.”65 Within the Melkite Patriarchate, Medawar as bishop had an important rôle to play as an auxiliary patriarch. Medawar due both his past and his personal qualities was to have great influence on Louis Massignon and Mary

dained a Melkite priest. He was blessed as a lector 13 November 1901, ordained a deacon 6 Janu- ary 1902 taking the name Cyril in memory of St.Cyril, Apostle of the Slavs. On 24 August 1902 he was ordained a priest by Patriarch Cyril VIII (Geha) in the patriarchal cathedral of Damascus. Charon began intense research on the history of the Melkite Church with his main focus on the times in which he lived. He published a series of chronicles in Echos d’Orient on the history of the Melkite patriarchates in modern times. However, after three articles in 1903-1904 on Maximos III Mazlum, he was asked by Patriarch Cyril VIII (Geha) not to publish any more with- out first submitting it for personal approval. This did not sit well with Charon and because of other problems he faced at Melkite educational institutions; he began to seek a different position rather than being a teacher of French, history and geography. He saw that his ideas were not well received at the college and in June 1906 asked the patriarch to travel. He found his way to Kiev and the summer residence of Ukrainian Metropolitan of Lviv, Andrew Sheptysky. There he sought his advice, made a retreat and returned to Beirut on 9 October, resolving to make a possi- ble transfer to work with Sheptysky. While at the Melkite patriarchate in Damascus, the patriarch finally released him from his jurisdiction on 30 September 1909. on 20 October 1909 he was incardinated into the metropolitan archdioceses of Lviv and on 28 November to the diocese of Kamyanets-Podilskyi so that he could be considered a Russian priest and not a Ukrainian. Charon, as Korolevsky wrote a series of important articles on the subject, ‘Le clergé occidental et l’apostolat dans l’Orient asiatique et Greco-slave’, Reuve apologetique (Paris), Vol. £5 (1922- 1923) & Vol. 36 (1923); and ‘Le passage et l’adaptation des occidentaux au rite oriental’, Irénikon, Vol. 6, 1929, pp. 457-487; Vol. 7, 1930, pp. 137-166; 257-275, 402-419, 538-551. Giuseppe M.Croce, ‘Deux Romains de France au service de l’Orient Chrétien: Cyrill Korolevskij et Eugène Tisserant’, Le Cardinal Eugène Tisserant (1884-1972) Une grande figure de l’Église, Une grande figure française, Toulouse, Institut Catholique et Université Toulouse-Le Mirail, 2003, pp. 25-31. 64 For the biography of Maximos IV (1878-1967), Document.Catholique., 47e année, tome 62, 1965, 1444, p. 504-505; Proche Orient-Chrétien., Vol. 17, nos. 2-3-4, 1967, p. 350-351; Le Lien, Vol. 33, no. 1, 196), p.6-11; L’Église grecque-melkite au Concile Discours et notes du Patriarche Maximos IV et des prélats de son Église au Concile œcumenique à Vatican II (Collec- tion: Dar el-Kalima), Beirut, 1967. Maximos IV affirmed this is in a letter to the Pope Paul VI, 13 October 1965: “Le clergé marié n’est pas un usage toléré” p. 255-256; M. Villain, ‘Un prophète: le patriarche Maximos IV’, Nouvelle Revue Theologique, Vol. 90 (1968), pp. 50-65. 65 Quoted by Maximos IV in a letter to Massignon, Cairo 20 December 1953. From 1951 Medawar was acted as ‘postal liaison’ between the two correspondents, Massignon and the Patri- arch. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 128.

