On the Use of the Term 'Commonwealth'
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Notes to the Introduction I the Expansion of England
NOTES Abbreviations used in the notes: BDEE British Documents of the End of Empire Cab. Cabinet Office papers C.O. Commonwealth Office JICH journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History Notes to the Introduction 1. J. C. D. Clark, '"The Strange Death of British History?" Reflections on Anglo-American Scholarship', Historical journal, 40: 3 (1997), pp. 787-809 at pp. 803, 809. 2. S. R. Ashton and S. E. Stockwell (eds), British Documents of the End of Empire, series A, vol. I: Imperial Policy and Colonial Practice, 1925-1945, part I: Metro politan Reorganisation, Defence and International Relations, Political Change and Constitutional Reform (London: HMSO, 1996), p. xxxix. Some general state ments were collected, with statements on individual colonies, and submitted to Harold Macmillan, who dismissed them as 'scrappy, obscure and jejune, and totally unsuitable for publication' (ibid., pp. 169-70). 3. Clark,' "The Strange Death of British History"', p. 803. 4. Alfred Cobban, The Nation State and National Self-Determination (London: Fontana, 1969; first issued 1945 ), pp. 305-6. 5. Ibid., p. 306. 6. For a penetrating analysis of English constitutional thinking see William M. Johnston, Commemorations: The Cult of Anniversaries in Europe and the United States Today (New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1991). 7. Elizabeth Mancke, 'Another British America: a Canadian Model for the Early Modern British Empire',]ICH, 25: 1 (January 1997), pp. 1-36, at p. 3. I The Expansion of England 1. R. A. Griffiths, 'This Royal Throne ofKings, this Scept'red Isle': The English Realm and Nation in the later Middle Ages (Swansea, 1983), pp. -
1 the Wilson-Smuts Synthesis: Racial Self
The Wilson-Smuts Synthesis: Racial Self-Determination and the Institutionalization of World Order A thesis submitted by Scott L. Malcomson in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in International Relations Tufts University Fletcher School of International Law and Diplomacy January 2020 Adviser: Jeffrey W. Taliaferro ©2019, Scott L. Malcomson 1 Table of Contents I: Introduction 3 II: Two Paths to Paris. Jan Smuts 8 Woodrow Wilson 26 The Paths Converge 37 III: Versailles. Wilson Stays Out: Isolation and Neutrality 43 Lloyd George: Bringing the Empire on Board 50 Smuts Goes In: The Rise of the Dominions 54 The Wilson-Smuts Synthesis 65 Wilson Undone 72 The Racial Equality Bill 84 IV: Conclusion 103 Bibliography 116 2 I: Introduction When President Woodrow Wilson left the United States for Europe at the end of 1918, he intended to create a new structure for international relations, based on a League of Nations, that would replace the pre-existing imperialist world structure with one based on national and racial (as was said at the time) self-determination. The results Wilson achieved by late April 1919, after several months of near-daily negotiation in Paris, varied between partial success and complete failure.1 Wilson had had other important goals in Paris, including establishing a framework for international arbitration of disputes, advancing labor rights, and promoting free trade and disarmament, and progress was made on all of these. But in terms of his own biography and the distinctive mission of U.S. foreign policy as he and other Americans understood it, the anti- imperial and pro-self-determination goals were paramount. -
Island Stories
ISLAND STORIES 9781541646926-text.indd 1 11/7/19 2:48 PM ALSO BY DAVID REYNOLDS The Creation of the Anglo-American Alliance: A Study in Competitive Cooperation, 1937–1941 An Ocean Apart: The Relationship between Britain and America in the Twentieth Century (with David Dimbleby) Britannia Overruled: British Policy and World Power in the Twentieth Century The Origins of the Cold War in Europe (editor) Allies at War: The Soviet, American and British Experience, 1939–1945 (co-edited with Warren F. Kimball and A. O. Chubarian) Rich Relations: The American Occupation of Britain, 1942–1945 One World Divisible: A Global History since 1945 From Munich to Pearl Harbor: Roosevelt’s America and the Origins of the Second World War In Command of History: Churchill Fighting and Writing the Second World War From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt and the International History of the 1940s Summits: Six Meetings that Shaped the Twentieth Century America, Empire of Liberty: A New History FDR’s World: War, Peace, and Legacies (co-edited with David B. Woolner and Warren F. Kimball) The Long Shadow: The Great War and the Twentieth Century Transcending the Cold War: Summits, Statecraft, and the Dissolution of Bipolarity in Europe, 1970–1990 (co-edited with Kristina Spohr) The Kremlin Letters: Stalin’s Wartime Correspondence with Churchill and Roosevelt (with Vladimir Pechatnov) 9781541646926-text.indd 2 11/7/19 2:48 PM ISLAND STORIES AN UNCONVENTIONAL HISTORY OF BRITAIN DAVID REYNOLDS New York 9781541646926-text.indd 3 11/7/19 2:48 PM Copyright © 2020 by David Reynolds Cover design by XXX Cover image [Credit here] Cover copyright © 2020 Hachette Book Group, Inc. -
