DOCSLIB.ORG

The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: the Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: the Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations https://www.e-ir.info/2019/04/10/the-transnational-in-chinas-foreign-policy-the-case-of-sino-japanese-relations/ CASPER WITS, APR 10 2019 This is an excerpt from New Perspectives on China’s Relations with the World: National, Transnational and International. Get your free copy here. When observing contemporary relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Japan there seems to be a plethora of unresolved issues that strain the ties between the two countries; most importantly the disagreements regarding memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the territorial dispute regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands. Naturally, a priority when analysing modern China’s relations with Japan should therefore be a focus on ‘what went wrong’. Fortunately, ample research has been done on the history issue and territorial disputes in post-war Sino-Japanese relations, and how these hamper international relations in East Asia (Rose 1998, Rose 2005, Seraphim 2006, He 2009). At the same time this scholarship, as well as scholarship on the development of post-war Sino-Japanese trade (Soeya 1998; King 2016), has not ignored the remarkable progress made in bilateral relations between the two countries since 1945. It is the latter angle, tracing ‘what went right’, that will be explored further in this chapter. We will draw attention to how the Chinese government utilised transnational networks as a basis for developing Sino-Japanese relations in the first decades of the Cold War (before 1972) and highlight how it was this element in bilateral relations that led to many of the breakthroughs and positive developments in the past. The period immediately after the war saw many countries in Asia and elsewhere newly liberated from imperialist control. This led to such initiatives as the non-aligned movement and the search for an alternative basis for international relations, not based on Cold War superpower rivalry, that culminated in the Bandung Conference of April 1955, at which Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai played a major role and where the Japanese were also represented. As Hilton and Mitter have put it, imperialism ‘had inspired one set of global interconnections but the opposition to it provoked others’ (Hilton and Mitter 2013, 8). While Japan’s position in Asia at this moment was ambiguous as a former colonial power and a strong regional ally of the US, there was a lot of sympathy for these efforts among Japanese progressives, and this is where the Chinese saw an opening for conducting its interactions with Japan. Especially in the first few decades after the founding of the PRC in 1949, the relationship between the two countries faced many difficulties, amplified by the fact that from 1949 to 1972 they did not have official diplomatic relations. The achievement of diplomatic normalisation in 1972 and the Peace and Friendship Treaty that was finally concluded in 1978 were the result of an intense process of bridge-building and (nominally) non-governmental contacts spanning decades. At the centre of these efforts was a transnational network involving people from both countries; a network that was in many ways deliberately cultivated by Zhou Enlai and the Chinese Japan hands under his guidance, thereby skilfully utilising the fact that their objectives had considerable support in Japan. Often referred to as People’s Diplomacy (renmin waijiao) or People-to-People Diplomacy (minjian waijiao), the Chinese sought to overcome the fact that there were no official relations by appealing directly to the Japanese people and concentrating their interactions on them. With diplomatic normalisation and the Peace and Friendship Treaty a lot of these efforts came to fruition, and they also contributed to a steady improvement in relations, especially concerning trade, through the 1980s. E-International Relations ISSN 2053-8626 Page 1/7 The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits Many of the Chinese involved in the crafting of these ties had long-standing ties to Japan that were rooted in the pre-1945 era; for example, many were Overseas Chinese who had moved to the PRC from Japan shortly before or after 1949, or Chinese who came from the Northeast and had therefore been exposed to Japanese expansionism from a young age. Many Japanese of course had similar ties to China that could sometimes be traced back decades. Introducing the connections between such actors, and how such people-to-people ties influenced decision making, can provide us with a unique angle for locating modern China’s relations