This page intentionally left blank Th e Illustrated Baburnama

This book presents the Persian Baburnama, a key primary source and the earliest record of Babur’s memoirs. The authoritative translation uses paintings from the original work and draws on con- temporary texts of the period to delve into the history of the legendary Mughal ruler. It provides a fresh treatment of the source material and highlights vivid accounts of the historical events of the time. The paintings are divided thematically, offering a unique and rare perspective into the Mughal world. Accompanied by a detailed introduction, the volume also touches upon narrative art and analyzes the infl uence of European Renaissance art on Mughal painting. With more than 150 Mughal paintings and illustrations in colour, this volume will be an important sourcebook for scholars and researchers of Medieval Indian history, especially Mughal history, and art historians, as well as connoisseurs of art.

Som Prakash Verma taught at the Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University and was Tagore National Fellow (2010–12). At present, he is Senior Aca- demic Fellow at the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi. He is also a practising artist and a recipient of two awards from the Academy of Fine Arts, Calcutta (1981) and Indian Academy of Fine Arts, Amritsar (1982).

Th e Illustrated Baburnama

Som Prakash Verma First published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2016 Som Prakash Verma The right of Som Prakash Verma to be identifi ed as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identifi cation and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-1-138-95893-7 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-315-66094-3 (ebk) Typeset in Goudy by Apex CoVantage, LLC MAY IT NOT BE PERFECT; BUT IT IS THE RIGHT ONE —Author

Contents

Preface xi

Introduction 1 The National Museum manuscript: Baburnama 3 Babur, the Mughal 15

PART I Catalogue: illustrations 35 Historical notes and an appraisal of art 35

PART II Depictions of natural history 271

PART III Interpreting similar themes in related manuscripts 372 Sixteenth-century manuscript painting 397

Appendices Appendix A 417 Appendix B 423 Appendix C 431

Glossary 435 Bibliography 439 Index 447 This page intentionally left blank Preface

It is all about Babur’s Memoirs and its early Persian version, known at the National Museum, New Delhi (Inv. no. 50.326). The object of the present work, however, is not to give just another book, but to prescribe a source of history of the great Mughals. It seemed desirable to make the scholars cognizant of the histori- cal data woven into the illustrated historical works from the Mughal School. I have not entered into arguments and interpretations but have endeavoured to reckon the Per- sian chronicle, the National Museum Baburnama, as one of the most guiding sources of historical importance. The National Museum manuscript, datable to 1598, is a version of Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khanan’s Persian translation of the Memoirs of Babur in Turki, presented to Akbar in 1589. I have given full consideration to the English translations of the fundamental source, i.e., the Memoirs in the original Turki, and I have scrutinized the Baburnama illustrations page by page and line by line. This delicate task invited close scrutiny; and in the interest of accuracy and truth, effort has been made to involve all the English translations, viz.: Leyden and Erski ne (1826), ed. Lucas (1921); Caldecott (1844) ; Beveridge, ed. 1 905, tr. 1921; and Thackston (1996) . In addition to these, books and monographs on life and times of Babur authored by Erskine (1854), Lane-Poole (1890), Williams (1918), Grenard (1930), Lamb (1962), and Hasan (1985), which claim to have examined the Memoirs, crave the indulgence of the students and scholars to perceive the available evidence as honestly and as impartially as possible. I believe essence of history is accuracy. The National Museum manuscript, an elegantly illustrated copy of the Baburnama, brings the historical events of Babur’s lifetime to vivid reality. Through its miniatures we experience their most dramatic moments. These provide not only a pictorial documentation of Babur’s biographi- cal narrative but also exhibit the events and episodes with new nuances and meanings and invest them with a vividness of detail which otherwise one would not have imagined or known at all. They offer a view of a living record of the times and are pictorial documents of authenticating history. The present volume narrates Babur and his career as gleaned through his Memoirs, here com- plemented with historical visuals. Almost all of the major moves of Babur fi nd their expression in the Baburnama illustrations which provide a picturesque view of the challenges he struggled with throughout his life (Illustrations 1–88; 132–55). The most famous genre of the depictions of natural history represented by the Baburnama testifi es Babur’s precise observations on wildlife and proclaim him the great naturalist (Illustrations 89–131). This genre of painting originated with the historical illustrations, the development of which is almost entirely attributable to Akbar’s xii | Preface characteristic enthusiasm and love for art. The Mughal manuscript painting, described essentially as narrative art, is rooted both in Persian and Indian traditions matured with greater complexity with the adaptation of the Renaissance art of Europe. Appendix B (Concordance of the illustrations with their context in Babur’s Memoirs (Hyderabad Codex: Turki Text)) contains evidence of contemporary and subsequent authorities to authenti- cate the eminence of National Museum Baburnama. The illustrations proceed strictly chronologically and these unfold the historic events, and at the same time, they serve to diffuse Persian culture into India and blend the Islamic and native traditions of India. For the success of this work, I owe gratitude to these premier organizations: the National Museum (New Delhi) and the Indian Council of Historical Research (New Delhi). I express my gratitude to Ms. Jayshree Sharma, Director, Exhibition and Public Relation, National Museum, New Delhi, for granting me access to the Baburnama manuscript, and permission to publish its miniatures. An award of the Senior Academic Fellowship (2013–15) at the Indian Council of Historical Research further proved a great asset in the completion of this work. Finally, I am profoundly indebted to my teacher, the late Professor Emeritus S. Nurul Hasan, whose affectionate encouragement has constantly been a source of inspiration. Initially, he mooted the novel idea of the study of Baburnama miniatures in 1969. Now after more than four decades its fulfi llment renewed with valuable suggestions of Professor Emeritus Irfan Habib is a reality. I am full of gratitude for his constant encouragement and instructive prepositions. I am deeply appreciative of Dr. Satya Vrata Tripathi, Curator (Manuscript), National Museum, New Delhi; Professor Muhammad Afzal Khan; and Professor Ishrat Alam for their help in identi- fying themes, correcting my rendering of Persian inscriptions, and organizing my material. Special thanks are due to Professor Ali Athar, Chairman, Centre of Advanced Study, Depart- ment of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, for his friendly support and cooperation. I must also thank Ms. Jyotsna Arora, Deputy Director (Library), Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi; Professor Amzad Khan, Librarian, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh; and the staff of the Seminar Library, Centre of Advanced Study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, for their cooperation. A mention of Mr. Ghulam Mujtaba, a veteran photographer, for his enduring companionship at the workplace; Professor Pushpa Prasad for her sympathy and affi nity with my work; and Dr. Smriti Prasad and her daughters, Astha and Ami, for their loving care is inevitable. Lastly, I am thankful to the Routledge India team, New Delhi, for making my work accessible in its most splendid form to a wider readership. Som Prakash Verma October 2015 Aligarh Introduction This page intentionally left blank Th e National Museum manuscript: Baburnama This page intentionally left blank Figure 1 Fly-Leaf, Baburnama, c. 1598–1600, National Museum, New Delhi (henceforth NM), Inv. No. 50.326, folio 1a. Figure 2 ‘Unvan (an illuminated heading), Baburnama, c. 1598–1600, NM, folio 2a. The National Museum manuscript of the Baburnama (Inv. No. 50.326) is a contemporary ver- sion of the Persian translation of Babur’s Chaghatai Memoirs: Waqiat-i Baburi (1530) made by Abdu’u-r Rahim Khan-i Khanan of Akbar’s court in 1589.1 In 1583, however, Payanda Hasan of Ghazni and Muhammad Quli of Hisar had taken up the work of translation privately. These endeavours were never completed and the originals are extant in the British Museum and Library, London (hereafter BML) and in the Bodleian Library, Oxford (hereafter BLO), respectively.2 Numerous versions of the Khan-i Khanan’s work, the Baburnama, richly illustrated by the impe- rial court artists of Akbar (1542–1605, r.1556–1605), have survived to our times. Of these, the best-known three illustrated copies of the Baburnama manuscript are at the National Museum, New Delhi (hereafter NM),3 the BML (Or. 3714),4 and the State Museum of Oriental Culture, Moscow (hereafter SMOC). The Moscow manuscript is incomplete, and in fact, it consists of sixty-nine illustrations belonging to a particular dispersed manuscript.5

Physical verifi cation of the NM manuscript The present MS is datable to about 1598–1600. In the absence of the colophon its date can be ascertained after an inscription, given on folio 116a, illustration no.41, ascribed to Khem. It reads Ilahi ‘42’, which is Akbar’s era, equivalent of 1598.1 Fly-leaf (folio 1a) (Figure 1) ‘Unwan (‘illuminated heading’)’ folio 1b Height: 11.5 cm, Width: 9.4 cm (Figure 2). Folios 378 Height: 26 cm Width: 17 cm (each folio is remargined and mounted afresh) Illustrated folios (122 in all) detached from the manuscript are preserved at the NM as loose folios. The remaining lot of loose folios containing text only is piled up apart. Illustrations in opaque watercolour and gold: 145. These vary in size. 8 | Introduction

Miniatures are entirely within the convention of fully established sixteenth-century Impe- rial Mughal manuscript painting. Text block contains fi fteen lines written in fi ne nasta‘liq script: Height: 16.4 cm, Width: 10.2 cm. Subheadings in gold and red ink. The text block and illustrations are enclosed with marginal lines (khat) executed in gold, red, green, and black pigments. Lightly burnished deep buff-shade of paper. Foliation in Urdu numerals introduced later is continuous. Folios are trimmed and catch-words have survived. Ascriptions revealing artist’s name are cut in numerous instances. About forty-eight names of the artists are fi nally readable.2 Illustrations are in good condition. Some folios are stained and affected by oxidized pigments. Slight fl acking and discolouration on folios. This manuscript is of specifi c interest for the fi rst natural history paintings (Plates 89–127), and pictures of gardens (Plates 42–4). A scrutiny of the miniatures shows that names of the artists were written by the scribe or ‘record-keeper’ of the taswirkhana (‘painting-house’). Obviously these are third-person ascriptions where occasionally artist’s name is preceded by the word ‘amal’ (‘work’). In our manuscript, each miniature is the work of a single artist and there is no instance of joint-work. Artists’ names given with the suffi xes ‘Gujarati’, ‘Gawalyari’, and ‘Kashmiri’ reveal their territorial affi liation, that is, native place or region. Likewise, the suffi x ‘kahar’ indicates an artist’s origins as palanquin-bearer.

