The San Francisco System: Past, Present, Future in U.S.- Japan-China Relations サンフランシスコ体制 米日中関係の過去、 現在、そして未来
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How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China?
How China Started the Second Sino-Japanese War: Why Should Japan Apologize to China? By Moteki Hiromichi Society for the Dissemination of Historical Facts © 1 Introduction In the so-called "apology issue," which concerns Japan's conduct in China during the Second Sino-Japanese War, there exists two opposing points of view: "I guess the only thing we can do is to keep on apologizing until China tells us, 'The problems between us may not be settled, but for now you have sufficiently apologized.'" -Murakami Haruki1 "A grateful China should also pay respect to Yasukuni Shrine." -Ko Bunyu2 Mr. Murakami's opinion is based on the belief that Japan waged an aggressive war against China, a belief shared by many Japanese even if they don't know the reason why. This belief holds that the Japanese should be completely repentant over that act of aggression for the sake of clearing our own conscience. There are two major problems with this point of view. First of all, it rests on the conventional wisdom that Japan was guilty of aggression towards China. Many people will perhaps respond to that by saying something like, "What are you talking about? The Japanese Army invaded continental China and waged war there. Surely that constitutes a war of aggression." However, let's imagine the following scenario. What if the Japan Self-Defense Forces launched an unprovoked attack on American military units, which are stationed in Japan in accordance with the provisions of the US-Japan Security Treaty, and a war broke out on Japanese territory? Because the fighting would be taking place in Japan, does that mean that, in this scenario, the US Army is undeniably the aggressor? No matter how distasteful a person might find the US military presence to be, under international law, Japan would be deemed the aggressor here. -
The London School of Economics and Political Science the Crafting Of
The London School of Economics and Political Science The Crafting of the Treaty of Peace with Japan, 1945-1951 Seung Mo Kang A thesis submitted to the Department of International History of the London School of Economics and Political Science for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, London, September 2020 1 Declaration I certify that the thesis I have presented for examination for the MPhil/PhD degree of the London School of Economics and Political Science is solely my own work other than where I have clearly indicated that it is the work of others (in which case the extent of any work carried out jointly by me and any other person is clearly identified in it). The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. Quotation from it is permitted, provided that full acknowledgement is made. This thesis may not be reproduced without my prior written consent. I warrant that this authorization does not, to the best of my belief, infringe the rights of any third party. I declare that my thesis consists of 99,908 words. 2 Acknowledgements I really could not have done this project alone and I owe thanks to so many people. I would first like to thank my supervisor Dr. Antony Best for always being willing to talk to me and for his meticulous review of my work. Throughout the course of my studies, he has taught me how to prioritize, summarize, clarify and most importantly to engage and write like an historian and not simply copy-and-paste interesting facts that previous books and articles did not mention. -
The Pacific War and Rise of China As a Major Power
The Pacific War and Rise of China as a Major Power Liu Jie 1. Introduction Modern Chinese history from the First Opium War in 1840 until the Xinhai Revolution in 1911 is the story of a nation in decline, gradually losing both its sovereignty as an independent nation and status as a major power with global influence. In particular, as a result of the First Sino-Japanese War, China tumbled from the position of power it had retained in East Asia for more than two thousand years. The history of Chinese economic reform since the 1980s is also a story of the reinstatement of a nation to power. Since the turn of the 21st century, many Chinese have begun to realize that their country is a major power. The recent rise of China has affected the world in many ways. In modern times, especially after the First Sino-Japanese War, the resurrection of China as a major power was a dream of many Chinese. The Pacific War was a turning point in China’s perception as a major power. How should this turning point be viewed in terms of modern Chinese history? What contemporary significance does the Pacific War have for China? This paper looks at the steps taken by China towards its reinstatement as a major power through an examination of Chinese foreign diplomacy before and after the Pacific War, and thereby discusses the significance of the war for China. 2. Chinese Expectation of the U.K. and the U.S. Before the Second Sino-Japanese War escalated into a full-scale war, there were two major political factions within the Nationalist Government of China, one favoring Japan and the other favoring the West. -
Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Ap Ct Syrus Jin
Washington University in St. Louis Washington University Open Scholarship Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses Undergraduate Research Spring 5-2019 The aC sualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct Syrus Jin Follow this and additional works at: https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd Part of the Asian History Commons, Diplomatic History Commons, Japanese Studies Commons, Korean Studies Commons, Political History Commons, and the United States History Commons Recommended Citation Jin, Syrus, "The asC ualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific aP ct" (2019). Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses. 14. https://openscholarship.wustl.edu/undergrad_etd/14 This Unrestricted is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Research at Washington University Open Scholarship. It has been accepted for inclusion in Senior Honors Papers / Undergraduate Theses by an authorized administrator of Washington University Open Scholarship. For more information, please contact [email protected]. The Casualties of U.S. Grand Strategy: Korean Exclusion from the San Francisco Peace Treaty and the Pacific Pact By Syrus Jin A Thesis Submitted in Partial Fulfillment Of the Requirements for Honors in History In the College of Arts and Sciences Washington University in St. Louis Advisor: Elizabeth Borgwardt 1 April 2019 © Copyright by Syrus Jin, 2019. All Rights Reserved. Jin ii Dedicated to the members of my family: Dad, Mom, Nika, Sean, and Pebble. ii Jin iii Abstract From August 1945 to September 1951, the United States had a unique opportunity to define and frame how it would approach its foreign relations in the Asia-Pacific region. -
Global Allies: Comparing US Alliances in the 21St Century
GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY GLOBAL ALLIES COMPARING US ALLIANCES IN THE 21ST CENTURY EDITED BY MICHAEL WESLEY Published by ANU Press The Australian National University Acton ACT 2601, Australia Email: [email protected] This title is also available online at press.anu.edu.au National Library of Australia Cataloguing-in-Publication entry Title: Global allies : comparing US alliances in the 21st century / Michael Wesley (editor). ISBN: 9781760461171 (paperback) 9781760461188 (ebook) Subjects: Balance of power. Alliances. United States--Foreign relations--Asia. United States--Foreign relations--Europe. United States--Politics and government--21st century. Other Creators/Contributors: Wesley, Michael, 1968- editor. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. Cover design and layout by ANU Press This edition © 2017 ANU Press Contents List of Acronyms . vii 1 . Global Allies in a Changing World . 1 Michael Wesley 2 . Japan: From Passive Partner to Active Ally . 15 HDP Envall 3 . Germany: A Lynchpin Ally? . 31 Markus Kaim 4 . Continuity Amidst Change: The Korea – United States Alliance . 45 Youngshik Bong 5 . Denmark’s Fight Against Irrelevance, or the Alliance Politics of ‘Punching Above Your Weight’ . 59 Kristian Søby Kristensen & Kristian Knus Larsen 6 . Crusaders and Pragmatists: Australia Debates the American Alliance . 77 Brendan Taylor & William T Tow 7 . The Challenges and Dynamics of Alliance Policies: Norway, NATO and the High North . 91 Wrenn Yennie Lindgren & Nina Græger 8 . An Ally at the Crossroads: Thailand in the US Alliance System . -
The Occupation of Japan: an Analysis of Three Phases of Development
Parkland College A with Honors Projects Honors Program 2015 The ccO upation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development Adam M. Woodside Recommended Citation Woodside, Adam M., "The cO cupation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development" (2015). A with Honors Projects. 151. https://spark.parkland.edu/ah/151 Open access to this Essay is brought to you by Parkland College's institutional repository, SPARK: Scholarship at Parkland. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Research Project HIS – 105 Adam Woodside The Occupation of Japan: An Analysis of Three Phases of Development Introduction After World War II, Europe was war-ravaged and the Pacific islands were devastated. The impact was compounded by Japan’s previous invasions of China, Korea, the East Indies and more. Additionally, the numerous Allied non-atomic and two atomic bombings in Japan caused a need for physical reconstruction. The result of these factors necessitated massive efforts to return the Pacific to a state of normalcy. Another resulting problem that was facing Japan was the need for economic reconstruction of their country. One of the main efforts that was needed was to return people back to their home country. This is called repatriation. This was especially important for Japan as they had to bring their people home from the many countries that they had previously invaded. The Allied Powers also enacted reforms and reconstruction through a military government that was put in place in Japan. This helped build Japan back up economically and included several ratified treaties. This period of reconstruction can be broken down into three separate phases. -
Powerplay: the Origins of the American Alliance System in Asia
