The Chinese Communist Party and the Diaspora Beijing’S Extraterritorial Authoritarian Rule
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Internet Surveillance in China
The Architecture of Control: Internet Su rveillance in China James A. Lewis , Center for Strategic and International Studies July 200 6 Security concerns shape China’s official internet and information technology strateg ies . Th ese include concerns shared by many cou nt ries: promoting a strong and growing economy , providing information assurance , and defending against foreign intrusions into China’s information space . Most importantly for the Chinese, information security include s a political element not foun d in many other nations – c ontrol by the party and the state over communications and the flow of informa tion . The rapid spread of internet access and mobile communications pose a serious challenge to this goal. In response, China’s security apparatus is reorienting its informational defenses. In the past, the emphasi s was on blocking access - the “great firewall.” In the future, the emphasis will be on the monitoring and surveillance of online activities. China’s primary objective in internet securi ty is political – preventing IT from eroding the regime’s authority. Information security is defined in China as “a comprehensive concept understood in a broad sense, and it involves political, economic, cultural, ideological, media, social and military l evel or field. ” It includes “data, system, network, infrastructure .”1 Chin ese officials worry about the potential of the Internet to contribute to the loss of state secrets , offer new avenues for organizing dissent and opposition , and spread “harmful inf ormation. ” This makes controlling access to "harmful network information” and the ability to monitor and intercept communications top priorities .2 For China’s leadership, one particular set of event s demonstrated the risks of not securing networks. -
The Chinese Civil War (1927–37 and 1946–49)
13 CIVIL WAR CASE STUDY 2: THE CHINESE CIVIL WAR (1927–37 AND 1946–49) As you read this chapter you need to focus on the following essay questions: • Analyze the causes of the Chinese Civil War. • To what extent was the communist victory in China due to the use of guerrilla warfare? • In what ways was the Chinese Civil War a revolutionary war? For the first half of the 20th century, China faced political chaos. Following a revolution in 1911, which overthrew the Manchu dynasty, the new Republic failed to take hold and China continued to be exploited by foreign powers, lacking any strong central government. The Chinese Civil War was an attempt by two ideologically opposed forces – the nationalists and the communists – to see who would ultimately be able to restore order and regain central control over China. The struggle between these two forces, which officially started in 1927, was interrupted by the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war in 1937, but started again in 1946 once the war with Japan was over. The results of this war were to have a major effect not just on China itself, but also on the international stage. Mao Zedong, the communist Timeline of events – 1911–27 victor of the Chinese Civil War. 1911 Double Tenth Revolution and establishment of the Chinese Republic 1912 Dr Sun Yixian becomes Provisional President of the Republic. Guomindang (GMD) formed and wins majority in parliament. Sun resigns and Yuan Shikai declared provisional president 1915 Japan’s Twenty-One Demands. Yuan attempts to become Emperor 1916 Yuan dies/warlord era begins 1917 Sun attempts to set up republic in Guangzhou. -
EU-Korea Convergence and Partnerships 10 Years After the EU-ROK FTA, in the Post Covid Era and Within the US-China Trade War
EU-Korea convergence and partnerships 10 years after the EU-ROK FTA, in the post Covid era and within the US-China trade war Asia Centre is delighted to host a distinguished panel to discuss the current status of EU and Republic of Korea partnerships, relations and cooperation on multilateral issues and focused sectors of mutual interest. Please find some of the papers of the authors-speakers on the following pages. CHAIRS: • Lukas MANDL (chairman of the European Parliament’s Delegation for Relations with the Korean Peninsula) • Jean-François DI MEGLIO (President of Asia Centre) SPEAKERS : Panel 1 : The points of convergence within the analysis of post Covid international relations • Maximilian MAYER (University of Bonn) : introduction • Antoine BONDAZ (FRS, SciencesPo): “The Covid-19 pandemic as a great opportunity for greater EU-Korea coordinAtion And cooperAtion” • Nicola CASARINI (Istituto Affari InternAzionAli): « EU-Korea strAtegic pArtnership ten years after. Opportunities, and challenges, in the age of Covid and mounting US-China tensions » • Paul ANDRE (SciencesPo): « Is KoreA on the threshold of the G7? StrAtegic opportunities and challenges ahead in the perspective of an enlarged G7 » • René CONSOLO (French diplomAt who worked in PyongyAng): « The European Union’s Restrictive Measures against North Korea: a medium term view, beyond the current difficulties. Looking at solutions beyond the deadlock ». Transition: Elisabeth Suh (SWP): « Certain uncertainty – the cyber challeng posed by Pyongyang » Panel 2 : Future opportunities of EU-ROK cooperation in specific areas of competence and excellence • Ramon PACHECO-PARDO (King’s College): « Reassessment of the goals intended and achieved through the EU-ROK FTA » • Tereza NOVOTNA (MArie SklodowskA-Curie Fellow): « WhAt EU-ROK Partnership within the US-China Conflict? » • Brigitte DEKKER (ClingendAel Institute): « EU-ROK digital connectivity: United, we must stand. -
China's Global Media Footprint
February 2021 SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES China’s Global Media Footprint Democratic Responses to Expanding Authoritarian Influence by Sarah Cook ABOUT THE SHARP POWER AND DEMOCRATIC RESILIENCE SERIES As globalization deepens integration between democracies and autocracies, the compromising effects of sharp power—which impairs free expression, neutralizes independent institutions, and distorts the political environment—have grown apparent across crucial sectors of open societies. The Sharp Power and Democratic Resilience series is an effort to systematically analyze the ways in which leading authoritarian regimes seek to manipulate the political landscape and censor independent expression within democratic settings, and to highlight potential civil society responses. This initiative examines emerging issues in four crucial arenas relating to the integrity and vibrancy of democratic systems: • Challenges to free expression and the integrity of the media and information space • Threats to intellectual inquiry • Contestation over the principles that govern technology • Leverage of state-driven capital for political and often corrosive purposes The present era of authoritarian resurgence is taking place during a protracted global democratic downturn that has degraded the confidence of democracies. The leading authoritarians are ABOUT THE AUTHOR challenging democracy at the level of ideas, principles, and Sarah Cook is research director for China, Hong Kong, and standards, but only one side seems to be seriously competing Taiwan at Freedom House. She directs the China Media in the contest. Bulletin, a monthly digest in English and Chinese providing news and analysis on media freedom developments related Global interdependence has presented complications distinct to China. Cook is the author of several Asian country from those of the Cold War era, which did not afford authoritarian reports for Freedom House’s annual publications, as regimes so many opportunities for action within democracies. -
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries the Size Of
Who Set the Narrative? Assessing the Influence of Chinese Media in News Coverage of COVID-19 in 30 African Countries The size of China’s State-owned media’s operations in Africa has grown significantly since the early 2000s. Previous research on the impact of increased Sino-African mediated engagements has been inconclusive. Some researchers hold that public opinion towards China in African nations has been improving because of the increased media presence. Others argue that the impact is rather limited, particularly when it comes to affecting how African media cover China- related stories. This paper seeks to contribute to this debate by exploring the extent to which news media in 30 African countries relied on Chinese news sources to cover China and the COVID-19 outbreak during the first half of 2020. By computationally analyzing a corpus of 500,000 news stories, I show that, compared to other major global players (e.g. Reuters, AFP), content distributed by Chinese media (e.g. Xinhua, China Daily, People’s Daily) is much less likely to be used by African news organizations, both in English and French speaking countries. The analysis also reveals a gap in the prevailing themes in Chinese and African media’s coverage of the pandemic. The implications of these findings for the sub-field of Sino-African media relations, and the study of global news flows is discussed. Keywords: China-Africa, Xinhua, news agencies, computational text analysis, big data, intermedia agenda setting Beginning in the mid-2010s, Chinese media began to substantially increase their presence in many African countries, as part of China’s ambitious going out strategy that covered a myriad of economic activities, including entertainment, telecommunications and news content (Keane, 2016). -
