Winter 2016 SYLLABUS US Foreign Policy Professor
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The Theoretical Significance of Foreign Policy in International Relations- an Analyses
Journal of Critical Reviews ISSN- 2394-5125 Vol 7, Issue 2, 2020 Review Article THE THEORETICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS- AN ANALYSES Jesmine Ahmed* *PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Assam University, Email Id-jesmine, [email protected]. Received: 09.11.2019 Revised: 05.12.2019 Accepted: 04.01.2020 Abstract: Foreign policy of a country is formulated to safeguard and promote its national interests in the conduct of relations with other countries, bilaterally and multilaterally. It is a direct reflection of a country’s traditional values and overall national policies, her aspirations and self-perception. Thus, Foreign Policies are the strategies, methods, guidelines, agreements that usually national governments use to perform their actions in the international arena. In contemporary times, every state establishes diplomatic, economic, trade, educational, cultural and political relations with other nations and that compels to maintain its relation with each other as well as with international organizations and non-governmental actors in the international relations. Thus, International Relations attempts to explain the behaviours that occur across the boundaries of states and institutions such as private, state, governmental, non-governmental and inter- governmental oversee those interactions. However, this paper try to articulate the theoretical importance of foreign policy in international relations and how it helps in maintaining relations among the countries at the international level. Key Words: Foreign Policy, International Relations, State, Bilateral, Multilateral © 2019 by Advance Scientific Research. This is an open-access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31838/jcr.07.02.144 INTRODUCTION: Moreover, Foreign policy involves both decisions and actions i.e., In international arena, every nation has always been policies. -
The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE JAMES DOBBINS, GABRIELLE TARINI, ALI WYNE The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It n the aftermath of World War II, the United States accepted the mantle of global leadership and worked to build a new global order based on the principles of nonaggression and open, nondiscriminatory trade. An early pillar of this new Iorder was the Marshall Plan for European reconstruction, which British histo- rian Norman Davies has called “an act of the most enlightened self-interest in his- tory.”1 America’s leaders didn’t regard this as charity. They recognized that a more peaceful and more prosperous world would be in America’s self-interest. American willingness to shoulder the burdens of world leadership survived a costly stalemate in the Korean War and a still more costly defeat in Vietnam. It even survived the end of the Cold War, the original impetus for America’s global activ- ism. But as a new century progressed, this support weakened, America’s influence slowly diminished, and eventually even the desire to exert global leadership waned. Over the past two decades, the United States experienced a dramatic drop-off in international achievement. A generation of Americans have come of age in an era in which foreign policy setbacks have been more frequent than advances. C O R P O R A T I O N Awareness of America’s declining influence became immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and by Obama commonplace among observers during the Barack Obama with Ebola, has also been widely noted. -
Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress
Order Code RL30193 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress June 1, 1999 (name redacted) Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service The Library of Congress ABSTRACT The United States Constitution divides foreign policy powers between the President and the Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report reviews and illustrates 12 basic ways that the United States can make foreign policy. The practices illustrated in this report indicate that making foreign policy is a complex process, and that the support of both branches is required for a strong and effective U.S. foreign policy. For a detailed discussion of how war-making powers are shared, see War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance. CRS Issue Brief 81050. This report will be updated only as events warrant. Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress Summary The United States Constitution divides the foreign policy powers between the President and Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report identifies and illustrates 12 basic ways to make U.S. -
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner;