with Japan, and the world, in broader 20th century transnational history. Largely based on memoirs of the Chinese Japan specialists involved in People’s Diplomacy, some of the main transnational actors and mechanisms active in Sino-Japanese relations will be introduced with the aim of tracing the deliberate use of such informal ties in China’s relations with Japan. This approach gives us an idea of ‘what went right’ in Sino-Japanese relations and invites us to contemplate whether the past contains any positive lessons for the present. Since a lot of the Chinese tactics connected to People’s Diplomacy were honed during the tenure of Japanese Prime Minister Kishi Nobusuke (1957–1960) and were aimed at cultivating ties with those in Japan opposed to Kishi’s right-wing politics, this chapter implicitly raises the question of whether such networks can once again be utilised by the Chinese and those Japanese opposed to the policies of Kishi’s grandson: current Prime Minister Abe Shinzō. Japan’s Reluctant Choice for Taiwan With the signing of the Treaty of Taipei on 28 April 1952, Japan officially recognised the Republic of China (ROC) government of Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan as the sole legitimate government of China. This reflected a new Cold War reality in which the US-Japan alliance was the determining factor for the Japanese government in shaping its foreign policy stance. Nonetheless there was enormous resistance against this among the Japanese public as well as among its leadership. The signing of the treaty was the result of intense US pressure on Japanese Prime Minister Yoshida Shigeru who, though he was a staunch anti-communist, was in fact convinced of the importance of trade with the PRC for Japan’s economic growth, and therefore reluctant to forgo relations with Beijing entirely. This sentiment would foreshadow a remarkable engagement with the PRC among many Japanese mainstream and even conservative politicians, as well as the business community, in the following decades. An immediate and more visible reaction to Japan’s becoming ‘locked’ into the US camp in the Cold War and how this robbed the country of many avenues for engagement with the PRC, came from Japanese progressives and the Japanese left. Grassroots organisations such as the Japan-China Friendship Association (JCFA), founded in October 1950, spoke for a significant portion of the Japanese people in arguing for the urgency of concluding a peace treaty and diplomatic normalisation with the PRC, without which ‘the state of war continued to victimize both peoples – if not with bullets, then by preventing the settlement of humanitarian issues and economic recovery through trade’ (Seraphim 2006, 110). Sentiments like these meant that there was great potential for the Chinese to establish people-to-people ties with a variety of Japanese. The initial initiative among Japanese for the improvement of Sino-Japanese relations via such associations as the JCFA was taken by people who had strong connections in China and had often lived there for years prior to 1945 as reluctant participants in Japanese expansionist endeavours. For example, two of the JFCA’s prominent members were its first leader Uchiyama Kanzō, who had run a bookshop in Shanghai from 1917 to 1945 which had been a refuge for progressive Chinese intellectuals like Lu Xun; and Itō Takeo, a prominent member of the Research Department of the Southern Manchurian Railway who had spent a part of the war in jail (Seraphim 2006, 111). China’s People’s Diplomacy There were in fact a number of issues that inevitably had to lead to some interaction between the Chinese and Japanese, even with the absence of official relations. A priority for both sides in the 1950s and 1960s was the gradual expansion of Sino-Japanese trade, something that was seen in both countries as essential for reviving their economies after the war (King 2016). To that end several non-governmental trade agreements were signed, and by 1965 Japan had become the PRC’s most important trading partner (King 2016, 2). Another issue that called for intense negotiations was the repatriation of the many Japanese still remaining in mainland China after the war. The successful repatriation of a large number of them from 1953 to 1956 was seen as an early success of China’s E-International Relations ISSN 2053-8626 Page 2/7 The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits People’s Diplomacy and Beijing’s cooperation on this issue led to more favourable views of the PRC in Japan (He 2009, 153). With the increase of exchanges in the 1960s came more breakthroughs like the establishment of permanent trade liaison offices and an exchange of foreign correspondents.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China?
