The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors
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Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc
Chinese community council Multicultural communities National Sikh council of National Chinese Australian of Australia council of NSW Australia leadership group Community Joint submission to Senate FADT page: 1 Joint Submission of the Chinese Community Council of Australia Inc. Multicultural Communities Council of NSW Inc. National Chinese Australian Leadership Group & National Sikh Council of Australia Inc. On Customs Amendment (Banning Goods Produced by Uyghur Forced Labour) Bill 2020 Committee Secretary Senate Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade Legislation Committee PO Box 6100 Parliament House Canberra ACT 2600 Email: fadt.sen@aph,gov.au Date of Submission 28 Jan 2021 (Submission due 5 Feb 2021) The Submission 1. Our response in consultation with or Chinese , Sikh Australian communities. and the general multicultural communities. In our internal consultation with our Chinese and Multicultural colleagues, we frequently encountered these questions. We are in no position to answer these questions properly and instead we propose to share this information with the Senate committee in good faith. The questions below were frequently asked of us: 1.1 Why the interest in Xinjiang of all the other places in China? 1.2 Is the very focus on Xinjiang is already a leading question? 1.3 Is there indeed forced labour in Xinjiang? 1.4 How could one write a fair submission if there is no real access to information on a sensitive subject in China? 1.5 One would assume that for a fair report, one would have to ask the Chinese government for information. In which case, how would one be sure that the information given is genuine? Or can we refer to the Global Times as a source of information? 1.6 The other information that can be gleaned from available sources have too much political agenda and how would one determines its authenticity? 1.7 Do you not think that the task given to you is full of traps? 2. -
9780367508234 Text.Pdf
Development of the Global Film Industry The global film industry has witnessed significant transformations in the past few years. Regions outside the USA have begun to prosper while non-traditional produc- tion companies such as Netflix have assumed a larger market share and online movies adapted from literature have continued to gain in popularity. How have these trends shaped the global film industry? This book answers this question by analyzing an increasingly globalized business through a global lens. Development of the Global Film Industry examines the recent history and current state of the business in all parts of the world. While many existing studies focus on the internal workings of the industry, such as production, distribution and screening, this study takes a “big picture” view, encompassing the transnational integration of the cultural and entertainment industry as a whole, and pays more attention to the coordinated develop- ment of the film industry in the light of influence from literature, television, animation, games and other sectors. This volume is a critical reference for students, scholars and the public to help them understand the major trends facing the global film industry in today’s world. Qiao Li is Associate Professor at Taylor’s University, Selangor, Malaysia, and Visiting Professor at the Université Paris 1 Panthéon- Sorbonne. He has a PhD in Film Studies from the University of Gloucestershire, UK, with expertise in Chinese- language cinema. He is a PhD supervisor, a film festival jury member, and an enthusiast of digital filmmaking with award- winning short films. He is the editor ofMigration and Memory: Arts and Cinemas of the Chinese Diaspora (Maison des Sciences et de l’Homme du Pacifique, 2019). -
EU-Korea Convergence and Partnerships 10 Years After the EU-ROK FTA, in the Post Covid Era and Within the US-China Trade War
EU-Korea convergence and partnerships 10 years after the EU-ROK FTA, in the post Covid era and within the US-China trade war Asia Centre is delighted to host a distinguished panel to discuss the current status of EU and Republic of Korea partnerships, relations and cooperation on multilateral issues and focused sectors of mutual interest. Please find some of the papers of the authors-speakers on the following pages. CHAIRS: • Lukas MANDL (chairman of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with the Korean Peninsula) • Jean-François DI MEGLIO (President of Asia Centre) SPEAKERS : Panel 1 : The points of convergence within the analysis of post Covid international relations • Maximilian MAYER (University of Bonn) : introduction • Antoine BONDAZ (FRS, SciencesPo): “The Covid-19 pandemic as a great opportunity for greater EU-Korea coordinAtion And cooperAtion” • Nicola CASARINI (Istituto Affari InternAzionAli): « EU-Korea strAtegic pArtnership ten years after. Opportunities, and challenges, in the age of Covid and mounting US-China tensions » • Paul ANDRE (SciencesPo): « Is KoreA on the threshold of the G7? StrAtegic opportunities and challenges ahead in the perspective of an enlarged G7 » • René CONSOLO (French diplomAt who worked in PyongyAng): « The European Union’s Restrictive Measures against North Korea: a medium term view, beyond the current difficulties. Looking at solutions beyond the deadlock ». Transition: Elisabeth Suh (SWP): « Certain uncertainty – the cyber challeng posed by Pyongyang » Panel 2 : Future opportunities of EU-ROK cooperation in specific areas of competence and excellence • Ramon PACHECO-PARDO (King’s College): « Reassessment of the goals intended and achieved through the EU-ROK FTA » • Tereza NOVOTNA (MArie SklodowskA-Curie Fellow): « WhAt EU-ROK Partnership within the US-China Conflict? » • Brigitte DEKKER (ClingendAel Institute): « EU-ROK digital connectivity: United, we must stand. -
