DOCSLIB.ORG

10608.Ch01.Pdf

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
10608.Ch01.Pdf © 2006 UC Regents Buy this book University of California Press, one of the most distinguished university presses in the United States, enriches lives around the world by advancing scholarship in the humanities, social sciences, and natural sciences. Its activities are supported by the UC Press Foundation and by philanthropic contributions from individuals and institutions. For more information, visit www.ucpress.edu. University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England © 2006 by The Regents of the University of California Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Tai ping jing. English The scripture on great peace : the Taiping jing and the beginnings of Daoism / [translated by] Barbara Hendrischke. p. cm—(Daoist classics series) Includes bibliographical references and index. isbn-13: 978-0-520-24788-8 (cloth : alk. paper) isbn-10: o-520-24788-4 (cloth : alk. paper). 1. Hendrischke, Barbara, 1940– II. Title. III. Title: Taiping jing and the beginning of Daoism. bl1900.t22552e64 2007 299.5'1482—dc22 2006018986 Manufactured in the United States of America 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07 06 10987654321 This book is printed on Natures Book, which contains 50% post-consumer waste and meets the minimum requirements of ansi/niso z39.48–1992 (r 1997) (Permanence of Paper). CONTENTS Preface vii Conventions ix Introduction 1 Translation Section 41. How to Distinguish between Poor and Rich 67 Section 42. One Man and Two Women 95 Section 43. How to Promote the Good and Halt the Wicked 105 Section 44. How to Preserve the Three Essentials 113 Section 45. The Three Needs and the Method of [Dealing with] Auspicious and Ominous Events 121 Section 46. You Must Not Serve the Dead More Than the Living 126 Section 47. How to Verify the Trustworthiness of Texts and Writings 136 Section 48. An Explanation of the Reception and Transmission [of Evil] in Five Situations 141 Section 50. An Explanation of the Master’s Declaration 153 Section 51. The True Contract 170 Section 52. How to Work Hard to Do Good 173 Section 53. How to Distinguish between Root and Branches 180 Section 54. How to Enjoy Giving Life Wins Favor with Heaven 189 Section 55. How to Classify Old Texts and Give a Title to the Book 195 Section 56. How the Nine Groups of Men Disperse Calamities Inherited from Former Kings 206 Section 57. How to Examine What Is True and What Is False Dao 217 Section 58. On the Four Ways of Conduct and on [the Relationship between] Root and Branches 221 Section 59. Big and Small Reproaches 231 Section 60. How Books Illustrate [Rule by] Punishment and [by] Virtue 241 Section 61. On Digging Up Soil and Publishing Books 255 Section 62. Dao is Priceless and Overcomes Yi and Di Barbarians 274 Section 63. O‹cials, Sons, and Disciples of Outstanding Goodness Find Ways for Their Lord, Father, and Master to Become Transcendent 283 Section 64. How to Subdue Others by Means of Dao and Not by Means of Severity 301 Section 65. Threefold Cooperation and Interaction 307 Section 66. On the Need to Study What Is True 326 Appendix: The Composition of the TPJ 343 Bibliography 373 Index 393 section 41 · How to Distinguish between Poor and Rich This section is one of the most practice-oriented in the text.1 It consists of two parts, one analyzing relations of property and the other the lot of women. The first is too short to be a separate section of its own, and there is no other material in the re- ceived text to which it could belong. The second part is linked closely to the fol- lowing section, section 42, an indication that here, at least, the sequence of sections is not haphazard. The first half of the section discusses the stages of wealth and poverty and how they are achieved. I have found no parallel in Han dynasty or earlier material of these diªerent stages. Rhetorical as this account might be, the enumeration of the diªer- ent types of poverty stresses the severity of social conditions and the prevalence of misery. Poverty is depicted as an element of the apocalyptic scenario. Its rapid in- crease is supposed to persuade men that there is an urgent need to change their ways. An almost theological need to tie diªerent levels of being into one unified structure induces the Master to juxtapose men’s poverty with that of the earth. However, heaven’s position is too exalted to allow the idea of celestial poverty. Once the Master has defined the stages of poverty and environmental destruc- tion, as we might understand the expression “earth’s poverty,” he moves toward an analysis of what causes them. He points out that the plight of individual families stems from outside factors. Both poverty and wealth have a cosmic dimension. Since men are children of heaven and earth, they thrive only when their parents thrive. Thus an individual and his family cannot prosper in a community that is in misery. 