1 Krishnadasa and Kabir (1955), p.6; Barrett and Grey (1963), p.92; Randhawa (1983), p.15; Verma (1978), p.xxii. 2 ‘Allah Quli, Anant, Asi, Asi Kahar, Bandi, Banwari Khwurd, Bhagwan, Bhawani, Bhura, Dau- lat, Dhannu, Dhanraj, Dharamdas, Farrukh Chela, Fattu, Govind, Husain Chela, Ibrahim, Ibrahim Kahar, Jagannath, Jamal, Jamshed, Kesav Kahar, Khem, Khem Karan, Khizra, Lachhman, Lohka, Madhav,* Mahesh,* Makra, Mansur,** Miskin,* Muhammad Kashmiri, Muhammad Pandit, Nama, Nand Gawalyari, Naqi, Narsing (h), Paras, Payag Prem, Prem Gujarati, Sarwan, Shankar, Shivdas, Surdas, Ustad Timur, and Tulsi. * It is notable that these three artists are reckoned by Abu’l Fazl to be among the leading painters of Akbar’s court (A‘in-i Akbari 1595 , trans. I.114). ** Mansur further invites our attention, who attained great fame during Jahangir’s reign (b.1569, r.1605–2), who honoured him with the lofty title ‘Nadir-u’l Asr’ (‘Unique of the Age’) (Tuzuk-i Jahangiri, trans. II.20). Introduction | 9

Our manuscript reveals a defi nite Mughal style and a mature narrative art for which Akbar’s school is reckoned in medieval Indian art. The National Museum Baburnama contains simpler compositions where a single event is the focus of the artist. These are ‘single-scene’ representations. But in several instances paintings show the breakup of a composition into self-contained small units or groups. These units revolve around the central theme and make the representation of the event more elaborate and descriptive. In such instances, in the division of visual fi eld, use is freely made of the receptacles comprising hill- ocks, mounds of earth, streams, vegetation, architectural columns, and so forth, a technique well known to the Ajanta painter6 but equally in vogue in Persian manuscript painting. In general, in fi fteenth- and sixteenth-century Persian narrative art, the trend of breaking up a visual fi eld into two or more units was in vogue, but these units remained isolated in the absence of the artist’s effort to show some kind of relationship between them. As a result, cohesive effect in the narration suffered. Mughal artists rectifi ed this shortcoming and succeeded in connect- ing the units through rhythmic movements, gestures, and facial expressions. In their work there appeared something freer, bolder, and more vigorous in effect than the Persian painters had ever expressed.7 The rhythmic movement not only established a relationship between the fi gures but also promoted naturalism. Barrett and Gray have defi ned this relationship between the fi gures as ‘psychological’, in contrast to the entirely formal relationship seen in Iranian Painting.8 From the very beginning of the Mughal school in the early Mughal narratives, that is, Tutinama (c.1565–70), the Anwar-i Suhaili (1570), and the Hamza‘nama (c.1565–80), there appears an emphasis on establishing a psychological relationship between the fi gures. Pramod Chandra and Daniel J. Ehnbom hold that the vitality, inner coherence, and unity seen in the Hamza‘nama illustrations are obviously the result of indigenous elements at work in the formation of the Mughal style.9 An accommodation of units containing subsidiary details of an event in a visual fi eld make the illustration more elaborate and descriptive. Such compositions appear in mature form in the National Museum manuscript. In the illustration on folio 24a, ‘Babur meets his grandmother, Aisan-daulat Begam’ (Plate 10), we fi nd the visual fi eld comprising four units exhibiting related details of the event. The upper left represents Babur conversing with his grandmother, and a group of three ladies awaits in the adjoining carridor on right. The lower half accommodates a group of guards holding a trespasser, while a door-keeper on the main entrance gate of this forti- fi ed structure thwarts the entry of men. These busy movements of the guards and the door-keeper make the scene full of excitement. Here the units are separated by architectural features (mainly walls) and are set in an ascending order. In another instance, Marghinan recovered. ‘Ali Dost Taghai submits to Babur at the fort of Mar- ghinan’ (folio 58a), and also three units appear in an ascending order (Plate 22). The uppermost unit exhibits Babur seated on a raised hexagonal seat placed in open under a canopy, and ‘Ali Dost Taghai accompanied with his followers pays obeisance to him’. The remaining two units set in the lower half of the illustration show an upward movement of Babur’s retinue in the walled town, and fi nally in the fort of Marghinan. Here, too, the bastions and massive walls of the forti- fi ed palace crowned with parapets serve as receptacles. It was the ingenuity of the Mughal artists 10 | Introduction

(here, Miskin) that in a synoptic narrative they made the fullest use of receptacles to create rhythm. The zigzag order of the outer walls, suggestive of movement, also enhanced depth in the picture. In the present example, the hustle and bustle of the subject, the realistic approach of the artist, and the way of showing up the movement of nobles outside the wall with the main scene behind, which is higher up in the painting, betray an Indian style. Such an arrangement hinted at the continuous narration, and the receptacles placed in the visual fi eld helped the viewer to dis- tinguish various phases of the event. The Mughal artists also often set the units in such a manner as to create an illusion of receding space (folios 24a, 30a, 58a, 78a, 334b, and 340b). Sometimes to attach an importance to a particular event, the visual fi eld was enlarged and there appear double-page illustrations. An outstanding example of it, ‘The acclaiming of standards’ (folios 90b–91a) is a literal visual narrative of the event as described by Babur: “Between Bish-kint and Sam-sirak he formed up into array of right and left and saw the count of his men. This done, the standards were acclaimed in Mughal fashion. The Khan [Mahmud Kan] dismounted and nine standards were set up in front of him. A Mughal tied a long strip of white cloth to the thigh-bone (aurta ailik) of a cow and took the other end in his hand. Three other long strips of white cloth were tied to the staves of three of the (nine) standards, just below the yak-tails, and other ends were brought for The Khan to stand on one and for me and Sl. Muh. Khanika to stand each on one of the two others. The Mughal who had hold of the strip of cloth fastened to the cow’s leg, then said something in Mughal while he looked at the standards and made signs towards them” (Beveridge 1921, I.154–5). The italicized text corroborates with the visual narration of the event (folio 90b). An array of the Khan’s army and his followers forms the outer circle from right to left comprising royal drum-beaters, trumpet- ers, and the standard-bearers, as well as the mounted soldiers and nobles. The whole event takes place in a hilly landscape and is extended beyond the right-hand folio by admitting a large group of Khan’s followers and nobles witnessing the event (folio 91a). The latter folio fulfi lls the demand of the text and is suggestive of the continuity in narrative style (Plates 31–2). The miniature ‘Khusrau Shah pays homage to Babur’ (folios 112b–113a) is another good exam- ple of double-page illustration. Here Khusrau Beg is shown kneeling before Babur seated on a carpeted rock beside a huge plane tree (folio 112b). His followers stand behind him while a large number of them occupy the outer circle with their pages (folio 113a). The event is described thus: “Next day, one in the middle of the First Rabi (end of August, 1504 AD), riding light, I crossed the Andar-ab water and took my seat under a large plane tree near Dushi, and thither came Khusrau Shah, in pomp and splendour, with a great company of men. According to rule and custom, he dismounted some way off and then made his approach. Three times he knelt when we saw one another, three times also on taking leave; he knelt once when asking after my welfare, once again when he offered his tribute, and he did the same with Jahangir Mirza and with Mirza Khan (Wais)” (Beveridge 1921, I.193). The italicized text bears conformity with the visual narrative. The event shown taking place in open, in a landscape beside a stream, hints at the nomad lifestyle. The distant landscape comprising craggy hills, clumps of trees on a mound, and a fortifi ed place puts on view the sixteenth-century Mughal style of delineating the backgrounds in outdoor scenes (Plates 39–40). A royal hunt, ‘Babur hunts on the plain of Kattawaz’ (folios 192b–193a), a subject of general interest, is a good example of qamargah, a hunting circle, set in order for Babur. The animals Introduction | 11 driven into a circle by a large group of men are circumscribed within the hunting spot. The widespread hunting ground occupies two folios where Babur, mounted on a dark brown stallion, gallops after a fl eeing wild ass and strikes it by his sabre at the hind part of the animal (however, the text tells us that Babur “chopped at the nape of its neck behind the ears, and cut through the wind-pipe”). Babur narrates the event as the following: “Next day when we had ridden from that camp, a hunting circle was formed on the plain of Kattawaz where deer (kiyik) and wild-ass are always plentiful and always fat. Masses went into the ring; masses were killed. During the hunt I galloped after a wild ass, on getting near shot one arrow, shot another, but did not bring it down, it only running more slowly for the two wounds. Spurring forwards and getting into position quite close to it, I chopped at the nape of its neck behind the ears, and cut through the wind-pipe; it stopped, turned over and died. My sword cut well!” (Beveridge 1921, I.325) The followers too took part in hunting and vigorously chased the animals (folio 193a). The visual fi eld being enlarged provides ample space for the delineation of action (Plates 64–5). The stock fi gure of ‘galloping horse’ is a characteristic mark of this illustration. The use of stock fi gures, especially the horse, was a common trend both in Persian and Mughal painting. ‘Humayun’s victory over Hamid Khan Lodi’ (folios 254b–255a) is another action-filled double-page illustration which depicts fl eeing army of Hamid Khan while Humayun advances ahead and his troops hotly pursue the enemy. The drum-beaters, trumpeters, and others playing the war music heighten the drama (Plates 84–5). ‘Distribution of treasure, forts, and postings by Babur on his fi rst coming to Agra’ (folios 298b–299a) is the most precise example of double-page illustration. The event takes place inside the private apartments of Sultan Ibrahim Lodi and the movement of fi gures is reported from left to right. The pillared corridor, the awning, and the high walls surrounding the apartments make the picture concentrated when both the folios (illustra- tions) are adjoined together (Plates 132–3). There appears a calm and quiet gathering of nobles presenting themselves one by one before Babur, who is seated on a high hexagonal throne placed on a carpeted fl oor of a domed structure. In spite of the limitations of the narrative modes there appears always a variety in the artist’s mode of expression. It is true even in the depiction of narratives on similar themes (see Part III, Interpreting similar themes in related manuscripts). In another category of the visual narratives various phases of the event are treated as the subject of separate visual fi eld, and to maintain the continuity of narration, the fi gure of the main character is repeated in each illustration. It served as a link between the various phases of the event and helped the viewer to relate them together. A picturization of the event, ‘Second raid on the Turkman Hazaras’, depicts two phases, i.e., (a) ‘Babur attacking Turkman Hazaras’ (folio 183b) and (b) ‘Babur captures a fl ock of sheep from the Hazaras’ (folio 184a), treated as the subject of separate visual fi elds, respectively. In both instances, Babur’s presence is signifi cant. The fi gure of the protagonist being repeated from scene to scene is a characteristic of this narrative mode. The phases selected for representation normally form the beginning and the end/climax of the event. Obviously, these relate with the successive moments of the event and are suggestive of both space and time. One need not say that the ‘two separate visual fi elds’ make the representation more elaborate and descriptive (Plates 59–60). 12 | Introduction