    How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? By Moteki Hiromichi Society for the Dissemination of Historical Facts © 1 Introduction In the so-called "apology issue," which concerns Japan's conduct in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, there exists two opposing points of view: "I guess the only thing we can do is to keep on apologizing until China tells us, 'The problems between us may not be settled, but for now you have sufficiently apologized.'" -Murakami Haruki1 "A grateful China should also pay respect to Yasukuni Shrine." -Ko Bunyu2 Mr. Murakami's opinion is based on the belief that Japan waged an aggressive war against China, a belief shared by many Japanese even if they don't know the reason why. This belief holds that the Japanese should be completely repentant over that act of aggression for the sake of clearing our own conscience. There are two major problems with this point of view. First of all, it rests on the conventional wisdom that Japan was guilty of aggression towards China. Many people will perhaps respond to that by saying something like, "What are you talking about? The Japanese Army invaded continental China and waged war there. Surely that constitutes a war of aggression." However, let's imagine the following scenario. What if the Japan Self-Defense Forces launched an unprovoked attack on American military units, which are stationed in Japan in accordance with the provisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty, and a war broke out on Japanese territory? Because the fighting would be taking place in Japan, does that mean that, in this scenario, the US Army is undeniably the aggressor? No matter how distasteful a person might find the US military presence to be, under international law, Japan would be deemed the aggressor here.
    [Show full text]
  • The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来
    Volume 12 | Issue 8 | Number 2 | Article ID 4079 | Feb 23, 2014 The Asia-Pacific Journal | Japan Focus The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来 John W. Dower controversies and tensions involving Japan, China, and the United States. NOTE: This essay, written in January 2013, appears as the first section in a book co- Take, for example, a single day in China: authored by John W. Dower and GavanSeptember 18, 2012. Demonstrators in scores McCormack and published in Japaneseof Chinese cities were protesting Japan's claims translation by NHK Shuppan Shinsho in to the tiny, uninhabited islands in the East January 2014 under the title Tenkanki no Nihon China Sea known as Senkaku in Japanese and e: "Pakkusu Amerikana" ka-"Pakkusu Ajia" ka Diaoyu in Chinese-desecrating the Hi no Maru ("Japan at a Turning Point-Pax Americana? Pax flag and forcing many China-based Japanese Asia?"; the second section is an essay by factories and businesses to temporarily shut McCormack on Japan's client-state relationship down. with the United States focusing on the East China Sea "periphery," and the book concludes Simultaneously, Chinese leaders were accusing with an exchange of views on current tensions the United States and Japan of jointly pursuing in East Asia as seen in historical perspective). a new "containment of China" policy- An abbreviated version of the Dower essay also manifested, most recently, in the decision to will be included in a forthcoming volume on the build a new level of ballistic-missile defenses in San Francisco System and its legacies edited Japan as part of the Obama administration's by Kimie Hara and published by Routledge.
    [Show full text]
  • September 04, 1954 Chinese Foreign Ministry Intelligence Department Report on the Asian-African Conference
    Digital Archive digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org International History Declassified September 04, 1954 Chinese Foreign Ministry Intelligence Department Report on the Asian-African Conference Citation: “Chinese Foreign Ministry Intelligence Department Report on the Asian-African Conference,” September 04, 1954, History and Public Policy Program Digital Archive, PRC FMA 207-00085-19, 150-153. Obtained by Amitav Acharya and translated by Yang Shanhou. https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/document/112440 Summary: The Chinese Foreign Ministry reported Indonesia’s intention to hold the Asian-African Conference, its attitude towards the Asian-African Conference, and the possible development of the Conference. Credits: This document was made possible with support from the MacArthur Foundation. Original Language: Chinese Contents: English Translation Secret Compiled by the Intelligence Department of the Foreign Ministry (1) At the end of 1953 when Ceylon proposed to convene the Asian Prime Ministers’ Conference in Colombo, Indonesia expressed its hope of expanding the scope of the conference, including African countries. In January this year, the Indonesian Prime Minister Ali accepted the invitation to participate in the Colombo Five States’ Conference while stating that the Asian-African Conference should be listed in the agenda. (Note: During the period of the Korean War, the Asian Arab Group in the UN was rather active, which probably inspired Indonesia to put forward this proposal.) The Indonesian Foreign Minister Soenarjo believed that the Colombo Conference was the springboard to the Asian-African Conference. Ali proposed to convene the Asian-African Conference at the first day meeting of the Colombo Conference (April 28), but he didn’t get definite support or a resolution from the conference.