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Kahil66 He was in constant contact with Mary Kahil – Louis Massignon since his arrival in Cairo in 1940. Medawar rarely left Egypt, especially as Patriarch Cyrille IX liked to reside there, even though the patriarchal see was in Damas- cus. “I therefore had the opportunity to see Louis Massignon a little more often almost always with Mary Kahil. The main subject of our conversation was the “Badaliya” a work which was misunderstood …the founders of Badaliya found in me in my capacity as Greek Catholic bishop a defender and protector. I effec- tively was able to give the imprimatur to Louis Massignon and Mary Kahil on the 6 January 1947 under the charter they had drawn up. Ever since they have always wanted to consider me as a co-founder or as a general chaplain whereas in reality I was only a friend, a simple follower of the spirit of Badaliya and whose meet- ings I some times chaired. Until the death of our Patriarch Cyrille IX, 9 Septem- ber 1947, my dealings with Louis Massignon were limited to the subject of Badaliya. Louis Massignon never spoke to me about a vocation to the priesthood. Rather it was Mary Kahil who during the Patriarchate of Maximos IV Sayagh, elected November 1947, began to talk about this subject discreetly but with insist- ence, mainly with the Patriarch and also with me. One could very well treat the question with Massignon himself, but Massignon did not have the ease of Mary Kahil too meet us. (The motive given to ask for ordination) was not to satisfy a profound piety, nor a particular devotion to the Eucharist, but rather the desire to perfect the total offering of himself in spirit of Badaliya, in substitution of Islam. Because the union of the priest with our saviour Jesus Christ in the celebration of sacrifice of mass, a union which goes as far as a mysterious identification, would render his propitiatory prayer more acceptable to God. Massignon also wanted to make the official prayers of the church in Arabic, the official language of the Muslims and Arabs.”67 66 Kamal Medawar, born in Acre, 26 12 1887. After attending the primary school in Acre he studied at the Patriarchal College in Beirut and in 1904 accompanied his family to Cairo. He studies at the French Faculty of law in Cairo, Faculté Française de droit au Caire, and he pre- sented his exams in Paris each year. In 1907 he graduated in law and served in Egypt in litigation department of the Interior Ministry and served in various posts at the ministry of justice from where he resigned in 1935. He was a legal expert by training and by profession and in his various posts studied the personal status of non-Muslims in Egypt and in Shari’a Law. He even wrote several treaties on this subject. In 1935 Medawar entered the Convent of the Paulist Fathers in Harrisa, in Lebanon. During his novitiate and the two-year of study (1935-1938) he met Massignon for the first time in Harrisa. He was ordained priest 15 August 1938 by Patriarch Cyrille IX (1925-1947) in the presence of the Metropolitan Sayegh of Beirut, the future Maximos IV as well as other bishops. Medawar was nominated director of al-Maçarrat, the patriarchal organ published in Harrissa. In October 1940 he is appointed local Patriarchal Vicar in Cairo and at the same time curate of Sainte-Marie-de-la-Paix in Cairo. He was made a bishop on the 6 June 1943 by Patriarch Cyrille IX and took the name Pierre/Peter, titular Archbishop of Peluse and the post of auxiliary to the Patriarch. Following the death of Cyrille IX on 8 September 1947. The , 14 August 1947 appointed Medwar the president of the Greek Catholic synod for the election of a successor – who would be Maximos IV. Both Maximos IV (1947-1967) and Maximos V (1967-2001) confirm him in his post as patriarchal auxiliary. He resigned from the Melkite hierarchy at the Synod held 8/13 September 1968. From then on he continued to work in Damascus, Cairo and Aïn-Traz, on issues submitted to him by the Patriarch and other bishops. Proche Orient-Chrétien, Vol. 18, 1968, pp. 386-387. 67 Guy Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 129.

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Louis Massignon established several contacts with the and asked for a private audience with Pius XII. On 4 Feb 1949 Coussa, of the Melkite patriarchate, prepared the audience in order to settle the details and the background. On 5 February 1949 Louis Massignon explained to the Pope his desire to pass from the Roman to the Melkite rite, in order to be able to recite the official prayers of the church in Arabic. The request is granted.68 The re- quest formulated by Louis Massignon and the reply where sent by the Congre- gation for the Oriental Church to the Greek Catholic Patriarchate.69 It would seem that Louis Massignon asked the Congregation of the Oriental Church for information on the subject of ordination of married men. Cardinal Tisserant70 68 Letter Louis Massignon to Maximos IV, 7 August 1962. 69 Roma, 2 martii 1949 no. 105/49 Beatissime Pater, ALOYSIUS MASSIGNON, fidelis ritius Latini, ad pedes Sanctitatis Vestrae provolutus, humiliter postulat facultatem transeundi a ritu Latino ad ritum Byzantinum, ita ut in posterum eidem ritui legitime censeatur adscriptus, eidemque in omnibus sese confrormare teneatur Causa est: apostolus inter orientales excerdendus. Ex Audientis, SS.mi Ss. mus Dominus noster PIUS, Divina Providentia Pp. XII, in Audientia diei 5 februarii Oratori privatim concessa, benigne gratiam petitam indulgere dignatus est, ea tamen lege ut Orator ad ritum Latinum redire vel ad alium trasire, absque Sedis Apostolicae indulto, valide nequeat; servatis de lure servandis. Contrariis quibuslibet minime obstantibus. Datum Romae, ex Aebidu Sacrae Congregationis pro Ecclesia Orientali, Die 2 Martii a. 1949 Locum Sigilli Sacra Congregtatio Orientalis + Eugenius Portuen. Et S. Rufinae. Card. Tisserant +Valerius Valeri Ads/. [As Guy Harbigny has noted Louis Massignon made an error in translating his forename: ALOYSIUS in place of LUDOVICUS.] 70 On this important figure see, Achille Silvestrini, ‘Eugène Tisserant et La congregation pour l’Église Orientale’, Le Cardinal Eugène Tisserant (1884-1972) Une grande figure de l’Église, Une grande figure française, Toulouse, Institut Catholique et Université Toulouse-Le Mirail, 2003, pp. 101-115. Tisserant was head of the Congregation for Oriental Churches, 1936-1959 un- der three , Pius XI, Pius XII, John XXIII. C.Korolevskij, ‘La fondation de l’Institut pontifi- cal oriental’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, Vol. 33, 1967, pp. 5-46; Giuseppe M. Croce, ‘Alle origine della congregazione Orientale e del Pontifico Istituto Orientale. Il contributo di Mons. Louis Petit’, Orientalia Christiana Periodica, Vol. 53, 1987, pp. 257-333. Born in 1884, ordained priest in 1907, Tisserant was a great connoisseur of the Muslim world. He was polyglot and mas- tered Arabic, but also Hebrew, Syriac and Assyrian. During World War One, Tisserant was ap- pointed to the ‘Second Bureau’ dealing with intelligence matters where he dealt with Middle Eastern concerns. In 1917, he was in Palestine as lieutenant of spahis and took part in the taking of Gaza at the side of the British, and he was present during the entry into Jerusalem in Decem- ber 1917. Had he met Massignon by then? It is not impossible. In 1926, he supported the founda- tion of the Dominican Institute of Oriental Studies in Cairo and regularly stayed in the Orient; in 1937, Pius XI entrusted him with the management of Eastern Christian affairs. In May 1946, he attended together with Maritain, the ambassador to the Vatican, a conference by Massignon de- voted to (Massignon had been received the same morning by the Pope). This demonstrates that he was perfectly informed of the itinerary of Massignon and his opposi- tion to the ordination of the latter was probably founded on other reasons than just pure form.