© Copyright, Princeton University Press. No part of this book may be distributed, posted, or reproduced in any form by digital or mechanical means without prior written permission of the publisher. 1 THE PUZZLE We were huddled in the cramped quarters of the US Secretary of State’s airplane, planning for our next stop in Sydney, Australia. The most cov- eted space on the Boeing C- 32, the Secretary’s suite, comes complete with a foldout couch and flat screen TV. But given the numbers in the room, we were all seated cross- legged on the floor like overgrown boy scouts around a campfire, in shirts and ties, rumpled from the seven- hour flight from Jakarta. We ran through the policy items for the meetings with Prime Minister John Howard and Foreign Minister Alexander Downer, with each staff person briefing on his or her area of expertise: China, UN reform, Iraq, Afghanistan, Indonesia, North Korea. The last issue was the East Asia Summit (EAS). A new organization created largely through Ma- laysia’s initiative, EAS had gained the interest of many countries in Asia as the first true indigenously created regional institution. The Singaporeans were hosting the next meeting and the Australians and Japanese sorely wanted the United States to join this new grouping, in no small part to prevent the Chinese from dominating the organization. There were ben- efits to being included in the grouping. Membership would constitute a good representation opportunity in the region for the United States. At the same time, a US commitment to EAS, which still had not evinced a clear agenda or mission as a regionwide institution, would detract from the work of the other regional body, the Asia- Pacific Economic Cooper- ation Council (APEC). -
Japan-Republic of China Relations Under US Hegemony: a Genealogy of ‘Returning Virtue for Malice’
Japan-Republic of China Relations under US Hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Joji Kijima Department of Politics and International Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London Thesis submitted for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy November 2005 ProQuest Number: 10673194 All rights reserved INFORMATION TO ALL USERS The quality of this reproduction is dependent upon the quality of the copy submitted. In the unlikely event that the author did not send a com plete manuscript and there are missing pages, these will be noted. Also, if material had to be removed, a note will indicate the deletion. uest ProQuest 10673194 Published by ProQuest LLC(2017). Copyright of the Dissertation is held by the Author. All rights reserved. This work is protected against unauthorized copying under Title 17, United States C ode Microform Edition © ProQuest LLC. ProQuest LLC. 789 East Eisenhower Parkway P.O. Box 1346 Ann Arbor, Ml 48106- 1346 Abstract Japan-Republic of China relations under US hegemony: A genealogy of ‘returning virtue for malice’ Much of Chiang Kai-shek’s ‘returning virtue for malice’ (yide baoyuan ) postwar Japan policy remains to be examined. This thesis mainly shows how the discourse of ‘returning virtue for malice’ facilitated Japan’s diplomatic recognition of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan during the Cold War era. More conceptually, this study re- conceptualizes foreign policy as discourse—that of moral reciprocity—as it sheds light on the question of recognition as well as the consensual aspect of hegemony. By adopting a genealogical approach, this discourse analysis thus traces the descent and emergence of the ‘returning virtue for malice’ trope while it examines its discursive effect on Tokyo’s recognition of Taipei under American hegemony. -
Did the ABM Treaty of 1972 Remain in Force After the USSR Ceased To
American University International Law Review Volume 17 | Issue 2 Article 1 2002 Did the ABM Treaty of 1972 Remain in Force After the USSR Ceased to Exist in December 1991 and Did it Become a Treaty Between the United States and the Russian Federation? George Miron Follow this and additional works at: http://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr Part of the International Law Commons Recommended Citation Miron, George. "Did the ABM Treaty of 1972 Remain in Force After the USSR Ceased to Exist in December 1991 and Did it Become a Treaty Between the United States and the Russian Federation?" American University International Law Review 17, no. 2 (2002): 189-342. This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Washington College of Law Journals & Law Reviews at Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. It has been accepted for inclusion in American University International Law Review by an authorized administrator of Digital Commons @ American University Washington College of Law. For more information, please contact [email protected]. MEMORANDUM OF LAW DID THE ABM TREATY OF 1972 REMAIN IN FORCE AFTER THE USSR CEASED TO EXIST IN DECEMBER 1991 AND DID IT BECOME A TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION?* GEORGE MIRON "° I. QUESTIONS ADDRESSED BY THE MEMORANDUM ... 195 II. BACKGROUND ............................................ 195 A. THE THESIS THAT UNDER INTERNATIONAL LAW THE ABM TREATY OF 1972 WITH THE USSR BECAME A TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND THE RUSSIAN * On December 13, 2001, President George W. Bush notified Russia that the United States is withdrawing from the ABM Treaty. -