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner; Issue: 122 Start Page: 20-29 ISSN: 00157228 Subject Terms: Globalization Sovereignty Classification Codes: 9180: International 1210: Politics & political behavior Abstract: Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the US, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. Even for weaker states sovereignty remains attractive. Although sovereignty might provide little more than international recognition, that recognition guarantees access to international organizations and sometimes to international finance. In various parts of the world, national borders still represent the fault lines of conflict. The most important impact of economic globalization and transnational norms will be to alter the scope of state authority rather than to generate some fundamentally new way to organize political life. Full Text: Copyright Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Jan/Feb 2001 [Headnote] THINK AGAIN [Headnote] The idea of states as autonomous, independent entities is collapsing under the combined onslaught of monetary unions, CNN, the Internet, and nongovernmental organizations. But those who proclaim the death of sovereignty misread history. The nation -state has a keen instinct for survival and has so far adapted to new challenges -even the challenge of globalization. The Sovereign State Is Just About Dead Very wong. Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the United States, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. -
Gubernatorial Foreign Policy
JULIAN G. KU Gubernatorial Foreign Policy A B S T R A C T. In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision- making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional grounds. Recent Supreme Court decisions retreating from federal exclusivity in foreign affairs and prohibiting the commandeering of state executive officials leave a small doctrinal space for governors to act independently on matters affecting foreign policy. This small space has been further expanded by the federal government's practice of imposing limitations on the preemptive effect of treaties and international agreements. A system of gubernatorial foreign policy also represents the most practical and feasible way to accommodate the internationalizing pressure of globalization with a continuing federal system of "dual sovereignties." Under this system, the states will continue to improve their capacity to deal with matters affecting foreign affairs, and the federal government will retain the right to preempt, but not to commandeer, state governors in the service of federal foreign policy goals. A U T H O R. Associate Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, William & Mary School of Law. I would like to thank John Parry, Michael Ramsey, James Tierney, and Timothy Zick for helpful comments, Jacob Djaboury for research assistance, and Patricia Kasting for library assistance. An earlier version of this Essay was presented at a faculty workshop at Lewis & Clark Law School. Hofstra University School of Law provided support for this Essay. -
American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field
Chapter 22 | Competing on a New Playing Field 145 American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field John McLaughlin ooking ahead on American foreign policy just before an election always presents the temptation to say, “Well—it Ldepends on who wins.” But this would mean risking a low shelf life for any projections. Better this year to look instead at the world as it is—the conditions and challenges that will confront either candidate. The other temptation to resist is keying everything to how the COVID-19 pandemic plays out. To be sure, the pandemic is perhaps the most striking breakpoint with the world we have traditionally known—but it is not the only one. And many of the conditions the United States will confront existed before the pandemic, the result of complex causes over multiple administrations. All this said, we must approach 2021 with no illusions about the impact of the disease; it has made all of the pre-existing problems worse—killing one-half million people globally (more than 200,000 Americans), exacerbating global hunger dramatically, triggering a series of deep and likely persistent economic recessions, and adding to growing questions abroad about the strength, competence, and leadership ability of the United States (in sum, the merit of the U.S. “model”). The starting point for U.S. foreign policy in 2021 has to be defining the characteristics of the era we are in—one that could be called the third post–World War II era. The first obviously was the Cold War—bipolar in character, centered on ideology and an arms race, and lasting about forty-six years until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-91. -
Usma Class of 2006 War Studies Conference Reassessing Deterrence in the 21St Century