Political Virus’
12 | Monday, July 26, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY WORLD FM rails against COVID-19 ‘political virus’ US blaming others for failures harms means for the purpose of so-called ing the international fight against mission conducted earlier this year the WHO to express their opposi- origin-tracing, and keeps hyping the the pandemic, but has continued to concluded that transmission of the tion to politicizing efforts to find the research efforts, state councilor says “lab leak” theory, he said. use the platform to spread the politi- virus to humans through an inter- origins of the virus. Washington’s purpose is very cal virus, Wang said. mediate animal was the likely cause He reiterated that in terms of such By CAO DESHENG Wang made the remarks at a joint clear, Wang said: it wants to blame He reaffirmed that China cannot and that a laboratory leak was work countries should seek to work [email protected] news conference with Finland’s For- others for its inability to curb COV- accept the WHO’s plan for a second “extremely unlikely” to have been with one another instead of discred- eign Minister Pekka Haavisto in ID-19 while realizing its political phase of a study into the origin of the cause. iting others, and that there should State Councilor and Foreign Min- Chengdu on Sunday. purpose of smearing and suppress- the virus, saying such a plan has be truth instead of lies and respect ister Wang Yi has stressed the need The United States has, from the ing other countries. -
When Does Online Public Diplomacy Succeed? Evidence from China's 'Wolf Warrior' Diplomats
When Does Online Public Diplomacy Succeed? Evidence from China’s ‘Wolf Warrior’ Diplomats Daniel C. Mattingly* and James Sundquist† July 29, 2021 Word Count: 3,994 Abstract Diplomats worldwide have adopted digital technologies as tools of public diplomacy. How does online public diplomacy shape global public opinion? In this letter, we theorize that positive public diplomacy that emphasizes aid and friendship works, even in the context of escalating real-world conflict. However, we argue that negative messages from diplomats that criticize ri- vals can backfire. We conduct an experiment, to our knowledge the first of its kind, that randomly exposes Indian citizens to real Twitter messages from Chinese diplomats just before and after a deadly border confrontation. We find that positive messages emphasizing aid and friendship improve perceptions of China, but that negative “Wolf Warrior” messages backfire, particularly after conflict escalation. We conclude that public diplomacy that touts aid can be a useful but limited tool for a rising power like China. *Assistant Professor, Department of Political Science, Yale University. †Ph.D. Candidate, Department of Political Science, Yale University. 1 Introduction In international relations, public opinion matters. Popular support can pressure demo- cratic governments — and even some autocrats (Weeks, 2012) — to agree to join military alliances (Goldsmith and Horiuchi, 2012), to open their markets (Milner and Tingley, 2011), to host military bases (Cooley, 2012), and to deescalate conflict (Kertzer, Brutger and Quek, 2019). On the other hand, hostile foreign opinion can lead to balancing, trade friction, and conflict spirals. In an attempt to shape global public opinion, governments around the world invest sig- nificant sums in public diplomacy. -
2019 International Religious Freedom Report
CHINA (INCLUDES TIBET, XINJIANG, HONG KONG, AND MACAU) 2019 INTERNATIONAL RELIGIOUS FREEDOM REPORT Executive Summary Reports on Hong Kong, Macau, Tibet, and Xinjiang are appended at the end of this report. The constitution, which cites the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party and the guidance of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, states that citizens have freedom of religious belief but limits protections for religious practice to “normal religious activities” and does not define “normal.” Despite Chairman Xi Jinping’s decree that all members of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) must be “unyielding Marxist atheists,” the government continued to exercise control over religion and restrict the activities and personal freedom of religious adherents that it perceived as threatening state or CCP interests, according to religious groups, nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and international media reports. The government