The Theoretical Significance of Foreign Policy in International Relations- an Analyses
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE JAMES DOBBINS, GABRIELLE TARINI, ALI WYNE The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It n the aftermath of World War II, the United States accepted the mantle of global leadership and worked to build a new global order based on the principles of nonaggression and open, nondiscriminatory trade. An early pillar of this new Iorder was the Marshall Plan for European reconstruction, which British histo- rian Norman Davies has called “an act of the most enlightened self-interest in his- tory.”1 America’s leaders didn’t regard this as charity. They recognized that a more peaceful and more prosperous world would be in America’s self-interest. American willingness to shoulder the burdens of world leadership survived a costly stalemate in the Korean War and a still more costly defeat in Vietnam. It even survived the end of the Cold War, the original impetus for America’s global activ- ism. But as a new century progressed, this support weakened, America’s influence slowly diminished, and eventually even the desire to exert global leadership waned. Over the past two decades, the United States experienced a dramatic drop-off in international achievement. A generation of Americans have come of age in an era in which foreign policy setbacks have been more frequent than advances. C O R P O R A T I O N Awareness of America’s declining influence became immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and by Obama commonplace among observers during the Barack Obama with Ebola, has also been widely noted. -
Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress
Order Code RL30193 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress June 1, 1999 (name redacted) Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service The Library of Congress ABSTRACT The United States Constitution divides foreign policy powers between the President and the Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report reviews and illustrates 12 basic ways that the United States can make foreign policy. The practices illustrated in this report indicate that making foreign policy is a complex process, and that the support of both branches is required for a strong and effective U.S. foreign policy. For a detailed discussion of how war-making powers are shared, see War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance. CRS Issue Brief 81050. This report will be updated only as events warrant. Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress Summary The United States Constitution divides the foreign policy powers between the President and Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report identifies and illustrates 12 basic ways to make U.S. -
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner;
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner; Issue: 122 Start Page: 20-29 ISSN: 00157228 Subject Terms: Globalization Sovereignty Classification Codes: 9180: International 1210: Politics & political behavior Abstract: Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the US, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. Even for weaker states sovereignty remains attractive. Although sovereignty might provide little more than international recognition, that recognition guarantees access to international organizations and sometimes to international finance. In various parts of the world, national borders still represent the fault lines of conflict. The most important impact of economic globalization and transnational norms will be to alter the scope of state authority rather than to generate some fundamentally new way to organize political life. Full Text: Copyright Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Jan/Feb 2001 [Headnote] THINK AGAIN [Headnote] The idea of states as autonomous, independent entities is collapsing under the combined onslaught of monetary unions, CNN, the Internet, and nongovernmental organizations. But those who proclaim the death of sovereignty misread history. The nation -state has a keen instinct for survival and has so far adapted to new challenges -even the challenge of globalization. The Sovereign State Is Just About Dead Very wong. Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the United States, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. -
Gubernatorial Foreign Policy
JULIAN G. KU Gubernatorial Foreign Policy A B S T R A C T. In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision- making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional grounds. Recent Supreme Court decisions retreating from federal exclusivity in foreign affairs and prohibiting the commandeering of state executive officials leave a small doctrinal space for governors to act independently on matters affecting foreign policy. This small space has been further expanded by the federal government's practice of imposing limitations on the preemptive effect of treaties and international agreements. A system of gubernatorial foreign policy also represents the most practical and feasible way to accommodate the internationalizing pressure of globalization with a continuing federal system of "dual sovereignties." Under this system, the states will continue to improve their capacity to deal with matters affecting foreign affairs, and the federal government will retain the right to preempt, but not to commandeer, state governors in the service of federal foreign policy goals. A U T H O R. Associate Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, William & Mary School of Law. I would like to thank John Parry, Michael Ramsey, James Tierney, and Timothy Zick for helpful comments, Jacob Djaboury for research assistance, and Patricia Kasting for library assistance. An earlier version of this Essay was presented at a faculty workshop at Lewis & Clark Law School. Hofstra University School of Law provided support for this Essay. -
American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field