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is reported to have replied that ‘the pope could accept secret ordinations of family fathers of a certain age’.71 On 25 August 1949 Louis Massignon paid a passing visit to Aïn-Traz, the summer residence of the Patriarch and asked Maximos IV to ordain him. Patri- arch accepts but had to think about the date.72 Louis Massignon announces that he will arrive in Cairo at the end of 1949 in order to take part in sessions of the Arabic language academy.73 He discusses the possible date of his ordination with Mary Kahil. She immediately writes to Medawar: “our friend Louis Massignon arrives on the 15 (December 1949), determined to offer himself up to the Lord in the way you know, however it is only you who can grant him this favour-; you know it – you are the only one”74 The Patriarch and his aux- iliary [Medawar] where in Damascus. Mary Kahil insisted and suggested to Medawar, he to travel to she would pay the travel costs. On the 24 December 1949 she sent a telegram to the Patriarchate in Damascus: “Louis Massignon greatly desires to see you [Medawar]”. Louis Massignon himself had requested to be ordained very quickly from the 20 December 1949. On the 6 January 1950 he writes to Maximos IV, “I am in Cairo until 2 February 1950 at the latest and I must express to you the very profound desire in my heart to receive before my return to France”. In the same letter he requests that he be secretly ordained through Medawar.

71 Letter Louis Massignon to Medawar, 20 December 1949, Harpigny, p. 130. 72 Letter Louis Massignon to Medawar, 20 December 1949 and Maximos IV, 6 January 1950, Harpigny, p. 131. 73 Massignon made a significant contribution to the development of Arabic and Islamic learn- ing in Egypt. He lectured at the new University of Cairo briefly in the 1930s, and in 1933 King Fu’ad named him to Egypt’s new Royal Academy for the Arabic Language, see Donald Malcolm Reid, ‘Cairo University and the Orientalists’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, Vol. 19, 1987, pp. 51-76. Fu’ad had created the academy in 1932 in order to address the prob- lems of Arabic in the modern world and to produce an Arabic dictionary. Except for the war years and until 1960 Massignon met with scholars in Cairo each winter to work on his assigned area of the dictionary: social sciences and literature. Rached Hamzaoui, L’Académie de langue arabe du Caire. Histoire et œuvre, Tunis, Faculté des letters et sciences humanines, 1975, p. 104. Massignon also developed a series of extremely important lectures, some forty in total, (which have now been published) in 1912-1913. These lectures are valuable chiefly as showing the early formation of Massignon’s ideas. These are markedly representative of the French Catholic re- vival at the beginning of the twentieth century, see ‘The Influence of Islam’, in Richard Griffiths, The Reactionary Revolution: The Catholic revival in French Literature 1870/1914, London, Constable, 1966, pp. 244-257. The most bitter hostility is reserved for Durkheim, who is sav- agely attacked for putting martyrdom beneath the heading of suicide. Here we encounter those central to Massignon’s own life and thought. But Durkheim is overshadowed by other adversies: Hegel and the freemasons, who are metamorphosed respectively into Ibn ‘Arabi (d.638/1240), the principal systematizer of Islamic mysticism, and the conspiratorial esotericists of extremist Shi’ism. As for the last, Massignon, is obliged, after manifesting his distaste for them throughout, to accept at the very end that they are right to concur with Catholics in believing in an infallible leaders. Thus the lectures give a foretaste of his later development: after opposing Shi’ism for much of his career, in his later years he displays a greater sympathy for it. Cours d’histoire des termes philosophiques arabes (du 25 Novembre 1912 au 24 Avril 1913), Edited by Zeinab Mahmoud el-Khodeiry, Cairo, Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale du Caire, 1983. 74 Letter C.E. to Medawar, 3 December, 1949, Harpigny, p. 132.