USMA CLASS OF 2006 WAR STUDIES CONFERENCE REASSESSING DETERRENCE IN THE 21ST CENTURY UNITED STATES MILITARY ACADEMY NOVEMBER 13–15, 2016 CONTENTS Welcome Letter 2 About West Point 3 Agenda 4 Important Administrative Information 8 Conference Staff 9 Keynote Speaker Profiles 10 Participant Profiles 15 1 WELCOME TO THE USMA CLASS OF 2006 WAR STUDIES CONFERENCE On behalf of Lieutenant General Robert L. Caslen, Jr., the superintendent of the United States Military Academy, it is my honor to welcome you to West Point. This is our inaugural War Studies Conference, an annual event organized by the Modern War Institute within West Point’s Department of Military Instruction. The purpose of this conference is to convene a select and interdisciplinary group of thinkers across government, academia, media, and the business world to discuss a topic of vital importance to our ability to fight and win modern wars. The title of this year’s conference is “Reassessing Deterrence in the 21st Century.” To encourage a free and open exchange of views, all comments during the conference’s panels are “not for attribution,” but our keynote addresses will be “on the record.” Fifty years after Thomas Schelling wrote Arms and Influence, globalization, modernization, and the pervasiveness of non-state actors have fundamentally changed our credibility as well as our capacity to deter. Put simply, tomorrow’s potential threats require a new approach for American strategic deterrence. If deterrence is “the art of coercion and intimidation,” as Schelling noted, how do we deter non-state adversaries with no return address? How do we deter potential cyber warriors? How do we keep our 20th-century alliances strong and capable of extended deterrence going forward? Finally, how can we enhance our geo-economic and other non-military tools of deterrence? The discussions we have over the next few days will shape our first edited conference volume, which will inform the national debate we have on this important issue. -
CTC Sentinel Welcomes Submissions
Combating Terrorism Center at West Point Objective • Relevant • Rigorous | April 2018 • Volume 11, Issue 4 FEATURE ARTICLE A VIEW FROM THE CT FOXHOLE Five Years After the NYPD vs. Revolution Muslim Boston Marathon Bombing The inside story of how the NYPD defeated the radicalization hub Jesse Morton and Mitchell Silber William Weinreb and Harold Shaw FEATURE ARTICLE Editor in Chief 1 NYPD vs. Revolution Muslim: The Inside Story of the Defeat of a Local Radicalization Hub Paul Cruickshank Jesse Morton and Mitchell Silber Managing Editor INTERVIEW Kristina Hummel 8 A View from the CT Foxhole: Five Years After the Boston Marathon Bombing EDITORIAL BOARD Nicholas Tallant Colonel Suzanne Nielsen, Ph.D. ANALYSIS Department Head Dept. of Social Sciences (West Point) 15 The Islamic State's Lingering Legacy among Young Men from the Mosul Area Scott Atran, Hoshang Waziri, Ángel Gómez, Hammad Sheikh, Lucía Lieutenant Colonel Bryan Price, Ph.D. López-Rodríguez, Charles Rogan, and Richard Davis Director, CTC 23 Challenging the ISK Brand in Afghanistan-Pakistan: Rivalries and Divided Loyalties Brian Dodwell Amira Jadoon, Nakissa Jahanbani, and Charmaine Willis Deputy Director, CTC 30 The British Hacker Who Became the Islamic State's Chief Terror Cyber- Coach: A Profile of Junaid Hussain CONTACT Nafees Hamid Combating Terrorism Center U.S. Military Academy Between 2006 and 2012, two men working on opposite sides of the strug- 607 Cullum Road, Lincoln Hall gle between global jihadis and the United States faced of in New York City. Jesse Morton was the founder of Revolution Muslim, a group that prosely- West Point, NY 10996 tized—online and on New York City streets—on behalf of al-Qa`ida. -
Foreign Policy Analysis in Latin American Democracies: the Case for a Research Protocol
Foreign Policy Analysis in Latin American democracies: the case for a research protocol DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201600106 Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 59(1): e006, 2016 Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional Abstract ISSN 1983-3121 In this article we propose an alternative theoretical path to study http://www.rbpi.info contemporary Latin American foreign policies, evoking the notion of ‘public policy cycle’ to explain how democratic regimes in the region have been Dawisson Belém Lopes able to expand their autonomy over time. For that, we will first identify the Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, sources of a given country’s foreign policy, both at home and abroad, as Departamento de Ciência Política, Belo Horizonte – MG, Brazil ([email protected]) well as its decision-making and implementation mechanisms. With regard to methodology, by replacing sheer deductivism for some inductivism, this ORCID ID: orcid.org/0000-0002-1949-1001 approach also innovates in allowing more rigorous comparative politics and, consequently, new general theories about Latin American politics and policies. Carlos Aurélio Pimenta de Faria Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Keywords: Latin America; Democracy; Foreign Policy Analysis. Gerais, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Belo Horizonte – MG, Brazil ([email protected]) ORCID ID: Received: March 13, 2016 orcid.org/0000-0003-1776-6064 Accepted: June 14, 2016 Manoel Santos Universidade Federal de Minas Gerais, Departamento de Ciência Política, Belo Horizonte – MG, Brazil ([email protected]) -
Hezbollah and the Use of Drones As a Weapon of Terrorism