    [Show full text]
  • New China and Its Qiaowu: the Political Economy of Overseas Chinese Policy in the People’S Republic of China, 1949–1959
    1 The London School of Economics and Political Science New China and its Qiaowu: The Political Economy of Overseas Chinese policy in the People’s Republic of China, 1949–1959 Jin Li Lim A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2016. 2 Declaration: I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorisation does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 98,700 words. 3 Abstract: This thesis examines qiaowu [Overseas Chinese affairs] policies during the PRC’s first decade, and it argues that the CCP-controlled party-state’s approach to the governance of the huaqiao [Overseas Chinese] and their affairs was fundamentally a political economy. This was at base, a function of perceived huaqiao economic utility, especially for what their remittances offered to China’s foreign reserves, and hence the party-state’s qiaowu approach was a political practice to secure that economic utility.
    [Show full text]
  • The London School of Economics and Political Science the Crafting Of
    The London School of Economics and Political Science The Crafting of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, 1945-1951 Seung Mo Kang A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2020 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,908 words. 2 Acknowledgements I really could not have done this project alone and I owe thanks to so many people. I would first like to thank my supervisor Dr. Antony Best for always being willing to talk to me and for his meticulous review of my work. Throughout the course of my studies, he has taught me how to prioritize, summarize, clarify and most importantly to engage and write like an historian and not simply copy-and-paste interesting facts that previous books and articles did not mention.
    [Show full text]
  • The Pacific War and Rise of China As a Major Power
    The Pacific War and Rise of China as a Major Power Liu Jie 1. Introduction Modern Chinese history from the First Opium War in 1840 until the Xinhai Revolution in 1911 is the story of a nation in decline, gradually losing both its sovereignty as an independent nation and status as a major power with global influence. In particular, as a result of the First Sino-Japanese War, China tumbled from the position of power it had retained in East Asia for more than two thousand years. The history of Chinese economic reform since the 1980s is also a story of the reinstatement of a nation to power. Since the turn of the 21st century, many Chinese have begun to realize that their country is a major power. The recent rise of China has affected the world in many ways. In modern times, especially after the First Sino-Japanese War, the resurrection of China as a major power was a dream of many Chinese. The Pacific War was a turning point in China’s perception as a major power. How should this turning point be viewed in terms of modern Chinese history? What contemporary significance does the Pacific War have for China? This paper looks at the steps taken by China towards its reinstatement as a major power through an examination of Chinese foreign diplomacy before and after the Pacific War, and thereby discusses the significance of the war for China. 2. Chinese Expectation of the U.K. and the U.S. Before the Second Sino-Japanese War escalated into a full-scale war, there were two major political factions within the Nationalist Government of China, one favoring Japan and the other favoring the West.