Stephen Gwynn and the Failure Of
The Historical Journal , 53, 3 (2010), pp. 723–745 f Cambridge University Press 2010 doi:10.1017/S0018246X10000269 STEPHEN GWYNN AND THE FAILURE OF CONSTITUTIONAL NATIONALISM View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE IN IRELAND , 1919 –1921 * provided by Northumbria Research Link COLIN REID NUI Maynooth ABSTRACT . The Irish Party, the organization which represented the constitutional nationalist demand for home rule for almost fifty years in Westminster, was the most notable victim of the revolution in Ireland, c. 1916–23. Most of the last generation of Westminster-centred home rule MPs played little part in public life following the party’s electoral destruction in 1918. This article probes the political thought and actions of one of the most prominent constitutional nationalists who did seek to alter Ireland’s direction during the critical years of the war of independence. Stephen Gwynn was a guiding figure behind a number of initiatives to ‘save’ Ireland from the excesses of revolution. Gwynn established the Irish Centre Party in 1919, which later merged with the Irish Dominion League. From the end of 1919, Gwynn became a leading advocate of the Government of Ireland Bill, the legislation that partitioned the island. Revolutionary idealism – and, more concretely, violence – did much to render his reconciliatory efforts impotent. Gwynn’s experiences between 1919 and 1921 also, however, reveal the paralysing divisions within constitutional nationalism, which did much to demoralize moderate sentiment further. As the Great War lurched towards its bloody climax in 1918, the Irish nationalist maverick, William O’Brien, published a pamphlet proclaiming the death of the home rule project in Ireland. -
E Oun a Le Ove Ent in Aris an T E Ise of a E Orl R Er After I
A. ONORIO COORN i ..v e oun ale oveent in aris an te ise of a e orl rer after I nro norio Astrat The Paris Peace Conference represented a turning point for the British Empire. Great Britain and its Dominions placed on the side of the Entente all their military might together with the most powerful navy. However, at the end of the war, Britain, in spite of being a victorious country, saw its world hegemony reduced and its control over the widest Empire in the history of the world irremediably affected. On the other side of the Atlantic, the United States turned out to be the real winner of the war and this gave them great leverage in Paris in shaping the new international order. However, the passage from the period of the Pa Britannia, which for almost a century granted stability in Europe, to the Pa meriana, was not so unexpected and painful for the British political establishment as we usually think. Among the British establishment, there was a movement that was able to shape the country’s foreign policy for more than twenty years and prepared the ground for the creation of the Anglo-American alliance. This article tries to focus on the circumstances that made possible this tranatio imerii and the role played by the Round Table movement in Paris in this respect. eors Paris peace conference, federalism, Round Table movement, British empire, world order, Atlanticism, Anglo-American relationship, ionel Curtis, Philip Kerr Introution ain te founations of a ne orl orer The Twentieth Century is in many ways the century that saw the United States rising to become a global power. -
Geopolitics, Education, and Empire: the Political Life of Sir Halford Mackinder, 1895-1925
Geopolitics, Education, and Empire: The Political Life of Sir Halford Mackinder, 1895-1925 Simone Pelizza Submitted in accordance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Leeds, School of History Submitted March 2013 The candidate confirms that the work submitted is his own and that appropriate credit has been given where reference has been made to the work of others. This copy has been supplied on the understanding that it is copyright material and that no quotation from the thesis may be published without proper acknowledgement. ©2013 The University of Leeds and Simone Pelizza i Acknowledgements During the last three years I have received the kind assistance of many people, who made the writing of this thesis much more enjoyable than previously believed. First of all, I would like to thank my former supervisors at the University of Leeds, Professor Andrew Thompson and Dr Chris Prior, for their invaluable help in understanding the complex field of British imperial history and for their insightful advice on the early structure of the document. Then my deepest gratitude goes to my current supervisor, Professor Richard Whiting, who inherited me from Chris and Andrew two years ago, driving often my work toward profitable and unexplored directions. Of course, the final product is all my own, including possible flaws and shortcomings, but several of its parts really owe something to Richard’s brilliant suggestions and observations. Last but not least, I am very grateful to Pascal Venier, Vincent Hiribarren, and Chris Phillips, with whom I had frequent interesting exchanges on Mackinder’s geopolitical thought and its subtle influences over twentieth century international affairs. -