Retweeting Through the Great Firewall a Persistent and Undeterred Threat Actor
Retweeting through the great firewall A persistent and undeterred threat actor Dr Jake Wallis, Tom Uren, Elise Thomas, Albert Zhang, Dr Samantha Hoffman, Lin Li, Alex Pascoe and Danielle Cave Policy Brief Report No. 33/2020 About the authors Dr Jacob Wallis is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Tom Uren is a Senior Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Elise Thomas is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Albert Zhang is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Dr Samanthan Hoffman is an Analyst working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Lin Li is a Researcher working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Alex Pascoe is a Research Intern working with the International Cyber Policy Centre. Danielle Cave is Deputy Director of the International Cyber Policy Centre. Acknowledgements ASPI would like to thank Twitter for advanced access to the takedown dataset that formed a significant component of this investigation. The authors would also like to thank ASPI colleagues who worked on this report. What is ASPI? The Australian Strategic Policy Institute was formed in 2001 as an independent, non‑partisan think tank. Its core aim is to provide the Australian Government with fresh ideas on Australia’s defence, security and strategic policy choices. ASPI is responsible for informing the public on a range of strategic issues, generating new thinking for government and harnessing strategic thinking internationally. ASPI International Cyber Policy Centre ASPI’s International Cyber Policy Centre (ICPC) is a leading voice in global debates on cyber and emerging technologies and their impact on broader strategic policy. -
The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors
THE RISE AND FALL OF THE WOLF WARRIORS Yun Jiang N 2020, the usually polite and us ‘chequebook diplomacy’ (aid Iconservative diplomats from the and investment to gain diplomatic People’s Republic of China (PRC) recognition vis-à-vis Taiwan) and attracted attention around the world ‘panda diplomacy’ (sending pandas to for breaking form. ‘Wolf warrior build goodwill). diplomacy’ is a term used to describe Wolf Warrior 战狼 was a popular the newly assertive and combative Chinese film released in 2015. It was style of Chinese diplomats, in action followed by a sequel, Wolf Warrior 2, as well as rhetoric. It is not the only which became the highest-grossing diplomacy-related term that China film in Chinese box office history. They became famous for this year; there were both aggressively nationalistic was also ‘mask diplomacy’ (the films, comparable with Hollywood’s shipment of medical goods to build Rambo, portraying the Chinese hero goodwill) and ‘hostage diplomacy’ as someone who saves his compatriots (the detention of foreign citizens in and others from international China to gain leverage over another ‘bad guys’, including American country). Previous years brought mercenaries. The tagline of both films 34 powerful counter-attack only when 35 being attacked’ is more like Kung Fu Panda, while wolf warrior diplomacy is more of a ‘US trait’.1 However it is characterised, the way Chinese diplomats operate reflects the attitude to diplomacy and foreign affairs of the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). The discretionary The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Warriors The Rise and Fall of the Wolf Yun Jiang power of even the top foreign policy bureaucrats and diplomats is relatively CRISIS limited in the Chinese system. -
Police Increase Crackdown to Prevent Human Trafficking