    [Show full text]
  • I UNIVERSITY of CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Is China An
    UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA SAN DIEGO Is China an Exception to the Commercial Peace? A dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the Requirements for the degree Doctor of Philosophy in Political Science by Jiakun Jack Zhang Committee in charge: Professor Stephan Haggard, Chair Professor David Lake, Co-Chair Professor Erik Gartzke Professor Megumi Naoi Professor Victor Shih 2018 i Copyright Jiakun Jack Zhang, 2018 All rights reserved. ii The Dissertation of Jiakun Jack Zhang is approved, and it is acceptable in quality and form for publication on microfilm and electronically: Co-Chair Chair University of California San Diego 2018 iii DEDICATION To the many mentors who have guided me through my development as a scholar and to my parents who did their best to warn me from going down this difficult path iv TABLE OF CONTENTS SIGNATURE PAGE .......................................................................................................... iii DEDICATION ..................................................................................................................... iv TABLE OF CONTENTS .................................................................................................... iv LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS .......................................................................................... viii LIST OF FIGURES.............................................................................................................. x LIST OF TABLES .............................................................................................................xii
    [Show full text]
  • The Darkest Red Corner Matthew James Brazil
    The Darkest Red Corner Chinese Communist Intelligence and Its Place in the Party, 1926-1945 Matthew James Brazil A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Doctor of Philosophy Department of Government and International Relations Business School University of Sydney 17 December 2012 Statement of Originality This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted previously, either in its entirety or substantially, for a higher degree or qualifications at any other university or institute of higher learning. I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources has been acknowledged. Matthew James Brazil i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS Before and during this project I met a number of people who, directly or otherwise, encouraged my belief that Chinese Communist intelligence was not too difficult a subject for academic study. Michael Dutton and Scot Tanner provided invaluable direction at the very beginning. James Mulvenon requires special thanks for regular encouragement over the years and generosity with his time, guidance, and library. Richard Corsa, Monte Bullard, Tom Andrukonis, Robert W. Rice, Bill Weinstein, Roderick MacFarquhar, the late Frank Holober, Dave Small, Moray Taylor Smith, David Shambaugh, Steven Wadley, Roger Faligot, Jean Hung and the staff at the Universities Service Centre in Hong Kong, and the kind personnel at the KMT Archives in Taipei are the others who can be named. Three former US diplomats cannot, though their generosity helped my understanding of links between modern PRC intelligence operations and those before 1949.
    [Show full text]
  • Hong Kong, 1997 : the Politics of Transition
    The Politics of Transition Enbao Wang .i.' ^ m iip Canada-Hong Kong Resource Centre ^ff from Hung On-To Memorial Library ^<^' Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from IVIulticultural Canada; University of Toronto Libraries http://www.archive.org/details/hongkong1997poli00wang Hong Kong, 1997 Canada-Hong Kong Resource Centre Spadina 1 Crescent, Rjn. Ill • Tbronto, Canada • M5S lAl Hong Kong, 1997 The Politics of Transition Enbao Wang LYNNE RIENNER PUBLISHERS BOULDER LONDON — Published in the United States of America in 1995 by L\ nne Rienner Publishers. Inc. 1800 30lh Street. Boulder. Colorado 80301 and in the United Kingdom by U\ nne Rienner Publishers. Inc. 3 Henrietta Street. Covenl Garden. Uondon WC2E 8LU © 1995 by Lynne Rienner Publishers, inc. All rights reserved. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wang. Enbao. 1953- Hong Kong. 1997 : the politics of transition / Enbao Wang. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-55587-597-1 (he: alk. paper) 1 . Hong Kong—Politics and government. 2. Hong Kong—Relations China. 3. China—Relations — Hong Kong. 4. China— Politics and government— 1976- 1. Title. bs796.H757W36 1995 951.2505—dc20 95-12694 CIP British Cataloguing in Publication Data A Cataloguing in Publication record for this book is available from the British Uibrarv. This book was t\peset b\ Uetra Libre. Boulder. Colorado. Printed and bound in the United States of .America The paper used in this publication meets the requirements @ of the .American National Standard for Permanence
    [Show full text]
  • From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-Graphical Dictionary of Republican China Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot
    From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-graphical Dictionary of Republican China Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot To cite this version: Cécile Armand, Christian Henriot. From Textual to Historical Networks: Social Relations in the Bio-graphical Dictionary of Republican China. Journal of Historical Network Research, In press. halshs-03213995 HAL Id: halshs-03213995 https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03213995 Submitted on 8 Jun 2021 HAL is a multi-disciplinary open access L’archive ouverte pluridisciplinaire HAL, est archive for the deposit and dissemination of sci- destinée au dépôt et à la diffusion de documents entific research documents, whether they are pub- scientifiques de niveau recherche, publiés ou non, lished or not. The documents may come from émanant des établissements d’enseignement et de teaching and research institutions in France or recherche français ou étrangers, des laboratoires abroad, or from public or private research centers. publics ou privés. ARMAND, CÉCILE HENRIOT, CHRISTIAN From Textual to Historical Net- works: Social Relations in the Bio- graphical Dictionary of Republi- can China Journal of Historical Network Research x (202x) xx-xx Keywords Biography, China, Cooccurrence; elites, NLP From Textual to Historical Networks 2 Abstract In this paper, we combine natural language processing (NLP) techniques and network analysis to do a systematic mapping of the individuals mentioned in the Biographical Dictionary of Republican China, in order to make its underlying structure explicit. We depart from previous studies in the distinction we make between the subject of a biography (bionode) and the individuals mentioned in a biography (object-node). We examine whether the bionodes form sociocentric networks based on shared attributes (provincial origin, education, etc.).