67 Even the royal house is not exempt from this nexus. Individual wealth is said to be a fake; only a self-su‹cient community can be called wealthy. In line with the Laozi’s image of ideal communal life, wealth is seen as created exclusively by agricultural production. The possession of valuables becomes relevant only when basic neces- sities are in short supply. The prevention of poverty and the achievement of wealth, then, are the same thing, and both are said to result from proper political action. Here the Master as- sembles lines of thought common in quietist political philosophy, for instance in the Huainan zi.2 Impoverishment is the result of poor politics. It came into being when dao was replaced by wen (culture) and by military rule. The Master does not seri- ously pursue these thoughts, referring to them only in passing before he arrives at his own message: a community will be wealthy when its government takes the triad of heaven, earth, and men into proper account. The government must establish a direct relationship between the agricultural producer and the cosmic, natural sources of fertility and growth. This precludes other, more prominent, ancient approaches to the problem: neither individual industriousness nor proper economic policy will create wealth.3 The second half of the section is possibly premodern China’s most outspoken attack on female infanticide. The argument is characteristic of the way the Celes- tial Master sets forth his doctrine. He argues on cosmic rather than on moral grounds. The main evil in infanticide is the distress and resentment it provokes in females. Their protests reach heaven and earth, which react by causing harvest fail- ures. Another evil resulting from it is a shortage of women, which makes it di‹cult for each man to have two wives and thus ensure his progeny. But the problem is too fundamental to be solved by decree. Parents don’t kill girls because they want to. They feel they can’t aªord to bring up children from whom they will get no return. The Master thus suggests that girls should be made more valuable by permitting them to earn their keep, just as boys do. They should be to their husbands what an o‹cial is to his lord. This would enable a daughter to support her own parents in exchange for the trouble they took to raise her. In this situation a wife would be happy and not of “two hearts,” as the Master puts it. She would no longer serve her in- laws at the cost of forsaking her own parents. It is remarkable that the position of the TPJ in this matter is as isolated as it is. Clearly, infant mortality was such that newborn children were in general not yet seen as human beings, so that Confucian arguments for humane behavior were not applicable to them. As a consequence, the Master does not apply moral considera- tions, but rather points to the “resentment” created by such killings and its destabi- 68 · how to distinguish between poor and rich lizing cosmic eªect. The Master’s program for changing the situation amounts to premodern China’s only attempt to allocate to women the full measure of human responsibility. Their filial piety, which to those in the second century c.e. was roughly equivalent to their morality, was to be equated with that of men. ··· (41.29) Step forward, Perfected! You have been coming to study the doctrine (dao) for such a long time. You have really learned it all by now, don’t you think? If you had not again spoken to me, I might have thought so. But as soon as I hear your words, I know it is not so. Now I would like to reach the end but I can’t think of another question. If the Celestial Master would only reveal my shortcomings once again! All right, come here. What do we mean by “rich” and “poor”? Well, those who own a lot are rich and those who own little are poor. What you have said appears to be true but is in fact false. What do you mean? Take someone who often cheats, deceives, flatters, steals, and robs. How could we call him “rich”? Or take a situation where the people in general own a lot while the sovereign owns but little. How could we call him “poor”?4 (41.30) Foolish and stupid as I am, I felt I had to speak up when the Celestial Master set out to instruct me.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Ideas, Values, Practices Working Paper Series
    Excellence Forum CHINA global - ideas, values, practices Working Paper Series No. 2 /2019 Wang Mingming Antiquity and China: Notes on Chronological Occidentalism in Post-Traditional China Abstract: In the late 19th century, the dynasty-bound historiography began to be perceived by a minority of Chinese thinkers (e.g. Kang Youwei) as "backward". An attempt was made to substitute it with what mimetic of the missionary way of historical time-reckoning - in particular the temporal succession following the birth of Confucius or Buddha. By the beginning of the 20th century, the project had been conceived as unsatisfactory. A whole new generation of Chinese historians were led by Liang Qichao to rewrite China's "national history". They saw imperial historiography as "individualistic" - tied to the emperor's "lineage" and life course - and the "national history" as "collective" - made by the "nation" as a "unity of diversity". To change the old into the new, they painfully adapted the dynastic cycles to the newly adopted years, decades, centuries, and ages and, very soon, they accomplished their mission of "historiographic estrangement". The "historiographic estrangement" has resulted in the consequential re-division of "Chinese history" into antiquity, Middle Age, and modernity whose accumulative and teleological contents have deeply affected Chinese political life since the early 20th century. Wang Mingming reflects on the transition by situating it in the Western priestly sinological translation of "ancient China" and the post-traditional Chinese "chronological Occidentalism", and by contrasting the "new history" with classical and early imperial Chinese ideas of the ancient. While he will emphasize the importance of understanding the radicality of the chronological transformation, he will also draw attention to the "secret lives" of the old history.