In another instance, narrative of the subject, ‘Babur’s second move for Hindustan’, consists of two phases of the event, i.e., (a) ‘Babur raiding the Afghans between Kabul and Lamghan’ (folio 205a) and (b) ‘Afghans captured and brought before Babur’ (folio 206a). Both of the illustra- tions, although treated as separate miniatures, are thematically complementary to each other and jointly cover the episodes of a single event (Plates 70–1). Likewise, the historic ‘Battle of Panipat (1526)’ is composed of its two signifi cant phases, i.e., ‘Babur advances in fi ghting array’ (folio 259b) and ‘Humayun leading the right wing’ (folio 260a). Here climax of the event is not under focus (Plates 86–7). In fact, the artist’s choice varied in the selection of the phases/parts of an epi- sode to be presented in the visual fi eld; and most likely an artist’s choice of descriptive detail was fi nal. Nevertheless, an identity of the miniature with the related text always remained. The artists narrated the theme in the light of their personal and contemporary experience and observation. In fact, in the case of the past events the artist had no opportunity of directly experiencing visual contact with the event, as was possible in the portrayal of contemporary episodes and events from day-to-day life. In such narratives, i.e., of the Baburnama, the descriptive details in the visual fi eld are explained by the artist by drawing upon his personal knowledge as well as imagination. By placing the main characters of an event in their appropriate surroundings, he created drama in the visual fi eld to meet the literal illustrative demand of the text. He always seems particular about the accuracy and truthful depiction of objects relating to the descriptive details of a scene or event. As such his visual narratives are well recognized for a faithful depiction of material cul- ture and nature history. While looking at them today, one fi nds oneself transported into the past. The Baburnama illustrations show a distinct departure from the strict Persian convention of extending the objects beyond the frame of the picture. These further show a going away from the Persian convention of setting the lines of the text within the picture frame. An arrangement of such lines on the top or bottom of miniatures, or occasionally at both the places, or in the mid- dle of the picture space, can be seen. A change is observed from the close of sixteenth-century Mughal narrative art. In the present manuscript there are forty such examples out of 145 which contain no lines of the text; and also in numerous instances these appear precisely inconsiderable (folios 58a, 66a, 86b, 106a, 113a, 148a, 172a, and 189b). This change brought the composition in Mughal painting closer to Indian tradition. Thus compactness was achieved in the composition. This arrangement also promoted the effects of vastness in compositions, under the infl uence of the European method of treating space. It is clear from our set of Baburnama illustrations that by the close of the sixteenth century the Mughal School had absorbed the infl uence of the European method of treating space. Moreover Mughal artists seem to have become acquainted with the method of perspective and treatment of light and shade in European painting. Diagonal views of buildings, while they denoted linear perspective, showed an improvement on the fl at treatment of buildings seen in the Safavid and Timurid painting of the fi fteenth and sixteenth centuries (folios 58a, 60a, 78a, 334b). Shading employed in architectural columns, niches, arched gateways, and so on, created depth in a two-dimensional plane. Distant landscapes comprising buildings, clumps of trees, and hillocks represented in diminu- tive shape and in blurred effect, are a testimony of scale perspective attempted in Mughal book Introduction | 13 illustrations of this period. Receding effects in landscape were achieved in some examples where human fi gures and other objects are shown smaller in scale than their counterparts in the fore- ground (folios 17b, 30a, 34b, 39b, 40b, 44a, 66a, 142b, 148a, 211b, 327b, and 352b). Obviously, however, European concepts of perspective were not followed by the Mughal artists in exactly the same form. The aerial perspective remains almost unaffected by European impact. In the illustra- tions, the sky appears insignifi cant and is mostly represented as a narrow strip on a high margin. Occasionally, sky is treated with a mass of clouds covering all or most of the sky (folios 86b, 93a, 126a, 132b). While emphasizing atmosphere, the artist sometimes depicted the fl ight of birds across the horizon to show morning or evening (folios 98a, 135a, 209a, 215b). At times, a distant landscape background represents scenes of people at work, taken from day-to- day life. An example of such a scene is in Nand Gawalyari’s miniature on folio 142b (Plate 51). It depicts shepherds with their herd, and a cultivator ploughing the fi eld. Likewise in a scene in the distant corner of a royal camp, royal attendants are shown giving fodder to the animals and a woman grinding grain in a hand mill (folio 70a [Plate 28]). The miniature ‘Babur supervising a construction of a reservoir at Istalif’ (folio 125a [Plate 43]) is a fi ne representation of men engaged in construction work, i.e., a mason, a water carrier, a labourer, and others. The traders, fowlers, stewards and cooks, boat men, shop-keepers, and wrestlers form the part of the subjects repre- sented on folios 4a (Plate 1), 132b (Plate 45), 137a (Plate 49), 175a (Plate 57), 177b (Plate 58), 203a (Plate 69), 327b (Plate 136), and 352b (Plate 140). The Mughal artist was not primarily concerned with the portrayal of the common people; nevertheless, the latter found a place in the compositions. Such genre scenes mostly appear in the background of the pictures since miniatures are usually part of historical narrative sequences. The proximity of the people to the focal point in the miniature is determined by the nature of their functions. The cultivators or shepherds, for example, are introduced in outdoor scenes on the periphery of the composition, often simply for the purpose of completing the background (folio 142b). Sometimes a theme may itself neces- sitate the inclusion of commoners in the plan. Outstanding examples are those depicting building activities, bird trapping, hunting, feasts and festivities, and others (folios 125a, 126a, 132b, 137a, 175a, 177b, 192b, 193a, 352b). A number of miniatures depicting common people at work show that the Mughal artists were masters in the execution of genre scenes. The lively effect achieved in these works vouches for the artists’ keen sense of observation. These pictorial representations bearing the stamp of realism deserve the attention of historians for a study of the people at the bottom of the society. The Baburnama miniatures are equally important for the study of various items of material culture. Scenes depicting battles, feasts, festivities, birth ceremonies, and the like provide evi- dence of the performance of the imperial naqqarkhana. These bear the testimony of the types and forms of a variety of musical instruments which formed an integral part of the royal drum- house, such as naqqara, damama, surna, qarna, nafi r, and sanj. The rubab, kath-tala, daf, and chang are other musical instruments shown in the accompaniment of female dancers and musicians (folios 135a, 209a). Miniatures illustrating battles, sieges, and expeditions depict a great vari- ety of arms and armour. Of the traditional weapons there appear a variety of swords, shields, spears, maces, daggers, and bows and arrows. Firearms including the matchlock and cannons also appear. 14 | Introduction

As regards conventional weapons, their types and forms are more or less the same as those described by Abu’l Fazl in the A’in-i Akbari, a few of which are shown on plates of the manuscript.10 Guns and matchlocks, for example, have been described but their drawings have not been included in the work. Therefore, to a great extent, we have to depend on the Mughal miniatures for the study of their forms. These have to be studied in light of their descriptions given in the A’in-i Akbari.11 The use of matchlock seems to have become wider since the Baburnama miniatures represent both the foot soldiers (folios 14b, 63a, 106a, 112b, 136b, 216a, 360b, 362a, 366b) and cavalrymen (folio 30a) wielding matchlocks, the latter rarely. There appear a great variety of royal ensignia, costumes, spreads, utensils, furniture, and so on represented in the miniatures. Of the ensigns of royalty there appear the aurang, chhatra, sayaban or aftabgir, kawkaba, alams, and chauri or chamari. Miniatures representing garden scenes depict implements of gardening and the water-lifting device, that is the rahat (‘Persian wheel’). Although the latter is represented in full view in earlier Mughal miniatures, it is partly shown in the present manuscript (folio 121a [Plate 42]). It depicts only the gadget as a whole, that is, the wheel with a garland of pots and the pin-drum gearing. A pair of bullocks harnessed to turn the pin-drum is not shown. With regards to these items of material culture, it is true that the scale of their depiction is small, but the details are faithfully rendered and accuracy is achieved in the depiction of their forms and shapes. In the absence of the actual specimens, importance of pictorial representations is great.12 Babur, the Mughal This page intentionally left blank Zahir-ud-din Muhammad Babur, surnamed Babur, born on 6 Muharram 888/14 February 1483, succeeded his father, ‘Umar Shaikh Mirza II, ruler of Farghana,13 in Ramzan 899/June 1494. Babur a Timurid, Barlas Turk owed this appellation to the fact that his father was the son of Abu Sa‘id, the great-grandson of Amir Timur or Tamerlane. Babur’s mother, Qutluq-nigar Khanum, was the daughter of Yunus Khan, descended directly from Chaghatai Khan, second son of the Mongol conqueror Chengiz Khan. Thus Babur through his Timurid father and Chaghatai Mongol mother inherited both “the courage and capacity of the Turk” and “the restless energy of the Mongol” but with a difference.14 He was endowed with fi ner qualities. He was an author, a poet, a pen man, and above all, a connoisseur of art and a passionate lover of nature (see Part III, Sixteenth-century manuscript painting). At the time of his father’s sudden death in a freak accident, Babur was at Andijan. During this time his paternal uncles, Sultan Mahmud Mirza (Elder Khan) and Sultan Ahmad Mirza (Younger Khan), already hostile to his father, and a group of nobles who favoured his younger brother, Jahangir Mirza, threatened his succession to the throne. Babur had a plan to prepare himself for defence from the Andijan fort against the joint efforts of his uncles invading the country. But Amir Shirim Taghai advised him to retire to a safe place, Ush (Plates 4–5). Babur fended off the effort of Younger Khan to capture the throne of Farghana. His horsemen perished while crossing a bridge over a morass-infested swamp, about eight miles from Qaba (Plate 6), and a large number of horses and camels also expired due to the spread of a fatal disease which affected the strength of his troops (Plate 7). He hastily patched up a peace with Babur and ordered an immediate with- drawal of his troops from Farghana. Sultan Mahmud Khan also withdrew from Akhsi, the largest town of Farghana. Babur became a vassal and was allowed to retain Farghana. He was fortunate but he had to establish his claim to his rightful inheritance. Aba-bikar Mirza, who had become supreme in Kashgar and Khutan, invaded Farghana with the desire to take Babur’s country but he was driven out by Khwaja Beg (Plate 8). After the death of Sultan Ahmad Mirza, his younger brother, Sultan Mahmud Mirza, ascended the throne of Samarqand in July 1494. He, too, eager to annex Farghana, conspired with Hasan Yaqub, then governor of Andijan, to overthrow Babur and enthrone Jahangir Mirza. But Aisan Daulat Begum, maternal grandmother of Babur, thwarted the plot and the conspirators were arrested. Hasan Yaqub fl ed (Plate 9) but was killed in a night attack (Beveridge 1921, I.44). 18 | Introduction