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On 14 January 1950 Maximos IV informed the Oriental Congregation: “For at least seven months Louis Massignon has directly and indirectly and more than once requested to receive holy orders subject to certain secret conditions which are compatible with his apostolate…after examining the matter maturely we have judged it to be the will of the Lord that his holy desire be granted… the exceptional and extremely rare case of Louis Massignon has not been provided for in the decree dated 27 January 1940 of your Sacred Congregation, on the regu- lar training of oriental clergy.75 However, for your information and because of the eminent personality of the ordinal I have deem it appropriate to inform your emi- nence [Cardinal Tisserant] of it”. Also on 14 January 1950 Medawar writes to Louis Massignon in order to inform him of the patriarchal decision. He gives him guidelines for how to pre- pare for ordination and for the secret priestly life. The following day Medawar informs Mary Kahil of the patriarchal decision. She replies on the 21 January 1950 that Louis Massignon and herself would be expecting Medawar in Cairo for the 24/25 January 1950. On the 25 January 1950 Mgr Valerio Valeri, of the Scared Congregation for the Oriental Church writes to Maximos IV to inform him of the invariable practice of the Holy See which refuses the ordination of married men born in the Latin rite even if they have been received into another rite. This letter arrived after the ordination. On the 28 January 1950 early in the morning Bishop Medawar ordains at the church of Sainte-Mari- de-la-Paix in Cairo Louis Massignon priest. Only, Fr. Ayrouth, the parish priest of the Sainte-Marie-de-la-Paix who was the as- sistant to Medawar and Mary Kahil where present. The minor orders and the diaconate had been conferred in the proceeding days. 76 Mary Kahil writes about the ceremony: “At dawn, almost at night, that silent auto which Ayrouth rushes between two showers, arriving in that small church which is closed like a tower, illuminated with a celestial light; the censer is handled by two clumsy hands and lets off mysterious, undefined wreaths, evaporating into clouds. I breathe on the ashes and incense, in a continuous trembling. Unheard-of things are going on. Ibrahim! Ibrahim dressed in his long stole, the orarion, turning around the altar, a victim, in procession. He turns, he blesses, then he comes back carrying the royal ornament, he concelebrates, he consecrates, he says the holy words, and I, prostrate, I deliver myself, I lose myself, I no longer exist. This is the Body, this is the Blood and it is I who am given up, transformed. I did not see, I am overcome, delivered, offered up.”77

75 The decree of the 27 January, 1940 of the Sacred Congregation for the Oriental Church, Acta Sanctae Sedis, Vol. 32, 1940, p. 152-157, regulating the admittance to Holy Orders, a per- son who has had the minimal preparation and study: “Decretum de recta cleri orientalis institutione in territoriis patriarchalibus”. 76 The Statikon (the act of ordination) granted to Louis Massignon by Medawar refers to Louis Massignon as deacon. 77 Jcaques Keryell, L’sacrée hospitalité, p. 327-328.