    [Show full text]
  • The Old Master
    INTRODUCTION Four main characteristics distinguish this book from other translations of Laozi. First, the base of my translation is the oldest existing edition of Laozi. It was excavated in 1973 from a tomb located in Mawangdui, the city of Changsha, Hunan Province of China, and is usually referred to as Text A of the Mawangdui Laozi because it is the older of the two texts of Laozi unearthed from it.1 Two facts prove that the text was written before 202 bce, when the first emperor of the Han dynasty began to rule over the entire China: it does not follow the naming taboo of the Han dynasty;2 its handwriting style is close to the seal script that was prevalent in the Qin dynasty (221–206 bce). Second, I have incorporated the recent archaeological discovery of Laozi-related documents, disentombed in 1993 in Jishan District’s tomb complex in the village of Guodian, near the city of Jingmen, Hubei Province of China. These documents include three bundles of bamboo slips written in the Chu script and contain passages related to the extant Laozi.3 Third, I have made extensive use of old commentaries on Laozi to provide the most comprehensive interpretations possible of each passage. Finally, I have examined myriad Chinese classic texts that are closely associated with the formation of Laozi, such as Zhuangzi, Lüshi Chunqiu (Spring and Autumn Annals of Mr. Lü), Han Feizi, and Huainanzi, to understand the intellectual and historical context of Laozi’s ideas. In addition to these characteristics, this book introduces several new interpretations of Laozi.
    [Show full text]
  • Introducing Translation Studies: Theories and Applications
    Introducing Translation Studies Introducing Translation Studies remains the definitive guide to the theories and concepts that make up the field of translation studies. Providing an accessible and up-to-date overview, it has long been the essential textbook on courses worldwide. This fourth edition has been fully revised and continues to provide a balanced and detailed guide to the theoretical landscape. Each theory is applied to a wide range of languages, including Bengali, Chinese, English, French, German, Italian, Punjabi, Portuguese and Spanish. A broad spectrum of texts is analysed, including the Bible, Buddhist sutras, Beowulf, the fiction of García Márquez and Proust, European Union and UNESCO documents, a range of contemporary films, a travel brochure, a children’s cookery book and the translations of Harry Potter. Each chapter comprises an introduction outlining the translation theory or theories, illustrative texts with translations, case studies, a chapter summary and discussion points and exercises. New features in this fourth edition include: Q new material to keep up with developments in research and practice, including the sociology of translation, multilingual cities, translation in the digital age and specialized, audiovisual and machine translation Q revised discussion points and updated figures and tables Q new, in-chapter activities with links to online materials and articles to encourage independent research Q an extensive updated companion website with video introductions and journal articles to accompany each chapter, online exercises, an interactive timeline, weblinks, and PowerPoint slides for teacher support This is a practical, user-friendly textbook ideal for students and researchers on courses in Translation and Translation Studies.
    [Show full text]
  • Chinese Rhetoric and Writing: an Introduction for Language Teachers
    and XU Kirkpatrick CHINESE RHETORIC AND WRITING In Chinese Rhetoric and Writing: An Introduction for Language Teach- ers, Andy Kirkpatrick and and Zhichang Xu offer a response to the argument that Chinese students’ academic writing in English is influenced by “culturally nuanced rhetorical baggage that is uniquely Chinese and hard to eradicate.” Noting that this argument draws from “an essentially monolingual and Anglo-centric view of writ- WRITING AND RHETORIC CHINESE ing,” they point out that the rapid growth in the use of English worldwide calls for CHINESE RHETORIC “a radical reassessment of what English is in today’s world.” The result is a book that provides teachers of writing, and in particular those involved in the teaching of Eng- lish academic writing to Chinese students, an introduction to key stages in the devel- AND WRITING opment of Chinese rhetoric, a wide-ranging field with a history of several thousand years. Understanding this important rhetorical tradition provides a strong foundation for assessing and responding to the writing of this growing group of students. AN INTRODUCTION FOR Andy Kirkpatrick is Professor and Head, School of Languages and Linguistics, at Griffith University, Brisbane, Australia. Directly prior to that he was Director of the Research Centre LANGUAGE TEACHERS into Language Education and Acquistion in Multilingual Societies at the Hong Kong Insti- tute of Education. He is the author of English as a Lingua Franca in ASEAN: A Multilingual Model (Hong Kong University Press, 2010) and the editor of the Routledge Handbook of World Englishes (2010). He is editor of the journal Multilingual Education and of the book series of the same name (both with Springer).
