The Bioarchaeology of Societal Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Peru Bioarchaeology and Social Theory

Bioarchaeology and Social Theory Series Editor: Debra L. Martin Danielle Shawn Kurin The Bioarchaeology of Societal Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Peru Bioarchaeology and Social Theory Series editor Debra L. Martin Professor of Anthropology University of Nevada, Las Vegas Las Vegas , Nevada , USA More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/11976 Danielle Shawn Kurin The Bioarchaeology of Societal Collapse and Regeneration in Ancient Peru Danielle Shawn Kurin University of California Santa Barbara , USA Bioarchaeology and Social Theory ISBN 978-3-319-28402-6 ISBN 978-3-319-28404-0 (eBook) DOI 10.1007/978-3-319-28404-0 Library of Congress Control Number: 2016931337 © Springer International Publishing Switzerland 2016 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifi cally the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfi lms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specifi c statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. Printed on acid-free paper This Springer imprint is published by Springer Nature The registered company is Springer International Publishing AG Switzerland For Richard, Allyn, and Jaclyn Kurin and for Manuel—tusukuy sonqomi kuyayki Foreword This engaging and important volume on the bioarchaeology of societal collapse and regeneration in ancient Peru has information that will be of interest to anyone hop- ing to understand continuity in cultures over the long arc of time. Additionally, this study informs us on how individuals and groups weather governmental collapse and possible apocalypse with rebirth built on innovation, reinvention of identities, and rebirth of alliances and new polities. Using a rich and diverse bioarchaeological data set from the Andean Highlands, the author takes a close and careful look at how people on the ground as well as groups at the population level were impacted by the collapse of their state. More importantly, this study looks at how cultures can be transformed, reconfi gured, and regenerated in the aftermath of collapse. One of the hallmarks of the new bioarchaeology is the ability to draw on multiple lines of evidence to build robust interpretive frameworks. In this case, skeletal data is but one line of evidence. Additional data is drawn from ethnohistory, archaeol- ogy, and biogeochemistry. In this way, a nuanced picture emerges around several key areas of interest: ethno-social identities, the use of direct and performative violence, technological innovations, patterns of migration, and changes in demogra- phy, health, and diet. Using the collapse of the Wari empire around AD 950 as the starting point, this study follows the Chanka society among other smaller groups that emerged during this time in a region referred to as Andahuaylas in Peru’s central highlands. This study demonstrates with an astounding amount of empirical data the kinds of changes that were wrought in the aftermath of the Wari collapse. For example, mor- tuary practices shifted with smaller, less showy grave goods, and signs of feasting and continued interactions over time between the living descendants and their dead ancestors were emphasized. Biological indicators of genetic relationships among and between groups after collapse seem to support a decreased gene fl ow, but not population replacement. However, those working in the nearby salt mines show more biologically disparate groups. Isotopic data suggests that the groups stayed largely homogeneous, except for the possibility of foreign female captives and males who immigrated into the area who might have been a welcome infl ux of manpower for defense and other tasks. vii viii Foreword The study goes on to demonstrate how the collapse of empires can be the begin- ning of new ethnic identities (ethnogenesis). Using cranial modifi cation as one sig- nal of ethnic identity, we see that cranial modifi cation became widespread after collapse as a way to emphasize within and between group boundaries. But all was not well in these reconstituting groups within and between their kinship-based and place-based alliances and formulations. At the same time, violence increased in the form of lethal cranial fractures seen on young adults and juveniles, a surprise fi nd- ing. And females were also experiencing increased violence in the form of domestic abuse and raids. Thus, the author points out that what we see simultaneously is both ethnogenesis and ethnocide, and she sees these as strongly tethered processes. As the author suggests, groups formerly defi ned and bound by state notions of alliances and enemies now became groups united by residence, kinship, and ethnic affi lia- tions. But this new confi guration came at a cost: stepped up acts of violence. What makes this study so powerful is the strong application of social theory at every step of the analyses so that complex ideas surrounding violence, gender, identity, kinship, alliance-making, and subsistence are interpreted within compelling theoretical lenses having to do with where power is located and how it is manifested and used in the aftermath of collapse. The author does not ask simple questions such as why was there violence or who was doing the killing. She frames a much better set of questions to explore involving the asking about who benefi ts from the use of violence and how does violence facilitate the production and reproduction of power structures. This study reads often like a complex historical novel set over many generations, with factions using all of their resources and wits to fi nd creative ways of formulat- ing their new post-collapse reality and survival after generations of being subjects of the Wari empire. The complexity and nuance brought to the multiple levels of analysis is innovative, compelling, and important. This bioarchaeology of collapse sets an important research agenda for how to bridge complex social theory, innu- merable data sets, and the varieties of human agency into a cohesive analytical framework that sheds light explanations about human behavior. This is both bioarchaeology and anthropology at its best. Debra L. Martin Series Editor, Bioarchaeology and Social Theory University of Nevada, Las Vegas Acknowledgments This book benefi tted from the assistance of many people, all of whom deserve a sincere thanks. I am indebted to Dr. Debra Martin for inviting me to join the Bioarchaeology and Social Theory series and for providing enduring mentorship, encouragement, and insights. Prescient and profound advice by three anonymous reviewers elevated the quality of this manuscript. Editor Teresa Krauss and Hana Nagdimov at Springer Press were patient and invaluable guides. The research topic was refi ned through discussions with countless scholars, including Teofi lo Altamirano, Valerie Andrushko, Ran Boytner, James Brooks, Pierre Colas, Tom Cummins, Tom Dillehay, Brian Fagan, Mike Gurven, Sabine Hyland, Bill Isbell, John Janusek, Alan Kolata, Abigail Levine, Ramiro Matos, Stella Nair, Jose Ochatoma, Jeff Quilter, Kathe Schreiber, Chip Stanish, Christina Torres-Rouff, Tiffi ny Tung, Gary Urton, Amber VanDerwarker, Willeke Wendrich, Steve Wernke, Greg Wilson, and Amanda Winburn. Field and lab work was supported by a Fulbright Hays fellowship (P022A090074), the National Science Foundation (BCS-1218083), the Lima Fulbright Commission, and the Brennan Foundation. Peru’s Ministry of Culture and the Royal Library of Denmark granted the necessary permissions. Sample processing was subsidized by Mike Glascock at the University of Missouri’s Archaeometry Lab (NSF# 1110793) and by John Krigbaum at the University of Florida’s Bone Chemistry Lab. We also benefi tted from the patronage of Annabel Lindy and family. Intramural funding at Vanderbilt was provided by the Anthropology Department, College of Arts and Sciences, and the Centers for Latin American Studies and the Americas. At the University of California, Santa Barbara, start-up support from Dean Melvin Oliver immeasurably enhanced our research potential and output. So too, awards from the Academic Senate, Chicano Studies Institute, and Faculty Research Assistance Program complemented an ISBER Social Science Research Grant and UC Regent’s Junior Faculty Fellowship which afforded the time and support to complete the fi nal phases of data analysis and write-up. I am also beholden to the scores of people who have contributed to the Andahuaylas Bioarchaeology Project since 2007. Colleagues José Alca, Alcides Berrocal, Aydeé and Zaida Mallpa, Christian Medina, Edison Mendoza, Manuel ix x Acknowledgments Molina, Guni Monteagudo, Marco Antonio Naverros, Steph Peña, Socorro Quispe, Yanet Quispe, Daniel Segura, and Antonio Vasquez

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