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This ordination which Louis Massignon had desired to receive secretly lead to an exchange of letters between Maximos IV and Rome. Following the letter received from Valeri.78 Maximos IV writes to Cardinal Tisserant 6 February 1950. In it he informs Tisserant of the ordination of Louis Massignon and re- plies in some points to the comments made by the Oriental Congregation; the practice of the Holy See is wise but does not concern Massignon as he has been ordained secretly and was not likely to encourage others to follow his example. “Finally, the exceptional personality of Louis Massignon, the circumstances of his life, his consecration to the apostolate, all of these amply justify the favour we have granted to his piety. In doing this, we have realised posthumously Charles de Foucauld vivid desire which he had expressed to Louis Massignon, to see him enter the priestly life. For Louis Massignon this ordination is the consummation of his sacrifice.” On his return to Europe Louis Massignon contacted the Vatican and helped smooth the difficulties between Rome and the Patriarchate by committing him- self to the secret which he had requested himself. Cardinal Tisserant writes to Maximos IV in a letter 22 July 1950. Amongst the six points to which he draws the Patriarchs attention one is the request of resignation letters to the Latin ordinary of Paris, the original diocese of Louis Massignon, as well as the revocation of the articles of the Latin canonical law and of the Oriental canonical law codes, including the particular law of the Melkites. On 3 Oct 1950 Maximos IV replied to the Cardinal Tisserant in responding to each of the points puts forward criticism of the decrees of the oriental con- gregation restraining the powers of the bishops: “I repeat: ordinations are the domain of the bishop. You have restated this right. Apart from theses cases of restriction the role of the bishop remains intact.” After, looking at the legal question he then turns to Louis Massignon piety and reiterates the eminent qualities of the ordained (Louis Massignon). He concludes: “We have deemed it good and appropriate for the church to ordain him”. Maximos IV then comes to the crucial point: the attitude of the Holy See, by its questions and its means, hardly favours the apostolate of the Oriental Church by criticizing the Patriarchate: “I might have made mistakes…but I am loyal and up right; you however supposed that the opposite was the case…and there by undermine not myself, a sinner, but Patriarchal dignity.” Maximos IV goes to describe his pastoral, spiritual and civil, activities79 and complains strongly over the lack of encouragement:

78 Letter written on 25 January, 1950, Harpigny, p. 132. 79 According to Ottoman law, the Patriarchate was responsible for the civil status of the com- munity: financial, legal tribunal, heritage, marriages and property. S. Sidarouss, Des Patriarcats: les patriarcats dans l’Empire Ottoman et spécialement en Égypte, Paris, 1907.

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“And for this overwhelming work – which we have accomplish with staff which is reduced to its most simple and with almost no resources, instead of receiving the encouragement and support from Rome, we are constantly obliged to lose end less time sending long reports justifying every single one of our activities, some- times even for every single action! Your eminence must realise how impossible such a life is. We need to have a free hand in order to carry out our duties with dignity.” On 17 Nov 1950 Cardinal Tissserant replied to the legal augmentation of Maximos IV and points out to him that a priest in Paris has broken the “secret of the ordination”. A few days later, the Patriarch and Medawar go to Rome on other business. The Greek Catholic Bishops celebrate on the 26 November at St Peters in the presence of Pius XII, in the Byzantine rite in Greek (except for some Arabic formulae); they also see Cardinal Tisserant at the Oriental congregation on the 22 November 1950 and to their great surprise learn that the incident has been closed.80 On 15 December 1950 the Patriarch wrote from Alexandria to the Cardinal Tisserant saying that following the meeting of the 22 November 1950 he will notify Louis Massignon of the decision taken with regard to his case: “When he is outside the territory of the Patriarchate he will be able to celebrate with the permission of the local ordinary only. Such should thus be his guidance for when he is in Paris”.81 Sometime after this, the Patriarch and his auxiliary went to Paris. Medawar is delegated to meet Beaussart, the auxiliary bishop of Paris in charge of for- eigners.82 “The impression I had [Medawar] of this visit as concerns the case of Louis Massignon, was that the Archbishop of Paris does not attach great importance to it and that what has been done has been done.”83 On 21 December 1950 Cardinal Tisserant prepares a trip to Cairo and asks Maximos IV for permission to meet Louis Massignon whilst in Egypt. Massignon was to be in Cairo for the annual meeting of the Arabic Academy. We do not know if the two men actually met in Cairo.

80 Roger Peyrefitte took up the affair in Les Clefs de Saint-Pierre: “The Cardinal was very agitated. I thought it was because the Melkite bishops had played a rotten trick on him. They have slyly ordained priest your famous Massignon, a professor at the Collège de France and per- son who is just as much respected by Islam as by the oriental Church, and the doyen of the Sacré Collège is losing his sleep over it”, Paris, 1955, p. 199. 81 The territory and jurisdiction of the Melkite patriarchate corresponded to the Arab Near East. 82 Maximos IV had informed Beaussart on the 11 February 1950 of Louis Massignon’s ordi- nation. Beaussart acknowledges receipt on the 21 February 1950, but asks for another copy of the notice as he burnt the first by accident. On 3 March 1950 Maximos IV sends Beaussart a new copy. On 17 March Beaussart thanks the Patriarch. 83 Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 134