    [Show full text]
  • China's Alternative: Kang Youwei's Confucian Reforms in The
    China’s Alternative: Kang Youwei’s Confucian Reforms标题和包含列表的内容布局 in the Late Qing Dynasty • 在此处添加第一个项目要点 • 在此处添加第二个项目要点 • 在此处添加第三个项目要点 ZongFang Li Rhodes College Source: The Qianlong Emperor's Southern Inspection Tour, Scroll Six: Entering Suzhou along the Grand Canal Research Questions & the Origin of Research What happen to the Five books and Four Classics 四书五经? Why Modern China have an anti-Confucian sentiments? Why did China went through an age of revolution? Were there efforts of reforming China through a more peaceful transition instead of a revolution? Was it possible for China to form a Constitutional Monarchy similar to Japan? Source: The red guards were destroying Confucian temples during the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s Was Confucianism an inevitable obstacle for China’s modernization? Historical Contexts of Modern China and the Qing Dynasty 1800 1636 1644 to 1912 The Civil Examination 1939 Reached Reach its Establishment of Qing Governed China in by Neo-Confucian The Opium War peak in terms of the most Chinese way Standard empire size “One Hundreds Years of Humiliation” 1840-1895 1850-1864 1850s-1895 1895 1911 to 1949 Losing Hong Kong, Ili, Taiping Rebellion The Tongzhi Restoration The First Sino- Revolution and Taiwan, Annam (Vietnam) & The Nian & The Self-Strengthening Japanese War Division and the unequal treaties Rebellion movement Reasons behind the “100 Years of Humiliation” Corruptions Population Growth 551-479 BCE Confucius What Poverty were the problems High inflation rate and inflow of foreign behind capital the Qing dynasty? Lack diplomatic experiences because of the tributary systems Scientific and military gap without the 1130-1200 Industrial Revolution Zhu Xi and Neo- Confucianism Natural disasters “Confucianism was the problem” Wang Anshi in Song dynasty (960-1276) tried to conduct reforms, making examination more practical and building a stronger royal army.
    [Show full text]
  • Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950
    Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access China Studies published for the institute for chinese studies, university of oxford Edited by Micah Muscolino (University of Oxford) volume 39 The titles published in this series are listed at brill.com/chs Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access Daily Life for the Common People of China, 1850 to 1950 Understanding Chaoben Culture By Ronald Suleski leiden | boston Ronald Suleski - 978-90-04-36103-4 Downloaded from Brill.com04/05/2019 09:12:12AM via free access This is an open access title distributed under the terms of the prevailing cc-by-nc License at the time of publication, which permits any non-commercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. An electronic version of this book is freely available, thanks to the support of libraries working with Knowledge Unlatched. More information about the initiative can be found at www.knowledgeunlatched.org. Cover Image: Chaoben Covers. Photo by author. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Names: Suleski, Ronald Stanley, author. Title: Daily life for the common people of China, 1850 to 1950 : understanding Chaoben culture / By Ronald Suleski.
    [Show full text]
  • Sacred Heritage Making in Confucius' Hometown: a Case of The
    Sacred Heritage Making in Confucius’ Hometown: A Case of the Liangguan Site Bailan Qin Department of Chinese Studies School of Languages and Cultures University of Sydney A thesis submitted in fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Philosophy at the University of Sydney ©2018 This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or other purposes. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources have been acknowledged. Signature Bailan Qin Abstract For over two thousand years, Qufu – the hometown of Confucius – has maintained numerous heritage sites where ancient Chinese elites revered Confucius and studied Confucianism. The sites, known as sacred places, have been exerting significant impact on Chinese culture and society. However, since the early 1930s, many of these sites in non-protected areas have been forgotten and even transformed in such a way that their original heritage meanings have dissipated. Following President Xi Jinping’s visit to Qufu on 26 November 2013, Qufu has been attracting unprecedented attention in both mass media and the academia, contributing to China’s ongoing Confucian revival in the post-Mao era. Against this background, the thesis aims to explore Confucian discourses deeply rooted in traditions of Chinese studies to inform heritage researchers and practioners today of sacred heritage-making process theoretically and practically. The study has investigated how a widely known sacred place – Liangguan was produced, preserved, interpreted and transmitted as heritage by examining historical texts associated with Qufu.