June 1940, Great Britain and the First Attempt to Build a European Union
June 1940, Great Britain and the First Attempt to Build a European Union June 1940, Great Britain and the First Attempt to Build a European Union By Andrea Bosco June 1940, Great Britain and the First Attempt to Build a European Union By Andrea Bosco This book first published 2016 Cambridge Scholars Publishing Lady Stephenson Library, Newcastle upon Tyne, NE6 2PA, UK British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Copyright © 2016 by Andrea Bosco All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner. ISBN (10): 1-4438-9475-3 ISBN (13): 978-1-4438-9475-3 CONTENTS Introduction ................................................................................................. 1 Chapter I .................................................................................................... 15 The Birth of the Federal Union Movement Chapter II ................................................................................................... 61 Federal Union becomes a Popular Movement Chapter III ............................................................................................... 104 Federal Union, the Foreign Office and the Development of Federalism on the Continent Chapter IV .............................................................................................. -
Earle Page and the Imagining of Australia
‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA ‘NOW IS THE PSYCHOLOGICAL MOMENT’ EARLE PAGE AND THE IMAGINING OF AUSTRALIA STEPHEN WILKS Ah, but a man’s reach should exceed his grasp, Or what’s a heaven for? Robert Browning, ‘Andrea del Sarto’ The man who makes no mistakes does not usually make anything. Edward John Phelps Earle Page as seen by L.F. Reynolds in Table Talk, 21 October 1926. Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] Available to download for free at press.anu.edu.au ISBN (print): 9781760463670 ISBN (online): 9781760463687 WorldCat (print): 1198529303 WorldCat (online): 1198529152 DOI: 10.22459/NPM.2020 This title is published under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial- NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0). The full licence terms are available at creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/legalcode This publication was awarded a College of Arts and Social Sciences PhD Publication Prize in 2018. The prize contributes to the cost of professional copyediting. Cover design and layout by ANU Press. Cover photograph: Earle Page strikes a pose in early Canberra. Mildenhall Collection, NAA, A3560, 6053, undated. This edition © 2020 ANU Press CONTENTS Illustrations . ix Acknowledgements . xi Abbreviations . xiii Prologue: ‘How Many Germans Did You Kill, Doc?’ . xv Introduction: ‘A Dreamer of Dreams’ . 1 1 . Family, Community and Methodism: The Forging of Page’s World View . .. 17 2 . ‘We Were Determined to Use Our Opportunities to the Full’: Page’s Rise to National Prominence . -
Lord Rosebery and the Imperial Federation League, 1884-1893
Lord Rosebery and the Imperial Federation League, 1884-1893 BETWEEN 1884 and 1893 the Imperial Federation League flourished in Great Britain as the most important popular expression of the idea of closer imperial union between the mother country and her white self- governing colonies. Appearing as the result of an inaugural conference held at the Westminster Palace Hotel, London in July 1884,' the new League was pledged to 'secure by Federation the permanent unity of the Empire'2 and offered membership to any British subject who paid the annual registration fee of one shilling. As an avowedly propagandist organization, the League's plan of campaign included publications, lec- tures, meetings and the collection and dissemination of information and statistics about the empire, and in January 1886 the monthly journal Imperial Federation first appeared as a regular periodical monitoring League progress and events until the organization's abrupt collapse in December 1893. If the success of the foundation conference of July 1884 is to be measured in terms of the number of important public figures who attend- ed and who were willing to lend their names and influence to the move- ment for closer imperial union, then the meeting met with almost unqualified approval. When W.E. Forster addressed the opening con- ference as the chairman on 29 July 1884,3 the assembled company iry:lud- ed prominent politicians from both Liberal and Conservative parties in Great Britain, established political figures from the colonies, and a host of colonists and colonial expatriates who were animated by a great imperial vision which seemed to offer security and prosperity, both to the the mother country and to the colonies, in a world of increasing economic depression and foreign rivalry." Apart from the dedicated 1 Report of the Westminister Palace Hotel Conference, 29 July 1884, London, 1884, Rhodes House Library, Oxford. -
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India
Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India Stephen Legg School of Geography University of Nottingham Nottingham NG72RD [email protected] Abstract The 1919 Government of India Act instituted sweeping constitutional reforms that were inspired by the concept of “dyarchy”. This innovation in constitutional history devolved powers to the provinces and then divided these roles of government into reserved and transferred subjects, the latter of which would be administered by elected Indian ministers. Recent scholarship has been reassessing the local biopolitical potential unleashed by the 1919 Act. In this paper I revisit dyarchy at the national scale to show how this “All-India” re- visioning of Indian sovereignty was actually negotiated in relation to its imperial and international outsides and the exigencies of retaining governmental control inside the provinces. This paper will propose a constitutional historical geography of dyarchy, focusing on three scales and the forms of comparison they allow. First, Lionel Curtis’s political geometries and the international genealogies of his federalist aspirations are explored. Secondly, the partially democratic level of the province is shown to have been rigorously penetrated by, and categorically subordinated to, the central tier of colonial autocracy, which orchestrated a political geography of exclusion and exception. Finally, rival conceptions of time and sequentiality will be used to examine the basis for nationalist criticisms and exploitations of dyarchy’s reconfigurations of democracy, biopolitics, and the vital mass of the people. 1 Dyarchy: Democracy, Autocracy and the Scalar Sovereignty of Interwar India1 “The myriad problems of India must be and can be solved only by the Indians in India. -
Mr Miller Is Right to Connect This Change with a Decline in British Belief in the Commonwealth, Though This Has Other Causes Also
REVIEWS 91 Mr Miller is right to connect this change with a decline in British belief in the Commonwealth, though this has other causes also. This is not the place to discuss Britain's 'turning away from Commonwealth markets and supplies towards its traditional areas of interest in Europe' except that we may ask whether 'traditional' is quite the right word when the greatest achievement of the last four hundred years of British history is that some three hundred million people outside the British Isles speak English. After discussing many of these changes — the break-up of the sterling area, the development of the E.E.C. and Britain's relations to it, Commonwealth immigration, changes in Common- wealth machinery (notably the creation of the Commonwealth Secretariat) and other 'networks of custom and convenience' Mr Miller closes this massive and thought provoking book with a brief review in which he notes one distinguishing characteristic of the Commonwealth which perhaps deserves more emphasis than he gives it, that it is an association of peoples as well as of governments. That, as a recent visit to Europe reminded the reviewer, the E.E.C. at present is certainly not. Maybe this work of 550 closely-printed pages and over a quarter of a million words will not be read from cover to cover by many. The price certainly seems excessive in view of the present relation of the New Zealand dollar and the pound sterling. But it will be an indispensable work of reference and those who dip into it for that reason will, we hope, read on, for it will reward their effort. -
Imperial Federation, Colonial Nationalism, and the Pacific Cable Telegraph, 1879-1902
“From One British Island to Another:” Imperial Federation, Colonial Nationalism, and the Pacific Cable Telegraph, 1879-1902 by Claire Oliver B.A., Portland State University, 2016 A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS in THE FACULTY OF GRADUATE AND POSTDOCTORAL STUDIES (History) THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA (Vancouver) July 2018 © Claire Oliver, 2018 The following individuals certify that they have read, and recommend to the Faculty of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies for acceptance, a thesis/dissertation entitled: “From One British Island to Another:” Imperial Federation, Colonial Nationalism, and the Pacific Cable Telegraph, 1879-1902 submitted by Claire Oliver in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History Examining Committee: Heidi J.S. Tworek, History Co-supervisor Robert Brain, History and STS Co-supervisor Supervisory Committee Member Laura Ishiguro, History Additional Examiner ii Abstract This essay traces the development of Sir Sandford Fleming’s Canadian campaign for the Pacific Cable submarine telegraph line from 1879 to 1902. Fleming envisioned a globe-encircling communications network that supported both Canadian economic and political expansion as well as increased inter-colonial partnership between Canada and the Australasian Colonies. Supporting the project through ideologies of nationalism and imperialism, Fleming maintained a broad public discourse in order to encourage funding for the expensive and unpopular telegraph line. The Pacific Cable’s construction during a period of growing political independence across Britain’s white settlement colonies reveals the institutional legacy of the British imperial system within emerging modes of early twentieth-century national development.