Copyright by Naoko Kato 2013
Copyright by Naoko Kato 2013 The Dissertation Committee for Naoko Kato Certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: Through the Kaleidoscope: Uchiyama Bookstore and Sino-Japanese Visionaries in War and Peace Committee: Mark Metzler, Supervisor Nancy Stalker Madeline Hsu Huaiyin Li Robert Oppenheim Through the Kaleidoscope: Uchiyama Bookstore and Sino-Japanese Visionaries in War and Peace by Naoko Kato, B.A., M.A., M.S.I.S. Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of The University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin May 2013 Dedication This dissertation is dedicated to my parents, Emiko and Haruichi Kato. Through the Kaleidoscope: Uchiyama Bookstore and Sino-Japanese Visionaries in War and Peace Naoko Kato, PhD The University of Texas at Austin, 2013 Supervisor: Mark Metzler The Republican period in Chinese history (1911-1949) is generally seen as a series of anti-imperialist and anti-foreign movements that coincide with the development of Chinese nationalism. The continual ties between Chinese nationalists and Japanese intellectuals are often overlooked. In the midst of the Sino-Japanese war, Uchiyama Kanzō, a Christian pacifist who was the owner of the bookstore, acted as a cultural liaison between May Fourth Chinese revolutionaries who were returned students from Japan, and Japanese left-wing activists working for the Communist cause, or visiting Japanese writers eager to meet their Chinese counterparts. I explore the relationship between Japanese and Chinese cultural literati in Shanghai, using Uchiyama Bookstore as the focal point. -
Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific's “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures
Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific’s “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures William T. Tow October 1999 1 2 About the Author William T. Tow is an associate professor in International Relations with the University of Queensland’s Department of Government. His primary research interests are East Asian security issues, alliance politics, and international security affairs, and he has written widely on all these issues. He is currently director of UQ’s International Relations and Asian Politics Research Unit (IRAPRU), serves on the Australian Foreign Affairs Council, and is on the Australian Member Board, Council for Security and Cooperation in the Asia-Pacific (AUS- CSCAP). He also served on the Australian-American Educational Foundation’s (Fulbright Commission’s) National Board of Directors from 1991-1996. He has traveled widely throughout the Asia Pacific and frequently lectures to academic, government, and public settings in the region. Work leading to this publication has been supported by the Australian Research Council. Before immigrating to Australia in 1991, he was an assistant professor at the University of Southern California’s School of International Relations in Los Angeles. 3 4 Assessing U.S. Bilateral Security Alliances in the Asia Pacific’s “Southern Rim”: Why the San Francisco System Endures William T. Tow At the turn of the century, the United States’ postwar alliance network remains a key component of its international security policy. That policy is fundamentally based on maintaining military superiority over current and potential rivals in the Eurasian landmass. To achieve this goal, the United States must be able to sustain a force presence in Europe and Asia that can shape the balance of power in both regions during peacetime. -
The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: the Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits
The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations Written by Casper Wits This PDF is auto-generated for reference only. As such, it may contain some conversion errors and/or missing information. For all formal use please refer to the official version on the website, as linked below. The Transnational in China's Foreign Policy: The Case of Sino-Japanese Relations https://www.e-ir.info/2019/04/10/the-transnational-in-chinas-foreign-policy-the-case-of-sino-japanese-relations/ CASPER WITS, APR 10 2019 This is an excerpt from New Perspectives on China’s Relations with the World: National, Transnational and International. Get your free copy here. When observing contemporary relations between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and Japan there seems to be a plethora of unresolved issues that strain the ties between the two countries; most importantly the disagreements regarding memory of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937–1945) and the territorial dispute regarding the Diaoyu/Senkaku islands. Naturally, a priority when analysing modern China’s relations with Japan should therefore be a focus on ‘what went wrong’. Fortunately, ample research has been done on the history issue and territorial disputes in post-war Sino-Japanese relations, and how these hamper international relations in East Asia (Rose 1998, Rose 2005, Seraphim 2006, He 2009). At the same time this scholarship, as well as scholarship on the development of post-war Sino-Japanese trade (Soeya 1998; King 2016), has not ignored the remarkable progress made in bilateral relations between the two countries since 1945.