    [Show full text]
  • Chapter Three
    526 Chapter Three 經學昌明時代 The Period of Advancement of Classical Scholarship [3/1 SVA Introductory Comments: In the opening section of Chapter Three, Pi Xirui quotes extensively from the "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji so as to support his position that during the reign of Emperor Wu (141-87 B.C.), Classical Scholarship was in its purest and most orthodox form. He also uses the lack of information in the "Rulin zhuan" regarding the Old Script Documents, Zhouli, Mao Shi, and Zuozhuan to argue that Sima Qian did not have access to these texts, which are texts of the "Old Script" school.] 3/11 The "Rulin zhuan" chapter of the Shi ji states, "When the present emperor2 ascended the throne, there were men such as Zhao Wan 趙綰 and Wang Zang 王臧3 who clearly understood Confucian learning and the 1[SVA: Section 3/1 corresponds to pp.69-72 of the Zhonghua ed. and to pp.60-64 of the Yiwen ed.] 2(3/1, n.1) Zhou Yutong comments: In the Chinese jinshang 今上, "the present emperor," refers to Emperor Wu of the Han. 3(3/1, n.2) Zhou Yutong comments: Zhao Wan 趙綰 was a native of Dai 代 and Wang Zang 王臧 was a native of Lanling 蘭陵. They both studied the Lu 527 emperor himself was also inclined toward it.4 He thereupon issued an order recruiting scholar-officials in the recommendation categories of Straightforward and Upright, Worthy and Excellent, and Learned.5 After this, as for giving instruction in the Songs, in Lu it was Master Shen Pei 申 培公, in Qi it was Master Yuan Gu 轅固生, and in Yan, it was Grand Tutor Han Ying 韓(嬰)太傅.
    [Show full text]
  • Popular Songs and Ballads of Han China
    Popular Songs and Ballads of Han China Popular Songs and Ballads of Han China ANNE BIRRELL Open Access edition funded by the National Endowment for the Humanities / Andrew W. Mellon Foundation Humanities Open Book Program. Licensed under the terms of Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 In- ternational (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0), which permits readers to freely download and share the work in print or electronic format for non-commercial purposes, so long as credit is given to the author. Derivative works and commercial uses require per- mission from the publisher. For details, see https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/. The Cre- ative Commons license described above does not apply to any material that is separately copyrighted. Open Access ISBNs: 9780824880347 (PDF) 9780824880354 (EPUB) This version created: 17 May, 2019 Please visit www.hawaiiopen.org for more Open Access works from University of Hawai‘i Press. © 1988, 1993 Anne Birrell All rights reserved To Hans H. Frankel, pioneer of yüeh-fu studies Acknowledgements I wish to thank The British Academy for their generous Fel- lowship which assisted my research on this book. I would also like to take this opportunity of thanking the University of Michigan for enabling me to commence my degree programme some years ago by awarding me a National Defense Foreign Language Fellowship. I am indebted to my former publisher, Mr. Rayner S. Unwin, now retired, for his helpful advice in pro- ducing the first edition. For this revised edition, I wish to thank sincerely my col- leagues whose useful corrections and comments have been in- corporated into my text.