Babur’s throne was secure partly due to the help of Aisan Daulat Begum of whom Babur writes: “Few amongst women will have been my grandmother’s equals for judgement and counsel; she was very wise and farsighted and most affairs of mine were carried through under her advice” (Beveri dge 1921, I.43; Plate 10). Babur was fortunate and Baqi Chaganiani, the younger brother of Khusrau Shah, a rival, joined him (Plate 11); and also Ibrahim Saru, who was hostile to Babur on account of being dismissed from ‘Umar Shaikh Mirza’s services, submitted to Babur (Plate 12). He had commenced open hostilities against Babur and sheltered himself in the fort of Asfara and read the khutba in the name of Bai-sungar Mirza. But his rebellion was crushed. In the meantime, after the defeat of Sultan Husain Mirza’s troops sent against Hamza Sultan, several of the former’s Begs joined Babur in May–June 1496 (Plate 13). Hamza Sultan, Mahdi Sultan, Mamak Sultan, Muhammad Dugh- lat, Sultan Husain Dughlat, and other Uzbegs dependent on these Sultans came to Andijan and entered into Babur’s service (Plate 14). After the death of Sultan Mahmud in January 1495, Bai-sunghar Mirza succeeded him and held the throne of Samarqand despite the challenges from his brothers, Sultan ‘Ali Mirza and Sultan Masud Mirza. The military aggression by Sultan Husain Baiqara and Mahmud Khan, the Elder Khan, further intensifi ed the present crisis at Samarqand. Babur, who kept an eye on the develop- ments taking place at Samarqand, accepted the proposal of Sultan ‘Ali Mirza and entered into an alliance to form the siege of Samarqand at a meeting near the Kohik water (Plate 16). According to the agreement, Babur proceeded from Andijan and left it under the charge of ‘Ali Dost Taghai and Uzun Hasan. Babur recovered Khujand which Sultan Ahmad Mirza had seized and advanced to besiege Samarqand but retreated soon due to lack of supplies. Greatly keen to take hold of Samarqand, he made a second attempt on Samarqand in May 1497 and took hold of the fortress of Qasim Duldai and besieged Khan Yutri fortress, situated to the east of Samarqand (Plate 17). With the mediation of Khwaja Qazi the troops stationed at the castle of Urgut surrendered to Babur who moved on to beleaguer Samarqand (Plate 18). Babur stayed at the fort of Khwaja Didar. Meanwhile, Bai-sunghar Mirza invited Shaibani Khan to help him. The latter appeared at Didar but met strong resistance from Babur and left for Turk- istan in despair. Bai-sunghar took refuge with Khusrau Shah at Kunduz at the end of November 1497 (Plate 19). Babur immediately left Khwaja Didar and entered Bustan-sarai (Samarqand). The chief men and Begs of the city welcomed Babur who realized the fulfi llment of his dream of sitting on the throne of Timur (Plate 20). Greatly fascinated by the splendour of Timur’s city, Babur gives a graphic description of its buildings, gardens, observatory, bazaar, and more (Beveridge 1921, I.77–82). Of its trade Babur writes:

Samarkand is a wonderfully beautifi ed town. One of its specialities, perhaps found in few other places, is that the different trades are not mixed up together in it but each has its own bazaar, a good sort of plan. Its bakers and its cooks are good. The best paper in the world is made there; the water for the paper-mortars all comes from Khan-i-gil, a meadow on the banks of the Qara-su (Blackwater) or Ab-i-rahmat (Water of Mercy). Another article of Samarkand trade, carried to all sides and quarters, is cramoisy velvet. (Beveridge 1921, I. 81) Introduction | 19

Babur besieged Samarqand for seven months and kept hold of it despite desertion in army and his own serious illness (Plate 21). Meanwhile, Sultan Ahmad Tambal and Uzun Hasan insisted that Babur hand over Andijan and Akhshi to Jahangir Mirza. At this time while Babur was recovering from his illness at Samarqand, Andijan was under the charge of ‘Ali Dost Taghai; and then it was besieged by Tambal and Uzun Hasan. As soon as Babur recovered, he marched out to Samarqand to challenge Tambal (February–March 1498). On his way at Khujand, Babur learned of the loss of Andijan from a messenger; by that time ‘Ali Dost Taghai had surrendered Sultan Ahmad. Babur lost Samarqand too, since during his absence his rivals enthroned Sultan ‘Ali Mirza as the ruler (Beveridge 1921, I.86). Now Babur stayed at Khujand, a poor place. He had twice moved out of Khujand, once for Andijan, once for Samarqand, but he had to retreat. Babur writes:

Khujand is a poor place; one beg would have a hard time in it; there we and our families and following had been for half a year and during the time the Musalmans of the place had not been backward in bearing our charges and serving us to the best of their powers. With what face could we go there again? and what, for his own part, could a man do there? ‘To what home to go? For what gain to stay?’ (Beveridge 1921, I.99)

In a state of uncertainty Babur moved in the south of Aura-tipa, then under the rule of Muham- mad Husain Doghlat who lent one of his villages, Pashaghar, to Babur. From there Babur marched to the Marghinan fort on an assurance of ‘Ali Dost Taghai, earlier in his service. The latter, seeking pardon for his misdeeds, admitted Babur into the fort. Babur was once more in possession of a walled town (Plate 22). Babur’s next move was to recover Andijan, then under the charge of Nasir Beg, and assigned by Sultan Ahmad Tambal and Auzun Hasan Beg. Both of them were on a march to lay siege to Marghinan. But they met a strong resistance from Babur and retreated towards Andijan in disorder. Meanwhile, Nasir Beg had made over Andijan to Babur after a negotiation through Qasim Beg at the initiation of Babur. It compelled Auzun Hasan to retreat to Akhshi and Tambal to Aush. Jahangir Mirza joined the latter in retreat (Plate 23). Once again Babur became master of Farghana and his adversaries were humbled. In his campaign against Sultan Ahmad Tambal in August 1499, Babur sieged the fort of Madu (Farghana), the centre of Tambal’s power and in the possession of his younger brother, Khalil Sultan. The garrison of the fort surrendered and several Khalil’s men were captured (Plate 24). Tambal’s march on Andijan also failed and he was forced to retreat. Babur, inspired by his success, now looked for a decisive battle. Tambal, having Jahangir Mirza with him positioned at Ab-i Khan, now moved to Khuban, a village about fi fteen miles from Andijan. Their fi rst skirmish took place at Saqa, a village two miles east of Khuban. Babur’s horsemen subdued the foe and Tambal took fl ight with his men (Plate 25). Several of his men, taken as prisoners, were executed. After the victory of Saqa, the pursuit of the enemy was not far ahead and Babur did not advance against Uzkend but returned to Andijan. Meanwhile, Sultan Mahmud Khan, the Elder Khan, infl uenced by Tambal’s men, despatched his men to Farghana to assist the rebels. In addition, Tambal marched from Uzkend to Suarasi and reached Noukend and took possession of Archin fort. Babur immediately reached and encamped at Namangan, a village near Archin. Babur stayed here for thirty or forty days 20 | Introduction and several skirmishes ensued between Babur and Tambal (Plates 26–7). Babur did not move onward for a determined fi ght since ‘Ali Dost Taghai and Qambar ‘Ali intervened with talk of peace, and who in fact preferred to accommodate Jahangir Mirza and thus looked forward to restricting Babur’s absolute power. Once again the peace was managed and in February 1500 Jahangir Mirza and Sultan Ahmad Tambal came and did obeisance to Babur, and terms and conditions were ratifi ed (Plate 28). Meanwhile, Tarkhans invited Babur in June 1500 to over- throw Sultan ‘Ali Mirza, the former ally of Babur; but Shaibani Khan approached earlier and treacherously took hold of Samarqand in July 1500, and Sultan ‘Ali was murdered. Babur deter- mined to capture Samarqand again and marched with his followers to surprise the garrison at midnight at the Turquoise Gate. It was a daring expedition of Babur, and Shaibani Khan, who could do nothing, rode off at once. Samarqand was recovered and Babur held his court at the Bustan palace (Plate 29). Babur writes:

Samarqand for nearly 140 years had been the capital of our dynasty. An alien, and of what stamp! an Auzbeg foe, had taken possession of it! It had slipped from our hands; God gave it again! plundered and ravaged, our own returned to us. (Beveridge 1921, I.134)

Babur had recover ed Samarqand a second time but his troubles lingered ahead. Shaibani Khan who had withdrawn to Bukhara waited for an opportune time to attack Samarqand. Babur, determined to keep hold of the country, knew well that zealous Shaibani was a risk for his and his kin’s position. He persuaded his Timurid kinsmen to assist him against Shaibani Khan, but he received an unfortunate reaction. The assistance sent by his uncles, the Khans, and the younger brother, Jahangir Mirza, was negligible. Babur decisively marched out of Samarqand city and positioned himself at Sar-i pul to undertake a regular campaign against the Uzbeks (April–May 1501). Meanwhile, Shaibani Khan had strengthened his position by regaining the forts of Qara-Kul and Dabusi. He considered it suitable to attack his opponent Babur while encamped outside the fortifi ed walls of Samarqand. Shaibani Khan laid siege to the city and launched a night attack. The prolonged siege compelled Babur to surrender Samarqand. Babur concluded a sort of peace and left the place at midnight by the Shaikh-zada’s Gate (Beveridge 1921, I.146–7). On his way, while racing with Qasim Beg and Qambar ‘Ali, Babur fell from his horse (Plate 30) and then went on to the village of Dizak. From Dizak, Babur went on to Dikh-kat, a village of Aura-tipa, where his grandmother, Aisan Daulat Begum, left at Samarqand, also arrived. During the same time Shaibani Khan plundered the districts of Shahrukhia and Bishkint twice and retired. Babur, dispirited due to inaction against his rival, set off and joined his uncle Mahmud Khan in Tashkent, who was then holding a ceremony of an acclamation of the standards to demonstrate his strength against Tambal. The lat- ter had been raiding Aura-tipa and held Farghana in the name of Jahangir Mirza. Babur attended this age-old ritual of blessing the standards of the warriors (Plates 31–2). Being an adventurer, Babur was not happy at Tashkent and decided to go to China. At last, he marched out to visit his uncle Ahmad Khan, the Younger Khan. Babur writes:

During my stay at Tashkint, I endured much poverty and humiliation. No country or hope of one! Most of my retainers dispersed, those left, unable to move about with me because of their destitution! Introduction | 21

If I went to my Khan dada’s Gate, I went sometimes with one man, sometimes with two. It was well he was no stranger but one of my own blood. After showing myself in his presence, I used to go to Shah Begim’s, entering her house, bareheaded and barefoot, just as if it were my own. This uncertainty and want of house and home drove me at last to despair. Said I, ‘It would be better to take my head and go off than live in such misery; better to go as far as my feet can carry me than be seen of men in such poverty and humiliation Having settled on China to go to, I resolved to take my head and get away’. (Beveridge 1921, I.157)

Babur had a plan to persuade the Younger Khan to join with the Elder Khan against Tambal. During the intervening period Ahmad Khan arrived in Tashkint and paid homage to Babur near Yagha village situated between Tashkint and Sairam (Plate 33). The two Khans, Mahmud Khan and Ahmad Khan, accorded their support in expelling Tambal from Farghana. On 21 July 1502, they marched to besiege Andijan, while Babur had to operate in other parts of Farghana, that is, Ush and Auzkint. Ush and Marghinan surrendered, but the garrison at Andijan, loyal to Tam- bal and at the time camped near Akhsi, forestalled Babur’s attempt of seizing Andijan. Babur’s troops engaged each other in disarrangement in the darkness of night as enemies, and Babur was compelled to retreat to Aush (Beveridge 1921, I.164; Plate 34). The forward movement of the Khans put Tambal to fl ight, and they pursued the rival far off Akhsi. Akhsi was assigned to Babur, and other places which had submitted were assigned to Ahmad Khan. Further, the Khans assured Babur they would drive out Shaibani Khan from Samarqand and enthrone him, but of course, they would keep possession of Farghana in return for lending a helping hand. Babur felt dismayed, and not much success was achieved, but Sultan Ahmad Tambal and his men lost heart. Babur writes:

Through the return to me of the forts and the highland and lowland clans, Tambal and his adherents lost heart and footing. His army and people in the next fi ve or six days began to desert him and to fl ee to retired places and the open country. Of his household some came and said, ‘His affairs are nearly ruined; he will break up in three or four days, utterly ruined’. On hearing this, we rode for Andijan. (Beveridge 1921, I.164)