recognizes five official religions – Buddhism, Taoism, Islam, Protestantism, and Catholicism. Only religious groups belonging to the five state- sanctioned “patriotic religious associations” representing these religions are permitted to register with the government and officially permitted to hold worship services. There continued to be reports of deaths in custody and that the government tortured, physically abused, arrested, detained, sentenced to prison, subjected to forced indoctrination in CCP ideology, or harassed adherents of both registered and unregistered religious groups for activities related to their religious beliefs and practices. There were several reports of individuals committing suicide in detention, or, according to sources, as a result of being threatened and surveilled. In December Pastor Wang Yi was tried in secret and sentenced to nine years in prison by a court in Chengdu, Sichuan Province, in connection to his peaceful advocacy for religious freedom. -
China's BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India's Rise
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Panda, Jagannath P. Working Paper China's BRI diplomacy: What it means to India and India's rise Ordnungspolitische Diskurse, No. 2021-12 Provided in Cooperation with: OrdnungsPolitisches Portal (OPO) Suggested Citation: Panda, Jagannath P. (2021) : China's BRI diplomacy: What it means to India and India's rise, Ordnungspolitische Diskurse, No. 2021-12, OrdnungsPolitisches Portal (OPO), Erfurt This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/235511 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence. www.econstor.eu Jagannath Panda China’s BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India’s Rise Diskurs 2021 - 12 China’s BRI Diplomacy: What It Means to India and India’s Rise Jagannath Panda Abstract Despite the political differences, China and India are in an interdependent trade relationship. -
Economy and Diplomacy: China's Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19
Éditoriaux de l’Ifri Lettre du Centre Asie 82 19 May 2020 Economy and Diplomacy: China’s Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19 World Will China Rise Stronger from the Pandemic? Marc Julienne is Research Fellow, Head Marc JULIENNE of China Research at Ifri’s Center for Asian Studies A flow of media reports and op-eds have recently flourished, forecasting the decline of the West and the triumph of China on the world stage amid the The opinions expressed in COVID-19 pandemic. Some have declared the dawn of a “post-Western this text are the responsibility of the world”. China has been promoting its narrative of its own absolute success, author alone. while blaming the West for the poor management of the crisis. The US administration is fighting back against Beijing, with no restraint on ISBN : 979-10-373-0177-2 disinformation, motivated in large part by domestic electoral politics. © Tous droits réservés, Amid this battle of narratives, a cool-headed reflection on the aftermath of Paris, Ifri, 2020. the crisis is a challenge. To this aim, it is important to distinguish between two dimensions of the COVID-19 crisis. First is the management of the How to quote this health crisis itself; how to contain the virus, so to speak. On this dimension, document : China took impressive and efficient measures, notwithstanding the delayed Marc Julienne, « Economy and response and the political tightening of the population, civil servants as Diplomacy: China’s well as scientists. Two Challenges in the Post-COVID-19 Second is the way states are dealing with the side effects of the crisis – World », Lettre du Centre Asie, n° 82, economic, social, political – which in most cases are much worse than the Ifri, 19 May 2020. -
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Advances in Social Science, Education and Humanities Research, volume 341 5th International Conference on Arts, Design and Contemporary Education (ICADCE 2019) Discussion on the Cultural Confidence of Chinese Films Taking the Movie Wolf Warriors II as an Example Mengyao Hou The College of Literature and Journalism Sichuan University Chengdu, China Abstract—Wolf Warriors II as the only Chinese-language film that has entered the top 100 global box office, has won a II. COMMENT ON THE MOVIE WOLF WARRIORS II lot of reputation in Chinese market in 2017. However, its overseas box office was depressing, and few foreigners paid A. The Type of the Film attentions to it. It did receive a few film reviews, but most of Divided by the type of films, Wolf Warriors II belonged them were criticism. Some Chinese scholars believed that the to the action/military type, and was produced as the box office harvest of Wolf Warriors II in the mainland of China commercial mode of blockbuster films. The whole movie was attributed to its patriotic theme and its cultural confidence, showed dozens of light and heavy firearms, fighting vehicles but they did not mention the reasons why the film was not from off-road vehicles, tanks to warships, fighting, killing welcomed overseas. Based on a Chinese scholar, Mr. Jin Huimin's researches on cultural confidence, the author thinks and shooting between positive and negative characters, as that Wolf Warriors II does not show the cultural confidence, well as powerful explosions. Besides, the commercial style but indicates the nationalism with the features of post-colonial of this film was also reflected on its visual presentation that culturally resistance. -