    [Show full text]
  • The Difference Between Confucian and Mencian Benevolence
    Journal of chinese humanities � (���6) ��7-�35 brill.com/joch The Difference Between Confucian and Mencian Benevolence Chen Ming (陳明) Professor of Philosophy, Capital Normal University, China [email protected] Translated by Eric Chiang Abstract Confucius and Mencius differ in many ways in describing and demonstrating benevo- lence. For Confucius, benevolence is a basic concept, with filial piety at its core, and entails socially and culturally regulated action; benevolence symbolizes self-perfection while sagacity symbolizes perfection of all things in the universe. In contrast, for Mencius, who transforms the Confucian universe of unending life into a philosophical universe and changes Confucian benevolence of familial respect into a universal and absolute moral sentiment or instinct, the universe is a basic concept. With the universe as the metaphysical core, Mencius changes benevolence from the fruit of intention to an object of thought, so it is no longer a relation between life and its projects but, rather, a relation between the mind and its cultivation. Confucius talks about benevolence through the individual and familial morality while Mencius does so through the uni- verse and human nature. Distinguishing Confucian and Mencian benevolence has the- oretical importance for Confucianism and practical importance in our lives. Keywords Benevolence – Confucius – Mencius – universe Regarding benevolence [ren 仁], Confucius and Mencius agree on three points. The first is its central importance. The word “benevolence” appears over a hun- dred times in the sixteen-thousand-word Analects [Lunyu 論語]. Originator of the doctrine of the Goodness of Human Nature, Mencius believes that benevo- lence reigns over other virtues, such as righteousness, courtesy, and wisdom, © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi �0.��63/�35��34�-��340035Downloaded from Brill.com09/24/2021 10:30:12PM via free access 218 Chen and advocates for a benevolent government.
    [Show full text]
  • The Literary Design of Liu Yiqing's Qiantang Yishi And
    THE POETICS OF MISCELLANEOUSNESS: THE LITERARY DESIGN OF LIU YIQING’S QIANTANG YISHI AND THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THE SOUTHERN SONG by Gang Liu A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (Asian Languages and Cultures) In the University of Michigan 2010 Doctoral Committee: Professor Shuen-fu Lin, Chair Professor Yopie Prins Associate Professor David L. Rolston Assistant Professor Christian de Pee © Gang Liu 2010 To Wei and Ava ii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I owe my deepest gratitude to my adviser, Professor Shuen-fu Lin, whose unfailing support and incisive comments have made the writing of this dissertation such a pleasant and rewarding experience for me. Professor Lin is not only an inspiring mentor and teacher, but also an amiable person whom I have always been comfortable to work with. I am grateful to have him as my adviser during my graduate study. I also owe great debts of thanks to Professors David L. Rolston, Christian de Pee, and Yopie Prins, who are on my dissertation committee. Professors Rolston, de Pee, and Prins have all been very supportive and have helped me immeasurably throughout the entire course of this dissertation. They have been most willing to read and to offer me feedback from different perspectives (literary, historical and theoretical, etc.) on drafts of this dissertation at various stages. Without their support and insightful comments, this dissertation would never become possible. I would like to extend my thanks to Professors William Baxter, Miranda Brown, Xiaobing Tang, Jonathan Zwicker, Ken Ito, and Nancy Florida, who have showed enthusiastic interests in this dissertation and offered me invaluable suggestions on it.
    [Show full text]
  • Download PDF Datastream
    Early Intertextual Uses of Parallels with the Laozi and Their Role as Sources of Authority By Larson Di Fiori A.B., Brown University, 2008 MSt., University of Oxford, 2011 A dissertation submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Religious Studies at Brown University Providence, Rhode Island May 2018 © Copyright 2018 by Larson Di Fiori This dissertation by Larson Di Fiori is accepted in its present form by the Department of Religious Studies as satisfying the dissertation requirement for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Date_________ ____________________________ Harold Roth, Advisor Recommended to the Graduate Council Date_________ ____________________________ Andrew Meyer, Reader Date_________ ____________________________ Janine Sawada, Reader Date_________ ____________________________ Sarah Queen, Reader Approved by the Graduate Council Date_________ ____________________________ Andrew G. Campbell, Dean of the Graduate School iii CURRICULUM VITAE Larson Di Fiori received an A.B. in East Asian Studies and Classics from Brown University in 2008. After a stint teaching English in Xi’an, China, he received a M.St. in Chinese Studies from the University of Oxford in 2011, following which he returned to Brown to join the then recently established Asian Religious Traditions program. At Brown and in the surrounding community, he has given several public talks on Daoism and Chinese culture in both English and Chinese. He has been awarded with the Brown/Wheaton Faculty Fellowship, the Chinese University of Hong Kong Global Scholarship Programme for Research Excellence, and the Confucius Institute New Chinese Studies Plan Doctoral Fellowship. In addition to experience as a teaching assistant, he has designed and taught his own courses at Brown, Connecticut College and Wheaton College.
    [Show full text]