Chapter 22 | Competing on a New Playing Field 145 American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field John McLaughlin ooking ahead on American foreign policy just before an election always presents the temptation to say, “Well—it Ldepends on who wins.” But this would mean risking a low shelf life for any projections. Better this year to look instead at the world as it is—the conditions and challenges that will confront either candidate. The other temptation to resist is keying everything to how the COVID-19 pandemic plays out. To be sure, the pandemic is perhaps the most striking breakpoint with the world we have traditionally known—but it is not the only one. And many of the conditions the United States will confront existed before the pandemic, the result of complex causes over multiple administrations. All this said, we must approach 2021 with no illusions about the impact of the disease; it has made all of the pre-existing problems worse—killing one-half million people globally (more than 200,000 Americans), exacerbating global hunger dramatically, triggering a series of deep and likely persistent economic recessions, and adding to growing questions abroad about the strength, competence, and leadership ability of the United States (in sum, the merit of the U.S. “model”). The starting point for U.S. foreign policy in 2021 has to be defining the characteristics of the era we are in—one that could be called the third post–World War II era. The first obviously was the Cold War—bipolar in character, centered on ideology and an arms race, and lasting about forty-six years until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-91. -
Foreign Policy Analysis
FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS (listed in catalogue as Theoretical Explanations of Foreign Policy) Pol Sci 530 Jack S. Levy Rutgers University Spring 2014 Hickman 304 848/932-1073 [email protected] http://fas-polisci.rutgers.edu/levy/ Office Hours: after class and by appointment This seminar focuses on how states formulate and implement their foreign policies. Foreign Policy Analysis is a well-defined subfield within the International Relations field, with its own sections in the International Studies Association and American Political Science Association (Foreign Policy Analysis and Foreign Policy, respectively). Our orientation in this course is more theoretical and process-oriented than substantive or interpretive. We focus on policy inputs and the decision-making process rather than on policy outputs. An important assumption underlying this course is that the processes through which foreign policy is made have a considerable impact on the substantive content of policy. We follow a loose a levels-of-analysis framework to organize our survey of the theoretical literature on foreign policy. We examine rational state actor, bureaucratic/ organizational, institutional, societal, and psychological models. We look at the government decision-makers, organizations, political parties, private interests, social groups, and mass publics that have an impact on foreign policy. We analyze the various constraints within which each of these sets of actors must operate, the nature of their interactions with each other and with the society as a whole, and the processes and mechanisms through which they resolve their differences and formulate policy. Although most (but not all) of our reading is written by Americans and although much of it deals primarily with American foreign policy, most of these conceptual frameworks are much more general and not restricted to the United States. -
Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy Gleaves Whitney Grand Valley State University
Grand Valley State University ScholarWorks@GVSU Ask Gleaves Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies 9-4-2004 Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy Gleaves Whitney Grand Valley State University Follow this and additional works at: http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ask_gleaves Recommended Citation Whitney, Gleaves, "Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy" (2004). Ask Gleaves. Paper 67. http://scholarworks.gvsu.edu/ask_gleaves/67 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies at ScholarWorks@GVSU. It has been accepted for inclusion in Ask Gleaves by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks@GVSU. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Presidents, the economy and domestic policy - Hauenstein Center for Presidential Studies ... Page 1 of 4 Presidents, the Economy and Domestic Policy How have presidents become increasingly involved in managing the economy and shaping domestic policy over the last hundred years? One of the most significant changes in the American presidency over the last hundred years has been the extent to which our chief executives are expected to manage the economy and to take the lead on domestic policy. It was not always the case. Since we are at the beginning of the gridiron season, let me answer your question in a way that compares the presidency to football. LATE 19TH-CENTURY PRESIDENTS: REFEREES During the last third of the 19th century -- between the Civil War and Spanish-American War -- our presidents did not possess the power that presidents today have. Most of the power resided in Congress. To many Americans, this arrangement seemed consistent with what the framers of the U.S. -
The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy
01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 3 daniel w. drezner 1 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy “Avoid trivia.” —Secretary of State George Marshall’s advice to George Kennan, the first director of policy planning Strategic planning for American foreign policy is dead, dying, or moribund. This, at least, has been the assessment of several commentators and policy- makers in recent years.1 Michèle Flournoy and Shawn Brimley observed in 2006, “For a country that continues to enjoy an unrivaled global position, it is both remarkable and disturbing that the United States has no truly effective strategic planning process for national security.”2 At an academic conference in 2007, a former director of the State Department’s policy planning staff complained that, “six years after 9/11, we still don’t have a grand strategy.” Aaron Friedberg, who was director of policy planning for Vice President Richard Cheney, writes in this volume, “The U.S. government has lost the capacity to conduct serious, sustained national strategic planning.” Admiral William Fallon, the CENTCOM commander until the spring of 2008, told the New York Times that the United States would need to focus more on policy planning: “We need to have a well-thought-out game plan for engagement in the world that we adjust regularly and that has some system of checks and bal- ances built into it.”3 In this volume, Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass argues that the United States has “squandered” its post–cold war opportunity, concluding, “Historians will not judge the United States well for how it has used these twenty years.” These sorts of laments have become common in the past decade, in no small part because of the foreign policy planning of the administrations of Bill 3 01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 4 4 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning Clinton and George W. -