On hearing this, Babur, after occupying Akhsi, attempted again to take hold of Andijan. On learn- ing of Babur’s move, Tambal got troubled and made a sudden attack while Babur was encamped on the outskirt of the suburbs at the side of the village Rabat-i Zauraq with his confi dent Begs, Nasir Beg and Qambar ‘Ali Beg. In this attack Babur was wounded and fl ed to Aush with diffi - culty (Plate 35). Several of his followers were unhorsed: “The enemy unhorsed (tushurdilar) good men of mine, Nasir Beg, Muh. ‘Ali Mubashir, Khwaja Muh. ‘Ali, Khusrau Kukuldash, Na‘man the page, all fell (to them, tushtilar), and also many unmailed braves” (Beveridge 1921, I.168). Babur was now perplexed and during the s ame time Jahangir Mirza, his brother and nominal head of Farghana, having escaped from Tambal’s camp at Marghinan, came and paid homage to Babur at Akhsi (Plate 36). He persuaded Babur to arrest Shaikh Bayazid who had retained the possession of the fort and surrendered the town Akhsi only to Babur. Babur disapproved any such move. Meanwhile, Sultan Ahmad Tambal worked out his entry in the fort and joined Bayazid. Tambal favoured a pact with Babur, but Jahangir Mirza and Ibrahim Beg opposed this move. It 22 | Introduction provoked an attack by Tambal which defeated Babur who could not defend Akhsi (Plate 37). The latter was compelled to fl ee for safety to the mountains (Plate 38). Jahangir Mirza was driven off in panic to Khurasan. (At this juncture, Babur’s Memoirs breaks off for some sixteen months. The text breaks off in 908 AH and is resumed in 910 AH [from the end of 1502 to June 1504].) Babur escaped to Asfara and wandered among the hills for a year. Now Babur foresaw his future in Khurasan, then under the possession of Sultan Husain Mirza. Subsequently, he reached Dushi, near Kabul, in the territory of Khusrau Shah. At this place Khusrau paid homage to Babur since he had little hope of success in challenging him. He knew that a group of warriors who were in his service now openly opposed him and had joined Babur. Baqi Chaghaniani, a man of weight, and some Aimaks had joined the latter. During the same time, Shaibani Khan had taken Andijan and marched off to raid Hissar and Kunduz. Khusrau Shah, unable to stay at Kunduz, marched out with his men and took the road of Kabul. Thus, an upset Khusrau sent his son-in-law, Ayub’s Ayub, to Babur with a proposal of submission. It followed Khusrau’s submission in the end of August 1504 (Plates 39–40). Babur treated him kindly and pardoned him for his misdeeds: the murder of Bai-sunghar Mirza, the blinding of Sultan ‘Ali Mirza, and also the lack of courtesy ever shown to Babur. After the submission of Khusrau Shah, several of his men and followers belong- ing to various clans and tribes joined Babur’s service (Plate 41). At this point in time, Babur considered Kabul as the most suitable place for his exertions, and of strategic signifi cance to encounter Shaibani Khan or operations in Hindustan. With this sense of judgement, Babur marched out to Dushi and took Arghun by surprise, and after a little resis- tance Muqim surrendered Kabul through his mediator, Baqi Beg. Muqim was allowed a safe march out with his retainers to Qandahar. On this success of him Babur writes:

It was in the last ten days of the Second Rabi‘ (Oct. 1504 AD) that without a fi ght, without an effort, by Almighty God’s bounty and mercy, I obtained and made subject to me Kabul and Ghazni and their dependent districts. (Beveridge 1921, I.199)

Of Kabul, Babur gives a graphic description: its towns and environs, climate, mountain passes and tracts, tribes, fl ora and fauna, trade and products, revenues, professionals, and more (Beveridge 1921, I.199–227). Here he puts on record the Bagh-i wafa (Garden of Fidelity) laid out by him in 914 AH (1508–9 AD) (Plate 42). Babur, an ardent lover of nature laid out gardens in chaharbagh pattern in several parts of his dominions. He goes on to tell us of the ‘Great garden’ at Istalif (Plate 43), and Khwaja Sih-yaran, near Kabul (Plate 44). Of the professionals, the bird catchers at Baran (Kabul) are described in detail (Plate 45). Now Babur’s immediate move was to divide the spoils. Jahangir Mirza was assigned Ghazni and its dependencies; Nasir Mirza was given Lamghan and Nijrow; to other Begs villages were appropri- ated as fi efs. For himself, Babur kept the possession of the whole land of the Kabul tuman. Here- after, to enrich his country’s resources, Babur made an effort to gain money by taxation. Babur writes: “Accordingly it was decided to levy 30,000 ass-loads of grain on Kabul, Ghazni, and their Introduction | 23 dependencies; we knew nothing at that time about the harvests and incomings; the impost was excessive, and under it the country suffered very grievously” (Beveridge 1921, I.228). He targeted the Hazaras who had refused to pay tribute. On the south and southeast of Kabul Hazaras, the nomads lived. Their leader Sultan Masudi had turned out to be a rebel and lived on plunder on the roads of Ghazni and Gardez (Plate 46). But this expedition of Babur met with little success: “The incursion was not what was wished” (Beveridge 1921, I.228).

Immediately after Babur’s attack on Hazaras, Yar Husain, son of Darya Khan from Bhira (Punjab) presented himself in audience of Babur at Kabul and invited him into his father’s country (Plate 47).15 After consulting his men, Babur decided to march off for Hindustan. Babur took this expedition in the month of Sha‘ban (910 AH/January 1505 AD) through Jagdalik pass and reached Adinapur, where Nasir Mirza joined him. After crossing Khaibar, Babur encamped at Jamrud and rode out to visit Gur-khattri, a holy place of the jogis and Hindus in Bigram, Punjab. But he could not visit this place since his guide had little time to explore it (Plate 48).16 Here the idea of crossing the Indus was rejected, and on the advice of Baqi Chaghaniani Babur advanced to the southward, plundering all the way through Kohat where many wealthy tribesmen lived. He made a night’s halt at Kohat (Plate 49). Kohat was plundered the next day in the early morning and a large quantity of grain and a large number of cattle were picked up. However, the booty captured was quite less than expected. Babur left Baqi Chaghaniani ashamed and decided to raid the Afghans of Bangash and the Bannu, and then to return to Kabul (Beveridge 1921, I.231).

For Bangash, Babur took the Hangu-road. On the way the Kohat Afghans made an attack but were forced back. Hangu was raided and local Afghans were overpowered: “Our men went straight up, broke into it and cut off a hundred or two of insolent Afghan heads. There also a pillar of heads was set up” (Beveridge 1921, I.232). It followed the raid of Thal Afghans. Bannu lands held by Afghan tribesmen ‘Isa Khail and Nia-zal were humbled by Jahangir Mirza. Now Babur decided to return to Kabul by way of Farmul. Plundering Dasht Daman and the plains, Babur marched through Mehtar-Sulaiman (Afghan border) and reached Bilah, a dependency of Multan on Sindh water. A small skirmish took place while the Afghans who had crossed by boat to the far side of the river shot arrows at the followers of Babur (Plates 50–1). From Mehtar-Sulaiman Babur reached the Sindh-water at Ab-i istada (Standing water), southeast of Ghazni. At Ghazni, Jahan- gir Mirza received Babur and after a few days the latter reached Kabul in May 1505 AD (Plate 52).

On the way from Ghazni to Qandahar Babur assaulted the Qalat fort on the suggestion of Jahan- gir Mirza and Baqi Chaghaniani. But this move did not yield an advantageous result since both the Mirza and Chaghaniani declined to take possession of it. From here Babur went back to Kabul after plundering the Afghans of Sawa-sang and Ala-tagh on the south of Qalat (Plate 53). It was followed by his futile move to reduce Zul-nun Arghun of Qandahar, the latter being assisted by Badi‘u’z-zaman, the son of Sultan Husain Baiqara. Meanwhile, Baqi Chaghaniani was dismissed for his treacherous act of conspiring against Babur to overthrow him to obtain Jahangir Mirza’s enthronement. Baqi was killed by Yar-i Husain, son of Darya Khan, then in service of Babur and stationed at Kacha Kot (Punjab) (Beveridge 1921, I.250–1). 24 | Introduction

Now again to overpower the Turkman Hazaras Babur marched off Janglik in February 1506 and captured their many sheep and herds of horses. His next expedition was against the chief of Nijr-au tuman (Kabul) who had refused to pay revenue. Here at Ai-tughdi, below Baran, Babur suffered with a severe sciatic-pain attack and was bedridden for forty days (Beveridge 1921, I.253). At Baran, Jahangir Mirza arrived and joined Babur. The expedition was suc cessful and village headmen of the valleys of the Nijr-water and Ghain were crushed. Babur was yet to recover and Jahangir Mirza left for Ghazni who plundered Nani and moved to Bamian but met no success. At this junction, Babur, occupied with the affairs of Khurasan, had a realization of a threat from his rival Shaibani Khan who had already sieged Balkh and advanced to overrun Badakhshan. Meanwhile, Sultan Husain Mirza, involved in routing Shaibani Khan, had invited his sons and other Begs, and Babur as well, to form a coalition against the foe. Babur took this move in his favour and marched off to Khurasan. The meeting took place at Badi‘u’z-zaman’s place on 26 October 1506 (Plate 54), and it was followed by a feast (Plate 55). It was decided to assemble again the next summer to repel Shaibani Khan; and Babur stayed at Khurasan to spend the winter at the desire of Mirzas: Badi‘u’z-zaman Mirza, Abu’l-muhsin Mirza, and Muzaffar Mirza accom- panied them for Heart (Heri) (Beveridge 1921, I.300–1). Here Babur visited the Begams Payan- da-sultan Begam, Khadija Begam, Apaq Begam (Plates 56–7); and the Mirzas entertained Babur at Heart (Plate 58). But due to lack of winter arrangements, Babur left Heart on 24 December 1506 for a return to Kabul. He crossed with great diffi culty Khawal-i-quti (Blessed cave), below the Zirin-pass, and went on through Bamian and dismounted before reaching Janglik. On the way Turkman Hazaras attacked Babur while passing Bamian and the Shibartan-pass but were pushed back (Plates 59–60). During the same time, Babur came to know that Muhammad Husain Mirza Dughlat and Sultan Sanjar Barlas had sieged the fort and enthroned Mirza Khan (Wais) at Kabul. He marched off hurriedly towards Kabul, and on his way between the Minar hill and Kabul lit a fi re to fi ght the mighty cold (Plate 61), and reached Kabul riding single-fi le the whole way (Plate 62). Babur’s sudden attack on the rebels left them extremely agitated and the leaders Sultan Sanjar, Muhammad Husain, and Mirza Khan were captured but forgiven by Babur:

Muhammad Husain Mirza in his terror having run away into Khanim’s bedding-room and got him- self fastened up in a bundle of bedding, we appointed Mirim Diwan with other begs of the fort, to take control in those dwellings, capture, and bring him in. Mirim Diwan said some plain rough words at Khanim’s gate, by some means or other found the Mirza, and brought him before me in the citadel. . . . I kept this just claim in mind, let him go free, and permitted him to set out towards Khurasan. (Beveridge 1921, I.319; Plate 63)