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Mark Parascandola ONCE UPON A TIME IN SHANGHAI Cofounders: Taj Forer and Michael Itkoff Creative Director: Ursula Damm Copy Editors: Nancy Hubbard, Barbara Richard © 2019 Daylight Community Arts Foundation Photographs and text © 2019 by Mark Parascandola Once Upon a Time in Shanghai and Notes on the Locations © 2019 by Mark Parascandola Once Upon a Time in Shanghai: Images of a Film Industry in Transition © 2019 by Michael Berry All rights reserved. ISBN 978-1-942084-74-7 Printed by OFSET YAPIMEVI, Istanbul No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of copyright holders and of the publisher. Daylight Books E-mail: [email protected] Web: www.daylightbooks.org 4 5 ONCE UPON A TIME IN SHANGHAI: IMAGES OF A FILM INDUSTRY IN TRANSITION Michael Berry THE SOCIALIST PERIOD Once upon a time, the Chinese film industry was a state-run affair. From the late centers, even more screenings took place in auditoriums of various “work units,” 1940s well into the 1980s, Chinese cinema represented the epitome of “national as well as open air screenings in many rural areas. Admission was often free and cinema.” Films were produced by one of a handful of state-owned film studios— tickets were distributed to employees of various hospitals, factories, schools, and Changchun Film Studio, Beijing Film Studio, Shanghai Film Studio, Xi’an Film other work units. While these films were an important part of popular culture Studio, etc.—and the resulting films were dubbed in pitch-perfect Mandarin during the height of the socialist period, film was also a powerful tool for education Chinese, shot entirely on location in China by a local cast and crew, and produced and propaganda—in fact, one could argue that from 1949 (the founding of the almost exclusively for mainland Chinese film audiences. -
Mainstream Cinema As a Tool for China's Soft Power
Master’s Degree programme in Languages, Economics and Institutions of Asia and North Africa “Second Cycle (D.M. 270/2004)” Final Thesis Mainstream cinema as a tool for China’s soft power Supervisor Ch. Prof. Federico Alberto Greselin Assistant supervisor Ch. Prof. Tiziano Vescovi Graduand Alessia Forner Matriculation Number 846622 Academic Year 2017 / 2018 To the two stars that have guided me from above TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Introduction 5 Chapter one: Soft power: a general overview and the beginning of China’s soft power era 7 1.1 Joseph Nye’s definition of soft power 7 1.2 Culture: the core of soft power 10 1.3 The entry of the concept of soft power in China and its translations 12 1.4 Hu Jintao’s speech at the 17th National Congress of the Communist Party of China and China’s first steps towards its soft power strategy 14 Chapter two: China’s focus on cultural soft power and the Chinese film industry 19 2.1 China’s investments in the film industry and films as a soft power resource 19 2.2 The situation of the Chinese film industry in the 1980s and 1990s: is Hollywood China’s lifeline? 26 2.3 Main melody films and the correlation with the China dream (( : taking the documentary Amazing China ()() and the film American Dreams in China (() as an example 32 2.4 Focus on the film Wolf Warrior II II) : a successful soft power strategy 56 Chapter three: Sino-US collaborations 65 3.1 Hollywood and China: same bed, different dreams 65 3.2 The different types of collaborations between China and Hollywood 69 3.3 Is China changing Hollywood? 78 -
IMAX China Holdings Soft Momentum After Avengers
14 June 2018 Hong Kong EQUITIES IMAX China Holdings 1970 HK Neutral Soft momentum after Avengers Price (at 06:39, 13 Jun 2018 GMT) HK$27.60 Valuation HK$ 26.00-29.00 Key points - PER Downgrade to Neutral with TP lowered to HK$27.77 12-month target HK$ 27.77 We expect IMAX China’s BO growth to slow down after Avengers with its Upside/Downside % +0.6 network expansion peaking 12-month TSR % +1.8 We expect earnings to drop by 4% YoY in 2H18, with a 4% 18-20E CAGR Volatility Index High GICS sector Media Market cap HK$m 9,903 Event Market cap US$m 1,246 Downgrade to Neutral. IMAX China’s share price has rallied by 45% from the Free float % 32 trough earlier this year (vs +4% for HSI), on the good box office (BO) 30-day avg turnover US$m 5.1 performance of Avengers and strong 1Q. However, we expect the earnings Number shares on issue m 358.8 growth momentum going forward to inevitably slow down on the expected soft film slate and more importantly, the peaking of network installations. We expect Investment fundamentals its earnings to decline by 4% YoY in 2H18, after a +36% YoY in 1H18E, with a Year end 31 Dec 2017A 2018E 2019E 2020E Revenue m 126.5 138.6 146.9 150.7 4% 18-20E earnings CAGR. Downgrade to Neutral from Outperform. EBIT m 57.3 65.1 68.7 70.4 EBIT growth % 20.7 13.5 5.6 2.4 Impact Reported profit m 43.7 49.0 51.8 53.1 Softer momentum after Avengers.