Hezbollah’s Drones Hezbollah and the Use of Drones as a Weapon of Terrorism By Milton Hoenig The international terrorist group Hezbollah, driven by resistance to Israel, now regularly sends low flying drones into Israeli airspace. These drones are launched and remotely manned from the Hezbollah stronghold in Lebanon and presumably supplied by its patron and strategic partner, Iran. On the U.S. State Department’s list of terrorist organizations since 1995, Hezbollah has secured its presence in Lebanon through various phases. It established a strong social services network, and in 2008 it became the dominant political party in the Lebanese government and supported the Assad regime in the Syrian Civil War. Hezbollah’s drone flights into Israeli airspace Hezbollah’s first flight of an unmanned aerial vehicle (UAV) or drone, into Israeli airspace for reconnaissance purposes occurred in November 2004, catching Israeli intelligence off guard. A Mirsad-1 drone (an updated version of the early Iranian Mohajer drone used for reconnaissance of Iraqi troops during the 1980s Iran-Iraq War), flew south from Lebanon into Israel, hovered over the Western Galilee town of Nahariya for about 20 minutes and then returned to Lebanon before the Israeli air force could intercept it. Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah boasted that the Mirsad could reach “anywhere, deep, deep” into Israel with 40 to 50 kilograms of explosives.1 One report at the time was that Iran had supplied Hezbollah with eight such drones, and over two years some 30 Lebanese operatives had -
Integrating Human Rights in Us Foreign Policy: the History, the Challenges, and the Criteria for an Effective Policy
The Brookings Institution – University of Bern Project on Internal Displacement INTEGRATING HUMAN RIGHTS IN US FOREIGN POLICY: THE HISTORY, THE CHALLENGES, AND THE CRITERIA FOR AN EFFECTIVE POLICY STATEMENT BY: ROBERTA COHEN NONRESIDENT SENIOR FELLOW, THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION FOREIGN SERVICE INSTITUTE, 2008 Essential to the careers of US Foreign Service officers, public affairs staff and officers of AID is an understanding of international human rights issues. Many if not all will be posted to countries with questionable human rights records. A Foreign Service officer for example could be assigned to Pakistan, a country with which the US is closely allied in its war against terror but where the Supreme Court justice was removed, martial law proclaimed, and thousands of government opponents, including leading lawyers arrested. Or s/he could be sent to Ethiopia, with which the US is collaborating in its invasion of Somalia but against which Congress is proposing to restrict military aid because of Ethiopia’s violations of human rights. Or s/he could be posted next door to Sudan where according to the Bush Administration genocide has been committed, and while the CIA and Defense Department may cooperate with Sudan in the intelligence area, the Executive Branch has instituted financial sanctions against the government because of Sudan’s continued atrocities in Darfur. Or s/he could be posted to Burma whose human rights abuses both the President and First Lady have loudly denounced. In fact, it is quite likely that at some point in their career most US diplomats will be sent to a country where human rights conditions will have impact on US government attitudes and policies. -
Sustainment of Army Forces in Operation Iraqi Freedom
THE ARTS This PDF document was made available from www.rand.org as CHILD POLICY a public service of the RAND Corporation. CIVIL JUSTICE EDUCATION Jump down to document ENERGY AND ENVIRONMENT 6 HEALTH AND HEALTH CARE INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS The RAND Corporation is a nonprofit research NATIONAL SECURITY organization providing objective analysis and POPULATION AND AGING PUBLIC SAFETY effective solutions that address the challenges facing SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY the public and private sectors around the world. SUBSTANCE ABUSE TERRORISM AND HOMELAND SECURITY TRANSPORTATION AND Support RAND INFRASTRUCTURE Purchase this document WORKFORCE AND WORKPLACE Browse Books & Publications Make a charitable contribution For More Information Visit RAND at www.rand.org Explore RAND Arroyo Center View document details Limited Electronic Distribution Rights This document and trademark(s) contained herein are protected by law as indicated in a notice appearing later in this work. This electronic representation of RAND intellectual property is provided for non-commercial use only. Permission is required from RAND to reproduce, or reuse in another form, any of our research documents. This product is part of the RAND Corporation monograph series. RAND monographs present major research findings that address the challenges facing the public and private sectors. All RAND monographs undergo rigorous peer review to ensure high standards for research quality and objectivity. Sustainment of Army Forces in Operation Iraqi Freedom Battlefield Logistics and Effects on Operations Eric Peltz, John M. Halliday, Marc L. Robbins, Kenneth J. Girardini Prepared for the United States Army Approved for public release; distribution unlimited The research described in this report was sponsored by the United States Army under Contract No.