Henceforth, Babur marched out of Kabul to crush Ghilji Afghans, and on his way at Sar-i-dih overran the Mahmands (Afghans), and attacked the Ghilji Afghans lying at the Khwaja Ismail Siriti. From there Babur marched off for Kabul after a hunt on the plains of Kattawaz where deer and wild asses were plentiful (Plates 64–5). During the same time Shaibani Khan advanced to attack Khurasan at the end of the year 1507. Badi‘u’z-zaman and Muzaffar Mirza encamped at Khurasan and yet, undecided to oppose the foe, fl ed away, and Heart passed on under the control of Uzbek chief Shaibani Khan (Plate 66), who Introduction | 25 now held all possessions of Timurid except Kabul and Ghazni. Shaibani’s advances perturbed Shah Suja Arghun (Shah Beg) and his younger brother, Muqim Beg, who held Qandahar. They sought help from Babur who marched off for Qandahar by way of Qalat. But refractory behaviour by the brothers led Babur to attack Qandahar. During the attack Pari Beg Turkman along with his brethren shifted his loyalty to Babur and joined him. By sheer force Babur’s men drove back the Arghuns of Qandahar, and Shah Beg and Muqim took fl ight (Plates 67–8). It followed the distribution of spoils of the battle of Qandahar. The Qandahar country was given to Nasir Mirza, and Babur returned to Kabul (Plate 69). Shaibani Khan lost no time, and after Babur’s return to Kabul, he sieged Qandahar without delay. This aggressive move of the Khan alarmed Babur who now considered his position quite too weak to challenge Shaibani Khan and considered Kabul quite unsafe. Subsequently, he decided to march towards Hindustan:

When this news came, the begs were summoned for counsel. The matters for discussion were these: Strangers and ancient foes, such as are Shaibani Khan and Auzbegs, are in possession of all the countries once held by Timur Beg’s descendants; even where Turks and Chaghatais survive in corners and border-land they have all joined the Auzbeg, willingly or with aversion; one remains, I myself, in Kabul, the foe mightily strong, I very weak, with no means of making terms, no strength to oppose; that, in the presence of such power and potency, we have to think of some place for ourselves and, at this crisis and in the crack of time there was, to put a wider space between us and the strong foeman; that choice lay between Badakhshan and Hindustan and that decision must now be made. Qasim Beg and Sherim Taghai were agreed for Badakhshan. I and several household-begs preferred going towards Hindustan and were for making a start to Lamghan. (Beveridge 1921, I.340)

Babur, with the plan of going to Hindustan, marched out of Kabul in September 1507. He prefer- red the route through Little Kabul and going down by Surkh-rabat to Quruq-sai. The Afghans of this region who lived on plundering and theft attempted to block Babur’s passage through the pass of Jagdalik. But they were pushed back and ultimately they took to fl ight. A few, those were captured, were executed (Plates 70–1). Babur, who failed to envision his next move, abandoned his present advance and returned to Kabul:

As it was not found desirable to go on into Hindustan, I sent Mulla Baba of Pashaghar back to Kabul with a few braves. Meantime, I marched from near Mandrawar to Atar and Shiwa and lay there for a few days. (Beveridge 1921, I.343)

He visited Atar, Kunar, and Nur-gal; and from Kunar went back to his camp on a raft (Plate 72). On his return to Kabul, Babur styled himself Padshah: “Up to that time people had styled Timur Beg’s descendants Mirza, even when they were ruling; now I ordered that people should style me Padshah” (Beveridge 1921, I.344). At the same time (6 March 1506), celebrations were held at Kabul to observe birth of Babur’s fi rst so n, who received the name of Humayun (Plate 73). 26 | Introduction

Meanwhile, Shaibani Khan retired from Qandahar since he did not succeed in taking hold of the fort; and also Nasir Mirza left Qandahar on various accounts and went to Ghazni (Beveridge 1921, I.343).

(At this point of time, Babur’s Memoirs breaks off for nearly eleven years: 914 to 925 AH [1508–19 AD]. The text picks up again with the narrative of an assault on the fort of Bajaur [925 AH/17 January 1519], the third move to Hindustan.) The fort was assaulted and a general massacre took place; and the country of Bajaur was entrusted to Khwaja Kalan (Plate 74). Now Babur turned off for Bhira, the borderland of Hindustan. The idea to move on Hindustan had been in Babur’s mind since he came into Kabul, but it could not be done for a variety of reasons. He writes:

Now that Bhira, the borderland of Hindustan, was so near, I thought something might fall into our men’s hands if, riding light, we went suddenly into it. To this thought I clung, but some of my well-wishers, after we had raided the Afghans and dismounted at Maqam, set the matter in this way before me: ‘If we are to go into Hindustan, it should be on a proper basis’; one part of the army stayed behind in Kabul; a body of effective braves was left behind in Bajaur; a good part of this has gone into Lamghan because its horses were worn-out; and the horses of those who have come this far are so poor that they have not a day’s hard riding in them. (Beveridge 1921, I.378)

Babur did not pay attention to these considerations. He started off to hunt rhinoceros on the Swati side (Plate 75), and on the following day, 17 February 1519, set off for the ford on the direct road from Mardan, eastward through the water of Sindh, and dismounted near the water of Kacha-kot (Haru, Panjab) (Plate 76). Marching on ahead through the Salt-range (Koh-i-jud) and Kalda-kahar, Babur dismounted on the east of Bhira, on the bank of the Bahat (Jhelam). Babur visited Bhira on 22 February 1519 where Sangur Khan Janjuha came and paid obeisance to Babur. The headmen and chauderis of Bhira agreed to pay tribute as the price for peace. Now Babur sent his envoy Mulla Murshid to Sultan Ibrahim Lodi, then ruler of Delhi, to demand the countries which earlier were dependencies of Turk. Babur considered this demand accurate: “People were always saying, ‘It would do no harm to send an envoy for peace sake, to countries that once depended on the Turk’” (Beveridge 1921, I.384–5). At the same time, other countries, Khush-ab and Chin-ab, yielded to Babur. After making an arrangements, i.e., B hira was given to Hindu Beg, Chin-ab country was bestowed on Husain Aikrak, and Khush-ab entrusted to Shah Hasan, Babur marched off for Kabul. Babur crossed Jhelum by boat (Plate 77), and subdued Tatar Kakar and Hati Kakar, the headmen of the Kabar tribe living among the mountains of Nil-ab and Bhira. After crossing Sindh, Babur dismounted at Bigram and went to see Gur-khattri. This expe- dition of Babur in Hindustan was a success, and while at Bigram, Babur offered gifts out of the offerings of Hindustan to the chiefs of Dilazak Afghans (Plate 78).17 On 30 March 1519, Babur reached Kabul, and on hearing of his arrival Humayun and Kamran came and did obeisance between the gates of the town and the citadel (Plate 79). In August 1519, Babur made excursions to Koh Daman, Baran, and Khwaja Sih-yaran and on his way visited Khwaja Khawand Sa‘id’s tomb and got on a raft to cross Panjhir-water (Plate 80). During excursions in October 1519, Khizr Khail Afghans were raided and punished; and also the Waziri Afghans, who never paid tribute well, were raided. Once the matters were settled, Babur Introduction | 27 marched on and dismounted at Jagdlik. In January 1520, during his excursions to Bajaur, Kunar, and Mandrawar Babur hunted between ‘Ali-shang and Alangar and turned for Kabul (Beveridge 1921, I.424; Plate 81). (Babur’s Memoirs breaks off here for fi ve years and nine months: 25 January 1520 to 17 November 1525 [Safar 9 26 to Safar First 932 AH]. The text begins again with the fi fth expedition of Babur into Hindustan.)

Babur set out for Hindustan on 17 November 1525 (1 Safar 932 AH) through Badam-chashma and Gandamak. On the way he was joined by Humayun and Khwaja Khan from Ghazni. For a while he stayed at Bigram after a hunt (Plate 82) and ordered necessary preparations for ferrying to Indus (Plate 83). At this moment, on 11 December 1525 Babur received the news that Daulat Khan, Yusuf-khail Lodi, and his son, Apaq Ghazi Khan, with an army of 20,000 to 30,000 were on the march to assault Lahore, then held by Khwaja Husain. Babur immediately sent Mumin-i-‘ali to Lahore with the words: “We are advancing day by day; do not fi ght till I arrive” (Beveridge 1921, I.451). On 29 December, Babur dismounted at Sialkot and sent Shaham brother of Nur Beg to make sure of enemy’s position. On the fo llowing day Babur at his camp at Parsrur received the news that on hearing of his march to Lahore the enemy fl ed away. Babur wasted no time, and after receiving certain news of Apaq Ghazi Khan and other fugitives, immediately directed Muhammadi, Ahmadi, Qutluq-qadam, and others to overtake and capture them. Babur himself moved ahead and after crossing the Biah-water (Beas) besieged Milwat. Isma‘il Khan, then hold- ing the fort of Milwat, and the grandson of Daulat Khan Lodi, submitted. On the mediation of Daulat Khan, Apaq Ghazi Khan with his son ‘Ali Khan surrendered. Ghazi Khan was to remain with Khwaja Mir-i-miran but escaped to the hills. Daulat Khan, ‘Ali Khan, and Isma‘il Khan were taken captive and were conveyed to Bhira fort of Milwat under the charge of Kitta Beg. But Daulat Khan died on the way at Sultanpur. Milwat was given into the charge of Muhammad ‘Ali Jang-jang (Beveridge 1921, I.461, event of 10 January 1526). Dilawar Khan Lodi, son of Daulat Khan waited on Babur for three or four days after the latter had taken Milwat. After paying the blood-ransom Dilawar Khan was allowed to join Babur. A ceaseless hunt for Ghazi Khan continued, and Babur arranged for his men Tardika and Birim Deo Malinhas to arrest Ghazi Khan, wherever he might be found. His strongholds were assaulted and after despatching the light troop against him, Babur advanced against Sultan Ibrahim. This light troop took Hurar, Kahlur, and other hill forts of the neighbourhood and at the same time, ‘Alam Khan, son of Bahlul Lodi took refuge with Babur after being defeated by Ibramim Lodi, and also being unacceptable to Ghazi Khan. Babur advanced after passing the Satlej through Sarhind and dismounted on the bank of Kakar (Ghaggar) of Banur and Sanur. Here, Babur received the news of Ibrahim Lodi’s march from Delhi, and the movement of Hamid Khan of Hissar-fi ruza to assist him with his army. After crossing Ghaggar on 25 February 1526, Babur encamped at Ambala and appointed Humayun to move against Hamid Khan. The whole of the right wing of the army joined him. But after a few skir- mishes with the advance party of the Mughals, the enemy ran away. Those captured were executed and Hissar-fi ruza was plundered (Plates 84–5). On this victory Babur writes: “This had been Huma- yun’s fi rst affair, his fi rst experience of battle; it was an excellent omen” (Beveridge 1921, I.466). 28 | Introduction