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Two years later Professor Eli Denissoff of the University of Notre Dame Indiana, requested ordination as a priest and discusses it with Louis Mas- signon.84 Louis Massignon after asking Tisserant for advice writes to Medawar on the 31 October 1953: “Tisserant does not object to his ordination [Denisooff], following his passage to the Melkite rite…my case has now been admitted without reservation, as fecund because it has half opened a door it also shows me that in these times (where there is no possibility of ordination in the Latin Rite), the Melkite Church is the refuge of oriental vocations in the Latin world”. Medawar, rightly points out on the 7 November 1953 that the case of Pro- fessor Denisooff is different. He was born into Byzantine Eastern Orthodox, therefore not into the Latin rite, and lived in America. Having been told of the possible reaction of Cardinal Tisserant, Medawar adds that it is necessary to ask for a letter from the local ordinary or from the Oriental Congregation. Louis Massignon did not want his priesthood to be contested by the bishops or who would watch him celebrate the Eucharist. He had like every priest received the Statikon as proof of his ordination. Not satisfied with this, he also wanted to verify the validity of his ordination. To this end, he asked Medawar to establish a genealogy of his episcopal ordination going back as far as possible. The auxiliary bishop executed this in a note on the 13 March 1950.85 Massignon also asked what he should do doing his travels for example to North America.86 He had in reality received very precise instruction regarding celebrating the office and for his conduct in ‘ordinary’ life. As his ordination was secret at his

84 Denisoff, was originally Orthodox and married, he became a catholic of the Latin rite. A doctor of theology at the University of Notre Dame. Pius XII refused his request for ordination. 85 Letter Medawar to Masignon, 13 March 1950: “Généalogie. 1. Pierre Kamel Médawar, ordonné prêtre le 15 août 1938 à Harissa (Paulistes) par le Patriarche Cyrille IX Moghabghab, et consacré par lui aussi comme archevéque titulaire de Péluse le 6 juin 1943 au Caire. 2. Le Patriarche Cyrille IX Moghabghab avait été consacré évêque de Furzol et Zahlé en date du 28 mai 1889, à Constantinople, par le Patriarche Pierre IV Géreijiry. 3. Lequel avait été consacré évêque de Panéas (Césarée de Philippe) en date du 21 février 1886, à Damas, par le Patriarche Grégoire II Youssef sayour. 4. Lequel avait été consacré archevêque de Saint-Jean d’Arce en date du 1er novembre 1856, ° Damas, par le Patriarche Clément I Bahous. 5. Lequel avait été consacré archevêque de Saint-Jean d’Arce en date du 29 juillet 1836, à Damas, par le Patriarche Maximos III Mazloum. 6. Lequel avait été consacré métropolite d’Alep en date du 6 août 1810 (au couvent St. Elie de Richmaya) par le Patriarche Agapios III Matar En sivant ainsi la liste des Patriarches d’Antioche on peut remonter jusqu’ à saint Pierre, premier èvêque d’Antioche avant d’ être premier évêque de Rome.” 86 For example he had to take with him the sacred vessels and how should he explain this to customs!, Where should he celebrate, which Greek catholic bishops and priest can he meet in the places he visited. Louis Massignon letters to Medawar dated 2 July 1952, 22 July 1952; and re- sponses, see Harpigny, p. 136.

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own request he was not obliged to where clerical dress. But for the liturgy he was obliged to wear vestments over a ‘soutane’, in black, white, beige or cream. The place of celebration in cases where it was not a church or public chapel should be a room which was furnished as an oratory and contained all the indispensable ecclesiastical furniture. Where ever possible a mass attend- ant or assistance should be present. This clause was little respected because it was impossible to find an assistant. There was no question of consecrating the Holy sacrament in the oratory. The office was recited whenever possible but some parts where compulsory.87 Massignon was free to move everywhere, however the Patriarch insisted that Massignon informed him of his main movements so that he could contact him when needed.88 Massignon adhered by these guidelines, however he referred to two points:” I say as much of the office as I can, but every morning I have two hours of colloquy [an informal discussion on religious or theological matters] (and of silence) with God. This is essential in my life these days“.89 He cel- ebrated in Paris on his own in the oratory set up in his home, in general before dawn, so that he would not be disturbed by visitors or by the phone. Some family members attended the celebration. In Cairo he would celebrate very early in the morning at Sainte-Marie-de-la-Paix, in a chapel in the recess of the church. Sometime he would even celebrate after midnight. Massignon had received the church key as not to wake up the curate. When traveling he would celebrate in his hotel room between two and four in the morning.90 Sometime however, he would celebrate for a religious community.91 The liturgy was very meditative. When on his own Massignon would cel- ebrate bear footed, just like before the burning bushes. In a religious community he would celebrate with socks on which he would take of at the épiclèse! He put on the altar Icons, photographs of people for whom he was praying and list of names for intercessions. His confréres, never managed to concelebrate with him because the rhythm of his celebration was too personal- ized. Even when he celebrated on his own, without assistant, he would offer incense. He did not have a censer and nobody could prepare the incense for him. He would therefore take a grain of incense, between his figures and burn

87 At the time the canonists wondered where the office should not be recited in a choir for the Greek Catholics. This discussion did to apply to Massignon. Patriarch Maximos IV knew that Massignon had a tendency to prolong prayers rather then abbreviating them and had explicitly allowed him to recite only “what he could according to his schedule”. Massignon was in this respect considered as secular priest, no choir, office according to possibility. Medawar had ex- plained to Massignon that the customary behaviour of secular priest in this respect. 88 Letter from Medawar to Massignon, 14 January 1950. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 136. 89 Massignon to Medawar, 4 April 1950. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 136. 90 According to Kemal Medawar, Mary Kahil, Youakim Moubarac and Father Xavier Eid, former curate of Sainte-Marie-de-la-Paix. 91 La Petite sœur de Jésus in Cairo; the Dominicans in Beirut for example.