4 | Thursday, May 6, 2021 HONG KONG EDITION | CHINA DAILY CHINA Grow together Courier service ZTO Farmers lay out rice slammed for inhumane seedling beds to raise them collectively in Lujiang county, Hefei, Anhui prov- delivery of dogs, cats ince, on Wednesday. The practice can By LI LEI save labor costs and [email protected] reduce pests and other crop diseases. The courier giant ZTO Express The healthy ZUO XUEZHANG / was recently put under fire after development of FOR CHINA DAILY one of its business outlets in Chengdu, Sichuan province, was courier companies is found to have transported puppies reliant on … a proper and kittens as part of the contro- versial pet blind box sales on value toward life.” e-commerce sites. A statement from courier com- In a statement late on Tuesday, pany ZTO Express ZTO apologized for collecting live animals from e-retailers for ship- ment, which it said breached rules. postal services, and courier com- The New York listed firm said it panies shall not violate the rules has shut the outlet in question for knowingly,” it said on its Weibo rectification. account. A worker overseeing safety The online crusade came after affairs in the province has also volunteers from Chengdu Aizhijia been suspended from work with Animal Rescue Center, a local ani- the year’s performance-based sala- mal welfare group, late on Monday ry deducted, it added. intercepted about 160 packages “The healthy development of containing such pets at the ZTO courier companies is reliant on the outlet. Police increase crackdown strict application of industrial Videos posted on the group’s standards and safety manage- Weibo account showed cube cages ment, as well as a proper value muffled with braided cloth being toward life,” the statement said. -
Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (Ii): the Battle Over "The People" and the Business Community in the Transition to Chinese Rule
HONG KONG'S ENDGAME AND THE RULE OF LAW (II): THE BATTLE OVER "THE PEOPLE" AND THE BUSINESS COMMUNITY IN THE TRANSITION TO CHINESE RULE JACQUES DELISLE* & KEVIN P. LANE- 1. INTRODUCTION Transitional Hong Kong's endgame formally came to a close with the territory's reversion to Chinese rule on July 1, 1997. How- ever, a legal and institutional order and a "rule of law" for Chi- nese-ruled Hong Kong remain works in progress. They will surely bear the mark of the conflicts that dominated the final years pre- ceding Hong Kong's legal transition from British colony to Chinese Special Administrative Region ("S.A.R."). Those endgame conflicts reflected a struggle among adherents to rival conceptions of a rule of law and a set of laws and institutions that would be adequate and acceptable for Hong Kong. They unfolded in large part through battles over the attitudes and allegiance of "the Hong Kong people" and Hong Kong's business community. Hong Kong's Endgame and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule ("Endgame I") focused on the first aspect of this story. It examined the political struggle among members of two coherent, but not monolithic, camps, each bound together by a distinct vision of law and sover- t Special Series Reprint: Originally printed in 18 U. Pa. J. Int'l Econ. L. 811 (1997). Assistant Professor, University of Pennsylvania Law School. This Article is the second part of a two-part series. The first part appeared as Hong Kong's End- game and the Rule of Law (I): The Struggle over Institutions and Values in the Transition to Chinese Rule, 18 U. -
Congressional-Executive Commission on China Annual
CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA ANNUAL REPORT 2016 ONE HUNDRED FOURTEENTH CONGRESS SECOND SESSION OCTOBER 6, 2016 Printed for the use of the Congressional-Executive Commission on China ( Available via the World Wide Web: http://www.cecc.gov U.S. GOVERNMENT PUBLISHING OFFICE 21–471 PDF WASHINGTON : 2016 For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Publishing Office Internet: bookstore.gpo.gov Phone: toll free (866) 512–1800; DC area (202) 512–1800 Fax: (202) 512–2104 Mail: Stop IDCC, Washington, DC 20402–0001 VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00003 Fmt 5011 Sfmt 5011 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE CONGRESSIONAL-EXECUTIVE COMMISSION ON CHINA LEGISLATIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS House Senate CHRISTOPHER H. SMITH, New Jersey, MARCO RUBIO, Florida, Cochairman Chairman JAMES LANKFORD, Oklahoma ROBERT PITTENGER, North Carolina TOM COTTON, Arkansas TRENT FRANKS, Arizona STEVE DAINES, Montana RANDY HULTGREN, Illinois BEN SASSE, Nebraska DIANE BLACK, Tennessee DIANNE FEINSTEIN, California TIMOTHY J. WALZ, Minnesota JEFF MERKLEY, Oregon MARCY KAPTUR, Ohio GARY PETERS, Michigan MICHAEL M. HONDA, California TED LIEU, California EXECUTIVE BRANCH COMMISSIONERS CHRISTOPHER P. LU, Department of Labor SARAH SEWALL, Department of State DANIEL R. RUSSEL, Department of State TOM MALINOWSKI, Department of State PAUL B. PROTIC, Staff Director ELYSE B. ANDERSON, Deputy Staff Director (II) VerDate Mar 15 2010 19:58 Oct 05, 2016 Jkt 000000 PO 00000 Frm 00004 Fmt 0486 Sfmt 0486 U:\DOCS\AR16 NEW\21471.TXT DEIDRE C O N T E N T S Page I. Executive Summary ............................................................................................. 