Babur advanced from Ambala to Shahabad and sent a news-gatherer (til-tutar kishi) to Ibrahim’s camp. Having the news of Ibrahim’s marc h advancing from Delhi every day, Babur marched off from Shahabad and reached the bank of Jun-river (Jumna), and encamped opposite Sarsawa. Here he got the news that Daud Khan Lodi and his elder brother, Hakim Khan Lodi, as such instructed by Ibrahim Lodi, were encamped across the river. Babur directed his detachment under Chin-Taimur Sultan and Mehdi Khwaja. It crossed the river and made a sudden attack on 2 April 1526. The enemy’s army retreated in disorderly fashion and were put to fl ight. Hakim Khan was captured and most of the captives were executed. At this juncture, Babur held a General Council where it was decided: “Pani-pat is there with its crowded houses and suburbs. It would be on one side of us; our other sides must be protected by carts and mantelets behind which our foot and matchlockmen would stand” (Beveridge 1921, I.469). With this planning Babur marched forward and reached Pani-pat on 12 April 1526. Seven hundred carts (araba) were arranged and Ustad ‘Ali Quli was ordered to join these carts in Otto- man fashion by using ropes of raw hide instead of chains, and that between every two carts fi ve or six mantelets should be fi xed, behind which the matchlockmen were to stand to fi re. For seven or eight days preliminary encounters took place; and the battle took place on 20 April (Plates 86–7). Babur’s victory at Pani-pat ended the Afghan’s power for some time. Delhi and Agra were immediately occupied on the very day of the battle and on 27 April, the khutba was read in Babur’s name at Delhi in a Congregational Prayer at the Grand Mosque. After holding in custody different treasuries at Delhi, Babur promptly marched off to Agra where Humayun had been sent in advance to seal the treasuries, and the distribution of treasure, forts, and postings took place in Sultan Ibrahim’s palace (Plates 132–3). Now Babur was the Emperor (Padshah) of Delhi; and his advances into Hindustan over the course of seven to eight years yielded a full success to his most ambitious project. Babur writes:

From the date 910 at which the country of Kabul was conquered, down to now (932 AH) [my] desire for Hindustan had been constant but owing sometimes to the feeble counsels of begs, sometimes to the non-accompaniment of elder and younger brethren, a move of Hindustan had not been practi- cable and its territories had remained unsubdued. . . . From then till now we laboriously held tight to Hindustan, fi ve times leading an army into it. The fi fth time, God the Most High, by his own mercy and favour, made such a foe as Sl. Ibrahim the vanquished and loser, such a realm as Hindustan our conquest and possession. (Beveridge 1921, II.478–9)

During the intervening period, Humayun raided Jajmau (the old name of the subdistrict of Kan- pur) and the rebel amirs assembled under Nasir Khan Nuhani and Ma‘ruf Farmuli did not stay but fl ed. The rebels at Juna-pur (or Jaunpur) Ghazi-pur were driven out (Beveridge 1921, II.534). Now Babur turned towards Rana Sanga (Rana Sangaram Singh), a great ruler both in territory and army. He was the ruler of Chittor and possessed many dependencies, such as Ranthambur, Sarangpur, Bhilsa, and Chanderi. After making arrangements at Jaunpur and Ghazipur, Huma- yun marched off to Agra and joined Babur on 6 January 1527. Now to challenge the advance of Rana Saga, Biana was stormed since Hasan Khan Miwati had allied with him. Babur left Agra on 11 February 1527 for the ‘Holy War’ against Rana Saga (Beveridge 1921, II.547). At the same Introduction | 29 time, Rana’s army set out as the advance-force of Babur holding the Biana garrison. While on the move towards Fathpur Sikri, Babur despatch ed a contingent under Muhibb-i-‘ali, Mulla Husain, and others to prevent the advance of the enemy, but they had to retreat and Rana’s army moved nearer and nearer to Babur’s camp. Now Babur fortifi ed his camp:

Owing to the Pagan’s rapid advance, to the fi ghting-work in Biana and to the praise and laud of the pagans made by Shah Mansur, Qismati, and the rest from Biana, people in the army shewed sign of want of heart. On the top of all this came the defeat of ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz. In order to hearten our men, and give look of strength to the army, the camp was defended and shut in where there were no casts, by stretching ropes of raw hide on wooden tripods, set seven or eight qari apart. Time had drawn out to twenty or twenty-fi ve days before these appliances and materials were fully ready. (Beveridge 1921, II.550)

A farman announcing Babur’s renunciation of wine was issued; and the remission of tamgha to all Musalmans of his dominions was announced. Babur advanced to fi ght on 13 March 1527, having the carts (arabas) and wheeled tripods moving in front with Ustad ‘Ali Quli and all the matchlockmen ranged behind them. Various divisions, right, left, and centre were positioned at their place. On 17 March, Babur’s army, ‘the army of Islam’, encamped near the village of Kanwa, a dependency of Biana, moved forward, and the battle began. Babur posted in the centre and led his troops in the right hand of the centre (Plate 134). The confl ict and battle lasted a long time, and the victorious troops of Babur followed from all sides and compelled Rana’s men to fl ee (Plate 135). Rana Sanga escaped from the pursuers. Babur assumed the title of Ghazi after the success in the battle of Kanwa: “After this success Ghazi (Victor in a Holy-war) was written amongst the royal titles” (Beveridge 1921, II.574). Below the titles (tughra) there entered on the Fath-nama the following quatrain written by Babur:

For Islam’s sake, I wandered in the wilds, Prepared for war with paga ns and Hindus, Resolved myself to meet the martyr’s death. Thanks to God! a ghazi I became. (Beveridge 1921, II.575)

Mumin-i-‘ali, the messenger (tawachi) was sent off for Kabul with the Fath-nama. After the suppression of the rebellion of Ilias Khan, who had taken Kul (Koel) and made Kichik ‘Ali prisoner, Babur visited the fort of Alwar on 13 April 1527 and made excursions to the Firuz- pur-spring and the great lake of Kutila in Gurgaon, Punjab (Plate 136). From Firuzpur Babur came to Biana and reached Agra on 25 April. During the intervening period rebels at Chandan- war, Rapri, and Shahabad in Rampur were suppressed. Now after annexing Mewat, Babur’s next move was against Medini Rao, then the ruler of Chanderi and an ally of Rana Sanga who had fought against Babur in Kanwa battle. Here also Babur announced an assault on Chanderi fort as the ‘Holy War’ against Chanderi: “After returning from Sikri we started on Monday night the 14th of the fi rst Rabi, with the intention of making Holy-war against Chandiri, did as much as 3 kurohs (6 m.) and dismounted in Jalisir” (Beveridge 1921, II.589). Babur marched on via 30 | Introduction

Anwar, Chandanwar, and Kachwa and dismounted beside the Bihjat Khan’s tank in Chanderi on 21 January 1528. Babur offered Shamsabad (in Gawalyar) Medini Rao in exchange of Chanderi, but no agreement was reached, and Babur attacked the fort of Chanderi on 29 January. With little resistance it was captured (Plate 137):

By God’s grace this renowned fort was captured in 2 or 3 garis (cir. an hour), without drum and stan- dard, with no hard fi ghting done. A pillar of pagan-heads was ordered set up on a hill north-west of Chandiri. A chronogram of this victory having been found in the words Fath-i-daru’l-harb [Conquest of a hostile seat], in thus composed them:

Was for a while the station Chandiri Pagan-full, the seat of hostile force; By fi ghting, I vanquished its fort, The date was Fath-i-daru’l-harb. (Beveridge 1921, II.596)

Chanderi was entrusted to Ahmad Shah, and Mulla Apaq was assigned with its military collector- ate. At this juncture, Babur’s plan to punish Raisin, Bhilsa, and Sarangpur, the lands dependent on Salahu’d-din who got associated himself with Rana Sanga, was held up due to the rise of Afghans in an area from Jaunpur to Patna. Babur promptly marched back to Chanderi and through the Kanar-passage advanced towards Qanauj. On hearing of Babur’s move the rebels Biban, Bayazid, and Ma‘ruf crossed over the Ganges and encamped on its western bank to prevent Babur’s army from advancing (Beveridge 1921, II.598). Meanwhile, a bridge made on the Ganges was ready and the latter’s army crossed over and the battle ensued, but the rebels fl ed (15 March 1528). (At this point in time Babur’s Memoirs brea ks off for about six months. The break of the narrative lies between 2 April and September 1528 [12 Jumada II, 934 AH and 3 Muharram, 935 AH].) The Memoirs picks up again with the arrival of Askari, son of Babur, at Agra on 18 September 1528. Now with the intention of visiting Gawalyar Babur moved out through Chambal and reached the fort of Gawalyar on 26 September. Here he visited buildings of Raja Man Singh and Raja Bikramajit (Plate 138). He visited Hindu temples and went to see a waterfall to the southeast of Gawalyar. From here onward no regular account of the Memoirs is found, and there are breaks at short intervals of time (see Beveridge 1921, II.615, 617, 621, 627, 628). Babur’s visit to one of his offi cers, i.e., Sultan Muhammad Bakhshi, on 13 December 1528 is on record. The latter entertained Babur and offered gifts (Plate 139). On 18 December, Babur held a great feast to entertain the envoys from Samarqand and Persian courts and other guests who acknowledged his “Fath-nama” which announced his victory over Rana Sanga (Plate 140). Askari set out on 21 December on his campaign and marched to the east while Isma‘il Mita, an envoy of Nasrat Shah, Sultan in Bengal, had assured that the latter was “loyal and single-minded”. Babur felt relaxed and on the following day Babur went to Dholpur to see the reservoir, well, and buildings he had ordered. A little later on 9 January 1529 the news of the loss of Bihar reached Dholpur. After consulting with Begs, Babur set out for the East and crossed Jumna by boat at Jalesar. Here arrived Isma‘il Mita, envoy of Nasrat Shah, with offerings. Babur resumed his march via Anwar, Abapur, Chandanpur, Fathpur, Rapri, Etawa, and Adampur. Introduction | 31

At this point in time the news of the Afghans was worrisome. Sultan Mahmud Lodi had detached Shaikh Bayazid and Biban, and he himself marched out with Fath Khan Sarwani along the river of Chunar. Sher Khan Sur, in charge of this neighbourhood, had rebelled and joined the Afghans. They took hold of Benaras in the absence of Sultan Jalalu’d-din who had gone along the river to fi ght Sultan Mahmud Lodi. Babur resumed his march eastward and, marching from Dugdugi, dismounted inside Karrah-fort on 4 March 1529 where Sultan Jalalu’d-din gave him host-like treatment (Plate 141). Babur took up his march and reached Sir-auliya, a pargana of Prayag (Allahabad) where an accident occurred. During the march, Babur was riding along the ravine of the river when his horse foundered. Babur leapt off at once and landed safe on the ground (Plate 142). Meanwhile, Babur received the intelligence that the Afghans who had crossed the river for Benaras, on hearing of his approach, turned back in disorder.

Babur marched on to Bihar along the bank of Jun-river (Jumna). On the way he visited the fort of Chunar and marched on to Jaunpur. On 4 April 1529, Babur camped at Baksara (Buxar), and on 9 April he rode to visit Bhujpur and Bihiya. During the intervening period Muhammad ‘Ali and the others, after beating a body of pagans, reached the palace of Sultan Mahmud Lodi who on hearing of their reconnaissance marched off. His men made no stand and took fl ight.