    [Show full text]
  • The Occupation of Japan: an Analysis of Three Phases of Development
    Parkland College A with Honors Projects Honors Program 2015 The ccO upation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development Adam M. Woodside Recommended Citation Woodside, Adam M., "The cO cupation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development" (2015). A with Honors Projects. 151. https://spark.parkland.edu/ah/151 Open access to this Essay is brought to you by Parkland College's institutional repository, SPARK: Scholarship at Parkland. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Research Project HIS – 105 Adam Woodside The Occupation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development Introduction After World War II, Europe was war-ravaged and the Pacific islands were devastated. The impact was compounded by Japan’s previous invasions of China, Korea, the East Indies and more. Additionally, the numerous Allied non-atomic and two atomic bombings in Japan caused a need for physical reconstruction. The result of these factors necessitated massive efforts to return the Pacific to a state of normalcy. Another resulting problem that was facing Japan was the need for economic reconstruction of their country. One of the main efforts that was needed was to return people back to their home country. This is called repatriation. This was especially important for Japan as they had to bring their people home from the many countries that they had previously invaded. The Allied Powers also enacted reforms and reconstruction through a military government that was put in place in Japan. This helped build Japan back up economically and included several ratified treaties. This period of reconstruction can be broken down into three separate phases.
    [Show full text]
  • The Chinese Communist Party's Relationship with the Khmer Rouge
    WORKING PAPER #88 The Chinese Communist Party’s Relationship with the Khmer Rouge in the 1970s An Ideological Victory and a Strategic Failure By Wang Chenyi THE COLD WAR INTERNATIONAL HISTORY PROJECT WORKING PAPER SERIES Christian F. Ostermann and Charles Kraus, Series Editors This paper is one of a series of Working Papers published by the Cold War International History Project of the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars in Washington, D.C. Established in 1991 by a grant from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, the Cold War International History Project (CWIHP) disseminates new information and perspectives on the history of the Cold War as it emerges from previously inaccessible sources from all sides of the post-World War II superpower rivalry. Among the activities undertaken by the Project to promote this aim are the Wilson Center's Digital Archive; a periodic Bulletin and other publications to disseminate new findings, views, and activities pertaining to Cold War history; a fellowship program for historians to conduct archival research and study Cold War history in the United States; and international scholarly meetings, conferences, and seminars. The CWIHP Working Paper series provides a speedy publication outlet for researchers who have gained access to newly-available archives and sources related to Cold War history and would like to share their results and analysis with a broad audience of academics, journalists, policymakers, and students. CWIHP especially welcomes submissions which use archival sources from outside of the United States; offer novel interpretations of well-known episodes in Cold War history; explore understudied events, issues, and personalities important to the Cold War; or improve understanding of the Cold War’s legacies and political relevance in the present day.
    [Show full text]