1 Introduction ...................................................................................................... 1 Overview ............................................................................................................ 5 Recommendations to Congress and the Administration .............................. -
China's De-Extremization of Uyghurs in Xinjiang
PATRIK MEYER CHINA’S DE-EXTREMIZATION OF UYGHURS IN XINJIANG JUNE 2016 About the Author About New America Patrik Meyer is a fellow with New New America is committed to renewing American politics, America’s International Security program. prosperity, and purpose in the Digital Age. We generate big He has eclectic personal, academic, and ideas, bridge the gap between technology and policy, and professional backgrounds, which inform curate broad public conversation. We combine the best of his multidisciplinary research and narrow a policy research institute, technology laboratory, public the gap between theory and practice in his work. He forum, media platform, and a venture capital fund for earned his PhD in politics and international studies from ideas. We are a distinctive community of thinkers, writers, the University of Cambridge, working with Chinese researchers, technologists, and community activists who scholars to provide better understanding of the conflicts believe deeply in the possibility of American renewal. in Xinjiang, China, that fuel tensions between the Uyghurs and the Chinese government. He also holds an M.P.A. in Find out more at newamerica.org/our-story. development from Harvard Kennedy School, an M.S. in structural dynamics from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, and a B.S. in civil engineering from the About the International Security Program University of California, Berkeley. New America’s International Security program aims to Before commencing his academic studies, Patrik provide evidence-based analysis of some of the thorniest spent twenty years traveling the world, mainly through questions facing American policymakers and the public. the Middle East, North Africa, and Asia, where he was The program is largely focused on South Asia and the deeply involved in Islamic and Chinese studies. -
OFFICIAL RECORD of PROCEEDINGS Thursday, 21
LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 2261 OFFICIAL RECORD OF PROCEEDINGS Thursday, 21 December 2000 The Council met at Nine o'clock MEMBERS PRESENT: THE PRESIDENT THE HONOURABLE MRS RITA FAN HSU LAI-TAI, G.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE KENNETH TING WOO-SHOU, J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TIEN PEI-CHUN, J.P. THE HONOURABLE DAVID CHU YU-LIN THE HONOURABLE CYD HO SAU-LAN THE HONOURABLE ALBERT HO CHUN-YAN IR DR THE HONOURABLE RAYMOND HO CHUNG-TAI, J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEE CHEUK-YAN THE HONOURABLE MARTIN LEE CHU-MING, S.C., J.P. THE HONOURABLE ERIC LI KA-CHEUNG, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE DAVID LI KWOK-PO, J.P. THE HONOURABLE FRED LI WAH-MING, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE LUI MING-WAH, J.P. 2262 LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 THE HONOURABLE NG LEUNG-SING PROF THE HONOURABLE NG CHING-FAI THE HONOURABLE MARGARET NG THE HONOURABLE MRS SELINA CHOW LIANG SHUK-YEE, J.P. THE HONOURABLE JAMES TO KUN-SUN THE HONOURABLE CHEUNG MAN-KWONG THE HONOURABLE HUI CHEUNG-CHING THE HONOURABLE CHAN KWOK-KEUNG THE HONOURABLE CHAN YUEN-HAN THE HONOURABLE BERNARD CHAN THE HONOURABLE CHAN KAM-LAM THE HONOURABLE MRS SOPHIE LEUNG LAU YAU-FUN, S.B.S., J.P. THE HONOURABLE LEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE SIN CHUNG-KAI THE HONOURABLE ANDREW WONG WANG-FAT, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE PHILIP WONG YU-HONG THE HONOURABLE WONG YUNG-KAN THE HONOURABLE JASPER TSANG YOK-SING, J.P. THE HONOURABLE HOWARD YOUNG, J.P. DR THE HONOURABLE YEUNG SUM LEGISLATIVE COUNCIL ─ 21 December 2000 2263 THE HONOURABLE YEUNG YIU-CHUNG THE HONOURABLE LAU KONG-WAH THE HONOURABLE LAU WONG-FAT, G.B.S., J.P.