During Babur’s excursions eastward, while crossing the Son River by boat, there happened a fortuity. A fi sh terrifi ed by a crocodile leaped high as to fall in a boat. It was caught and brought to Babur (Plate 143). By this time, preparations of Muhammad-i-zaman M., who had earlier asked for reinforcement, were complete for Bihar. At the same time, Babur received the news that Bengalis under Makhdum-i-alam were posted on the Gandak and were raising defence. They had hindered the movement of the Afghans across the river. This news made the fi ghting probable. However, Babur endeavoured for peace but their appeared no settlement on certain points, i.e., refuge to Sultan Mahmud Lodi and other Afghans; presence of the army of Kherid in the territory of Saran and the junction of the Ganges and the Ghaggar; and the equivocal conduct of its leaders. After consultation with amirs Babur decided to cross the Ganges to chal- lenge the foe. On 3 May 1529, Babur dismounted on the fi ghting ground after the river had been crossed. Here on 16 May, Jalal Khan, son of Darya Khan, and also Nahya Nuhani submit- ted to Babur. Following this on 19 May, peace with Nasrat Shah was established and Babur’s conditions were given assent. The traitors Bayazid and Biban were rapidly pursued (Beveridge 1921, II.676–7).

On 21 June 1529, Babur set out for Agra via Baladar (a pargana of Kalpi), Sugandpur (a pargana of Kalpi), and Fathpur (Rapri) and dismounted at Agra on 23 June at midnight.

Babur’s narrative of a f ew days is missing after 10 July 1529 and starts with sedition fostered by Shaikh Sharaf of Qarabagh (Qandahar) and ‘Abdu’l-‘aziz and royal orders to Qambar-i-‘ali Arghun to arrest them. Here again the record is missing for fi fteen days. The narrative restarts with the news of Rahimdad, the Governor of Gawalyar, stirring up the insurgency. Babur endeavoured to settle the matter with good counsel. He pardoned Rahimdad after the mediation of Shaikh Muhammad Ghaus, a pious person, and ordered Shaikh Guran and Nur Beg to take over the charge of Gawalyar (7 September 1529) (Plates 144–5). 32 | Introduction

Notes

1 Abu’l Fazl, A’in-i Akbari (1595), trans. Blochmann, Vol.I. 112 (“The Memoirs of Babur, the conqueror of the world, which may be called a code of practical wisdom, have been translated from Turkish into Persian by Mirza? ‘Abdu-r-Rahim Khan (the present Khan Khanan (commander-in-chief)”). Also in his Akba rnama (1601), trans. Beveridge, Vol.III. 862 (“On this day [24 November, 1589] the Khan-Khanan (Bairam’s son ‘Abdu-r-Rahim) produced before the august Presence the Memoirs of Firdus Makani (Babur) which he had rendered into Persian out of the Turki, and received great praise”). 2 Beveridge, S.V., trans. Baburnama, I. xliv. 3 This MS was fi rst introduced by Rai Krishnadasa & Humayun Kabir in 1955 (see Mughal Miniatures, Lalit Kala Akademi, New Delhi, 1955). For descriptive details, see S.P. Verma’s MPhil dissertation in History, ‘Paintings of Tuzuk-i Baburi’, submitted at Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh in 1971 (unpub- lished). See also his, “Treatment of Similar Themes: A Study based on the illustrations of Tuzuk-i Baburi”, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 34th Session, Chandigarh, Vol. I, 1973. Substantial details based on the illustrations from this MS further appear in his book, Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, New Delhi, 1978. Later, in 1994, all the ascribed miniatures of this MS are catalogued by Verma in his volume, Mughal Painters and Their Work, A Biographical Survey and Compre- hensive Catalogue, New Delhi, 1994. Ellen Smart’s PhD dissertation, “Paintings from the Baburnama: A Study of Sixteenth Century Mughal Historical Manuscript illustrations”, submitted at the School of Oriental and African Studies, London in 1977 (unpublished) is another notable work. The National Museum MS is fi rst published in 1983. See M.S. Randhawa, Paintings of the Baburnama, National Museum, New Delhi. See also Pant, G.N., Mughal Weapons in the Baburnama, Agam Kala Prakashan, New Delhi, 1989. 4 A selection of ninety-six miniatures from this MS is published by Hamid Suleiman, Miniatures of Babur-nama, “FAN” Publishing House of the Uzbek SSR, Taskent, 1969. A select lot of thirty-two miniatures from this volume is also published for the UNESCO International Scientifi c Symposium on the Arts of the Timurid period (held in Samarqand in September 1969). 5 All of the sixty-nine miniatures are published by Tyulayev, S., Miniatures of Babur Namah, Moscow, 1960. However, out of these, ten miniatures appeared fi rst in his work, Indian Art in Soviet Collections, State Fine Arts Publishing House, Moscow, 1955. 6 Hajek, Lubor, Indian Miniatures of the Mughal School, Prague, 1961, p.31: ‘In the Ajanta Paintings the group of fi gures are held together by the receptacles; and the contact between the fi gures was empha- sized by the overcrowding of these restricted spaces’. 7 Khandalavala, Karl, ‘The Mughal School and its Ramifi cations’, in the Development of Style in Indian Painting, Delhi, 1974, p.70. 8 Barrett, Douglas and Gray, Basil, Painting of India, Cleveland, 1963, p.81. 9 Chandra, Pramod and Ehnbom, Daniel J., The Cleveland Tutinama Manuscript and the Origins of Mughal Painting, Chicago, 1976, p.11. 10 Egerton, W., An Illustrated Handbook of Indian Arms, London, 1880, pl.1. 11 A‘in-i Akbari, trans. I, op.cit., 119–21. It may be noticed that the line drawings published by Gladwin in his translation and also by Sir Sayyid Ahmad Khan are neither in conformity with the Persian text nor based on their depictions in contemporary manuscript paintings. The manuscripts of the A‘in (British Museum MSS., Add. 6552, and Or. 7652) do not contain illustrations of fi rearms. 12 For detail on the items of material culture, see present author’s earlier works: Art and Material Culture in the Paintings of Akbar’s Court, New Delhi, 1978; ‘Firearms in Sixteenth Century India: A Study Introduction | 33

based on Mughal Paintings of Akbar’s Period’, Islamic Culture, Hyderabad, Vol.LVII, No.1, pp.63–9, fi gs.1–2 (also in his Interpreting Mughal Painting, Essays on Art, Society, and Culture, New Delhi, 2009, pp.149–56, pls.1–2). 13 Farghana, the present-day Uzbekistan. 14 Edwardes (n.d.), 16–7. 15 For a history of Bhira (a district lying beyond Indus, on the south of Jhelum), see Beveridge (1921), I.382–3. 16 Later in March 1519 Babur visited this place (Beveridge 1921, I.394). 17 Here Babur recalls his early excursion to Bigram, made in 910 AH and regrets not seeing the place Gur-khattri ( Beveridge 1921, I.394).

(End of Babur’s Memoirs, 7 September 1529 [Be veridge 1921, II.690].)

(Babur’s death on 6 Jumada I 937 AH/26 December 1530 [Beve ridge 1921, II.708–11].) (Translator’s note on 936 to 937 AH – 1529 to 1530 AD.) This page intentionally left blank Bibliography This page intentionally left blank Abdul Baq Nih awandi, Ma’asir-i Rahimi (1616), ed. H. Hosain, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1910–31. Painters cited: Bahbud (folios 753a, b), Madhav (f.753b), Maulana Ibrahim Naqqash ( f.754b), Maulana Mushfi q (f.753b), Miyan Nadim (f.753a). Abu’l Fazl, Akb arnama (1601), eds. Ahmad Ali and Abdur Rahim, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1873–87, tr. H. Beverage, Royal Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1897–1921. ____, Ain-i Akbari (1595), ed. H. Blochmann, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1867–77, tr. in 3 vols., Vol. I by H. Blochmann (1868), Vols. II and III by H.S. Jerrett (1894). Rev. by D.C. Phillpott (I, 1927, 1939), J. Sarkar (II and III, 1949). Painters cited: Bihzad (I, 113); Mir Sayyid ‘Ali (I, 114, 660, no. 25); Khwaja ‘Abdu’s Samad (I, 114, 554, no. 266), Muhammad Sharif (I, 582, no. 351); Daswant, Basawan, Kesav, La‘l, Mukund, Miskin, Farrukh the Qalmaq, Madhav, Jagan, Mahesh, Khemkaran, Tara, Sanwala, Haribans, and Ram (I, 114); Amir Beg (I, 670, no. 41). Adle, Chahryar, ‘New Data on the Dawn of Mughal Painting and Calligraphy,’ The Making of Indo-Per- sian Culture: Indian and French Studies, eds., Muzaffar Alam, Francoise ‘Nalini’ Delvoye, and Marc Gaborieau, New Delhi: Manohar/Centre de Sciences humaines, 2000, pp.167–222. Alam, Muzaffar, Francoise ‘Nalini’ Delvoye, and M. Gaborieau (eds.), The Making of Indo-Persian Culture, Indian and French Studies, New Delhi: Manohar/Centre de Sciences humaines, 2000. Ali, Salim, ‘The Mughal Emperors of India as Naturalists and Sportsmen,’ Journal of the Bombay Natural History Society, Vols. 31 and 32, 1927–28. Alvi, M.A., and A. Rahman, Jahangir – The Naturalist, New Delhi: National Institute of Sciences of India, 1968. Archer, M., Natural History Drawings in the India Offi ce Library, London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Offi ce, 1962. Arnold, Sir T.W., and L. Binyon, The Court Painters of the Grand Moghuls, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1921. Ashton, Sir Leigh (ed.), The Art of India and Pakistan: A Commemorative Catalogue of the Exhibition Held at the Royal Academy of Arts, London, 1947–8, London: Faber and Faber Ltd., 1948. Babur, Baburnama or Tuzuk-i Baburi (1530), Turki text, ed. A.S., Beveridge, Leiden & London, London: Luzac, 1905; Persian tr. by ‘Abdu’r Rahim Khan-i Khanan (1590), [MSS: British Museum and Library, London, Or. 3714; and the National Museum, New Delhi, inv. no. 50.326]; tr. J. Leyden and W. Erskine, London, 1826, rev. L. King, Oxford, 1921; and A.S. Beveridge, London: Luzac, 1921; ed., tr., and anno- tation, Wheeler M. Thackston, New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. Badauni, Abdul Qadir, Muntakhabu’t Tawar ikh (1595), eds., Ahmad Ali and W.N. Lees, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1864–9; tr. Ranking (I, 1898), Lowe (II, 1924), Haig (III, 1925), RAS, Calcutta. Barrett, D., and B. Gray, Painting of Indi a, Lausanne: Editions d’Art Albert Skira, 1963. Bayazid Bayat, Tazkira-i Humayun-o Akbar (1 585), ed. M. Hidayat Hosain, Bib. Ind., Calcutta, 1941. Beach, M.C., The Grand Mogul: Imperial Pain ting in India (1600–1660), Williamstown, MA: Sterling and Francine Clark Art Institute, 1978. ____, The Imperial Image: Paintings for the Mughal Court, Washington, DC: Freer Gallery of Ar t, 1981. 442 | Bibliography

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