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it in the flame of the candle. The grain would crackle and excel smoke, a sym- bol of the pray to God which once it had been touched would send the Holy Spirit to consecrate the gifts and the priest, representing the people.92

Massignon’s theological understanding of his priesthood We will now explain how Massignon saw his sacerdotal life during the years following his ordination, by taking up the themes, developed during the preceeding years. He had been conferred the sacerdotal life as a result to special circum- stances: he was thus an exception.93 The Patriarch had not only pointed this out to him. Maximos IV made this very same point to the Rome following Massignon’s ordination. Even such remarkable personalities as Montini, who very attached to Massignon did not disguise their surprise.94 Massignon considered himself the guest of Muslims who had saved him in 1908 and wished to contribute to ‘the union of all of Abraham’s children’. But it was mainly in order to perfect the Badaliya that he had offered himself up with regard to Islam. In order to complete the substitution he offered from 1953 onwards the monthly personal fast each first Friday of the month in order to achieve peace between Christianity and Islam. The private or personal fast was approved and blessed by Pope Pius XII. The letter by the Secretary of State (no. 305732) dated 19 August 1953 was signed by Montini and conveyed by Fr. Paul Mulla.95 Massignon from 1956 onwards makes the prayers ‘the

92 According to priests and religious in Beirut and Cairo and reported to Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 136. 93 “In principle the sacerdotal life is a burden then an honour, it is instituted for the benefit of the ‘neighbour' and the public service of the church, rather then for the particular good of priests. But in the given case, even your particular circumstances, his Holiness [Maximos IV] deems that your case does not come under the ordinary category and that an exception in your favour in suf- ficiently justified“. Letter from Medawar to Massignon 14 January 1950. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 137. 94 Jean-Baptiste Montini (1897-1978) was ordained priest in 1920. During his travels to Paris Montini would visit the Benedictines in Rue Monsieur. Massignon lived in the same road. In 1935 Massignon choice Maurice Zundal (1897-1975) as spiritual director amongst others. Montini had translated into Italian the ‘Poème de la Sainte Liturgie’ written by Zundal in 1934. Massignon meet Montini several times. At the time of Massignon ordination Montini was at the secretary of state of the Vatican. He became Archbishop of Milan in 1954 and remained in writ- ten contact with Massignon. It has been noted that Montini was deeply influenced by Massignon, in relations between the Catholic and Islam, see Mauruice Borrmnas, ‘Le Pontificat de Paul IV et les musulmans’, Isamochristiana, Vol. 4, 1978, pp. 1-10. 95 Mehmet Ali Mulla-Zadé was born in Iraklion (Candia) on the island of Crete, then still part of the Ottoman empire. His father was a Turk, his mother Egyptian-Albanian. As a student at the university of Aix-en-Provence he met the philosopher (1861-1949) who was to mark his religious and intellectual outlook deeply. Blondel became Mulla’s godfather when he was baptized in 1905, and chose the name Paul. In 1911 Mulla was ordained priest. Pope Pius XI in 1924 charged him personally with teaching ‘Insitutiones Islamicae’ at the Pontificio Istituto Orientale in Rome. ‘Brèves notes biographiques sue Méhémet-Ali Mulla-Zadé, devenu Mgr Paul Mulla (1881-1959)’ in Charles Molette, “La vérité où je la trouve” – Mulla, Une conscience