Understanding Us Domestic and Foreign Policy
UNDERSTANDING U.S. DOMESTIC AND FOREIGN POLICY SS.7.C.4.1 Differentiate concepts related to U.S. domestic and foreign policy. TABLE OF CONTENTS Lesson Summary ...................................................................................................................... 2 Suggested Student Activity Sequence .................................................................................... 4 Student Activity Sheets & Reading Materials ....................................................................... 7 Sources .................................................................................................................................... 20 Answer Keys ........................................................................................................................... 21 Civics Content Vocabulary ................................................................................................... 27 Essential Teacher Content Background Information ........................................................ 28 SS.7.C.4.1 – Updated 8/18 | 1 Lesson Summary Essential Questions What is domestic policy? What is foreign policy? What are the differences between domestic and foreign policy? NGSSS Benchmark SS.C.7.4.1 Differentiate concepts related to U.S. domestic and foreign policy. Florida Standards LAFS.68.RH.1.2 LAFS.68.WHST.1.2 LAFS.68.WHST.4.10 LAFS.7.SL.1.1 MAFS.K12.MP.5.1 Overview In this lesson, students will differentiate between domestic and foreign policy, understand the goals of domestic and foreign policy and analyze -
Internal Centralization and International Integration in the Post-Soviet Space
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Research Papers in Economics MPRA Munich Personal RePEc Archive Internal centralization and international integration in the post-Soviet space Libman, Alexander Frankfurt School of Finance & Management, Russian Academy of Sciences and East China Normal University March 2010 Online at http://mpra.ub.uni-muenchen.de/21882/ MPRA Paper No. 21882, posted 06. April 2010 / 17:20 Internal Centralization and International Integration in the Post-Soviet Space by Alexander Libman Frankfurt School of Finance & Management, Russian Academy of Sciences and East China Normal University Abstract: An important but often neglected factor influencing the changes in power relations in Eurasia is the development of center-periphery relations in individual countries. Domestic and international politics are never clearly separated, especially in the emerging post-Soviet states, which still maintain strong economic, cultural and political links among each other. The aim of the paper is to understand how international integration and domestic policy (re)centralization influenced each other in the post-Soviet countries. It looks at four possible combinations of the development of regionalism and decentralization observed in the CIS region over the last two decades and develops a simple framework explaining the differences between these case studies. March 2010 1 1. Introduction 1 The emergence of multi-level governance structures and reconfiguration of authority of traditional centralized states has been subject to studies in numerous “isles of theorizing” in public policy, political science, international relations and economics (Hooghe and Marks, 2003). What has been however a common feature of a significant bulk of research in the area is a separate discussion of multi-level structures beyond the nation-state level (usually labeled as “decentralization” or “federalism”) and above the nation-state level (labeled as “regionalism” or “regional integration”). -
The Dimensions of Public Policy in Private International Law
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by UCL Discovery The Dimensions of Public Policy in Private International Law Alex Mills* Accepted version: Published in (2008) 4 Journal of Private International Law 201 1 The problem of public policy in private international law National courts always retain the power to refuse to apply a foreign law or recognise or enforce a foreign judgment on the grounds of inconsistency with public policy. The law which would ordinarily be applicable under choice of law rules may, for example, be denied application where it is “manifestly incompatible with the public policy (‘ordre public’) of the forum”1, and a foreign judgment may be refused recognition on the grounds that, for example, “such recognition is manifestly contrary to public policy in the [state] in which recognition is sought”2. The existence of such a discretion is recognised in common law rules, embodied in statutory codifications of private international law3, including those operating between European states otherwise bound by principles of mutual trust, and is a standard feature of international conventions on private international law4. It has even been suggested that it is a general principle of law which can thus be implied in private international law treaties which are silent on the issue5. The public policy exception is not only ubiquitous6, but also a fundamentally important element of modern private international law. As a ‘safety net’ to choice of law rules and rules governing the recognition and enforcement of foreign judgments, it is a doctrine which crucially defines the outer limits of the ‘tolerance of difference’ implicit in those rules7.