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night of destiny’ (27 Ramadan), “begging God to fulfil the faith” of the Mus- lims. Massignon was often suspected of not keeping the catholic faith pure be- cause of his prayers and works of penitence and had to be defended by the Greek Catholic Melkites authorities, Archbishop de Provencehères of Aix-en- Provence and Descuffi, Latin Archbishop of Smyrna. Massignon having fi- nally realized the full substitution in his ordination had the plaque of the Badaliya (with the emblem of Charles de Foucauld) inscribed on the altar stone on the prison valence where his friend Luis de Cuadra had committed suicide on the 12 August 1921. Not content with offering himself up he also wanted to offer up the whole of the Oriental church in substitution. But his suffering increased year after year and often he felt isolated and ex- cluded. He was rarely consulted on the relations between Christianity and Is- lam. He was suspected of heresy by some. Rejected by those compatriots who could not understand his position in the Algerian conflict.96 Those whose sym- pathies lay with the State of Israel and the Jews, then with the Arabs vilified him. He was sometimes ridiculed by some of his university colleagues and carried the ‘solidarity burden of suffering’ he had not chosen. His compassion for the sufferings of the Muslims now became one with the burden of his own sufferings. Medawar wrote to him “God has chosen you to be one of those great suffers for justice. And because he has imposed on you a destiny gener- ously accepted by you; he will certainly not fail to grant you the graces, which such a destiny demands”.97 Massignon desired to achieve this passion to its end and incessantly wished for his death, just like Christ on the cross, and even death as an anathema, burnt by the fire of the love of Christ. 98 “For myself I desire to not to fail to respond to the call of love which is also the call of death, where my heart is, where I have found and where with Gods help I have to consummate my voca- tion: in the Arab desert”.99 Massignon had so much desire to be ordained in order to die with Christ: “I am more than sixty-six years old. At that age I understand that Mass is an anticipation with love, with Jesus, of the death which we desire to suffer for the salvation of the souls”.100

d’homme dans la lumière de Maurice Blondel. Préface du Cardinal Henri de Lubac, Paris, Téqui, 1988, pp. 19-35. Paul Mulla was only one among many Muslims attracted to Christianity via the French Catholic revival see, Frédéric Gugelot, ‘Les convertis issus de l’Islam’, La conversion des intellectuals au catholcisme en France (1885-1935), Paris, CNRS Éditions, pp. 211-224. 96 Lucienne Portier, ‘Conditionnement et liberté dans la pensée de Massignon concernant l’Algerie’, L'Herne Massignon (ed) J.-F. Six, Paris, 1970, pp. 288-299. 97 Medawar to L Massignon, 29 April 1957. 98 Massignon to Medawar 23 December 1952, “I die of pain at every morning offering”. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 138. 99 Massignon to Medawar, 24 October 1956. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 138. 100 Massignon to Medawar 20 December 1949, Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis

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Towards the end of his life Massignon still thinks of it: “I have asked too remain at the front until the end, in the scarified sector, our dear Arab church (…), I count on your intercession in order to offer me, naked and denuded of everything, just like the master, in order to die”.101 It is with this aim in mind that Massignon upon entering the noviciate in 1951, had decided to associate Mary Kahil with his offering until his death. He often felt rejected by some of his fellow Christians, but also suffered incomprehension and attacks from Muslims. He also, carried within him the difficult witness of the church that had adopted him, the Melkite Greek Catho- lic Church in Arab and Islamic the Middle East. This death then open itself onto the resurrection of Christ; “We have to die of compassion with Jesus in order to be resurrected with him, and have to die in compassion with the beloved souls for which we have given”.102 Nevertheless, he felt clearly that he was faced with a Mystery, when speak- ing of his priesthood, “if we knew what a priest was we would die. It is the Priests bloodless sacrifice which was prefigured to the angels during the test, in expiation of the doubt of several of them“.103 The death with Christ was really the centre of his life: “He had offered him- self to God so often for all the noble causes, especially for peace between Christianity and Islam, for the freedom of the people, for the union of Chris- tians, he had so often united the sacrifice of his person to the unique sacrifice of our saviour Jesus Christ in the that his return to the Father now seems like the naturally consummation of his sacrifice, the definitive ac- ceptance by God of his generous and persevering holocaust”.104 He died during the night of 31 October – 1 November 1962. The funeral took place in Pordic in Brittany on 6 November 1962. Massignon was buried in the family tomb, next to his son Yves who had died in 1935. A liturgy was celebrated in Paris on 15 November 1962 in Saint-François-Xavier and at Saint-Julien le Pauvre on 1 December 1962, Joseph Nasrallah, the Melkite Metropolitan, and distinguished scholar of Arabic Christian literature and the history of the Melkite Church.105

Massignon, p. 137. 101 Massignon to Maximos IV, 23 August 1962. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 138. 102 Letter Massignon to Medwar 9 January 1952. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 139. 103 Letter Massignon to Medawar, 21 March 1957. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 139. 104 Letter Massignon to Medwar, 7 November 1962. Harpigny, Islam et Christianisme selon Louis Massignon, p. 139. 105 Joseph Nasrallah was a leading historian of the Melkite church, see his Histoire du mouvement littéraire dans l’Église melchite du Ve au Xxe siècle an appreciation of his life and work see Mémorial Monseigeur Joseph Nasrallah, éd, P.Canruet and J.-P. Rey Coquais, Paris, Institut Français de Damas, 2006.

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