Foreign Policy Analysis in Latin American Democracies: the Case for a Research Protocol
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An Overview of Russian Foreign Policy
02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 7 1 AN OVERVIEW OF RUSSIAN FOREIGN POLICY Forging a New Foreign Policy Concept for Russia Russia’s entry into the new millennium was accompanied by qualitative changes in both domestic and foreign policy. After the stormy events of the early 1990s, the gradual process of consolidating society around a strengthened democratic gov- ernment took hold as people began to recognize this as a requirement if the ongoing political and socioeconomic transformation of the country was to be successful. The for- mation of a new Duma after the December 1999 parliamen- tary elections, and Vladimir Putin’s election as president of Russia in 2000, laid the groundwork for an extended period of political stability, which has allowed us to undertake the devel- opment of a long-term strategic development plan for the nation. Russia’s foreign policy course is an integral part of this strategic plan. President Putin himself has emphasized that “foreign policy is both an indicator and a determining factor for the condition of internal state affairs. Here we should have no illusions. The competence, skill, and effectiveness with 02-4498-6 ch1.qxd 3/25/02 2:58 PM Page 8 which we use our diplomatic resources determines not only the prestige of our country in the eyes of the world, but also the political and eco- nomic situation inside Russia itself.”1 Until recently, the view prevalent in our academic and mainstream press was that post-Soviet Russia had not yet fully charted its national course for development. -
The Theoretical Significance of Foreign Policy in International Relations- an Analyses
Journal of Critical Reviews ISSN- 2394-5125 Vol 7, Issue 2, 2020 Review Article THE THEORETICAL SIGNIFICANCE OF FOREIGN POLICY IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS- AN ANALYSES Jesmine Ahmed* *PhD Scholar, Department of Political Science, Assam University, Email Id-jesmine, [email protected]. Received: 09.11.2019 Revised: 05.12.2019 Accepted: 04.01.2020 Abstract: Foreign policy of a country is formulated to safeguard and promote its national interests in the conduct of relations with other countries, bilaterally and multilaterally. It is a direct reflection of a country’s traditional values and overall national policies, her aspirations and self-perception. Thus, Foreign Policies are the strategies, methods, guidelines, agreements that usually national governments use to perform their actions in the international arena. In contemporary times, every state establishes diplomatic, economic, trade, educational, cultural and political relations with other nations and that compels to maintain its relation with each other as well as with international organizations and non-governmental actors in the international relations. Thus, International Relations attempts to explain the behaviours that occur across the boundaries of states and institutions such as private, state, governmental, non-governmental and inter- governmental oversee those interactions. However, this paper try to articulate the theoretical importance of foreign policy in international relations and how it helps in maintaining relations among the countries at the international level. Key Words: Foreign Policy, International Relations, State, Bilateral, Multilateral © 2019 by Advance Scientific Research. This is an open-access article under the CC BY license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.31838/jcr.07.02.144 INTRODUCTION: Moreover, Foreign policy involves both decisions and actions i.e., In international arena, every nation has always been policies. -
The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It
September 2020 Perspective EXPERT INSIGHTS ON A TIMELY POLICY ISSUE JAMES DOBBINS, GABRIELLE TARINI, ALI WYNE The Lost Generation in American Foreign Policy How American Influence Has Declined, and What Can Be Done About It n the aftermath of World War II, the United States accepted the mantle of global leadership and worked to build a new global order based on the principles of nonaggression and open, nondiscriminatory trade. An early pillar of this new Iorder was the Marshall Plan for European reconstruction, which British histo- rian Norman Davies has called “an act of the most enlightened self-interest in his- tory.”1 America’s leaders didn’t regard this as charity. They recognized that a more peaceful and more prosperous world would be in America’s self-interest. American willingness to shoulder the burdens of world leadership survived a costly stalemate in the Korean War and a still more costly defeat in Vietnam. It even survived the end of the Cold War, the original impetus for America’s global activ- ism. But as a new century progressed, this support weakened, America’s influence slowly diminished, and eventually even the desire to exert global leadership waned. Over the past two decades, the United States experienced a dramatic drop-off in international achievement. A generation of Americans have come of age in an era in which foreign policy setbacks have been more frequent than advances. C O R P O R A T I O N Awareness of America’s declining influence became immunodeficiency virus (HIV) epidemic and by Obama commonplace among observers during the Barack Obama with Ebola, has also been widely noted. -
Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress
Order Code RL30193 CRS Report for Congress Received through the CRS Web Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress June 1, 1999 (name redacted) Specialist in National Defense Foreign Affairs and National Defense Division Congressional Research Service The Library of Congress ABSTRACT The United States Constitution divides foreign policy powers between the President and the Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report reviews and illustrates 12 basic ways that the United States can make foreign policy. The practices illustrated in this report indicate that making foreign policy is a complex process, and that the support of both branches is required for a strong and effective U.S. foreign policy. For a detailed discussion of how war-making powers are shared, see War Powers Resolution: Presidential Compliance. CRS Issue Brief 81050. This report will be updated only as events warrant. Foreign Policy Roles of the President and Congress Summary The United States Constitution divides the foreign policy powers between the President and Congress so that both share in the making of foreign policy. The executive and legislative branches each play important roles that are different but that often overlap. Both branches have continuing opportunities to initiate and change foreign policy, and the interaction between them continues indefinitely throughout the life of a policy. This report identifies and illustrates 12 basic ways to make U.S. -
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner;
Sovereignty Foreign Policy; Washington; Jan/Feb 2001; Stephen D Krasner; Issue: 122 Start Page: 20-29 ISSN: 00157228 Subject Terms: Globalization Sovereignty Classification Codes: 9180: International 1210: Politics & political behavior Abstract: Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the US, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. Even for weaker states sovereignty remains attractive. Although sovereignty might provide little more than international recognition, that recognition guarantees access to international organizations and sometimes to international finance. In various parts of the world, national borders still represent the fault lines of conflict. The most important impact of economic globalization and transnational norms will be to alter the scope of state authority rather than to generate some fundamentally new way to organize political life. Full Text: Copyright Carnegie Endowment for International Peace Jan/Feb 2001 [Headnote] THINK AGAIN [Headnote] The idea of states as autonomous, independent entities is collapsing under the combined onslaught of monetary unions, CNN, the Internet, and nongovernmental organizations. But those who proclaim the death of sovereignty misread history. The nation -state has a keen instinct for survival and has so far adapted to new challenges -even the challenge of globalization. The Sovereign State Is Just About Dead Very wong. Sovereignty was never quite as vibrant as many contemporary observers suggest. The conventional norms of sovereignty have always been challenged. A few states, most notably the United States, have had autonomy, control, and recognition for most of their existence, but most others have not. -
Gubernatorial Foreign Policy
JULIAN G. KU Gubernatorial Foreign Policy A B S T R A C T. In a variety of circumstances, state governors exercise independent decision- making power over matters affecting the foreign policy of the United States. This Essay describes and defends this emerging system of gubernatorial foreign policy on both legal and functional grounds. Recent Supreme Court decisions retreating from federal exclusivity in foreign affairs and prohibiting the commandeering of state executive officials leave a small doctrinal space for governors to act independently on matters affecting foreign policy. This small space has been further expanded by the federal government's practice of imposing limitations on the preemptive effect of treaties and international agreements. A system of gubernatorial foreign policy also represents the most practical and feasible way to accommodate the internationalizing pressure of globalization with a continuing federal system of "dual sovereignties." Under this system, the states will continue to improve their capacity to deal with matters affecting foreign affairs, and the federal government will retain the right to preempt, but not to commandeer, state governors in the service of federal foreign policy goals. A U T H O R. Associate Professor of Law, Hofstra University School of Law, Visiting Associate Professor of Law, William & Mary School of Law. I would like to thank John Parry, Michael Ramsey, James Tierney, and Timothy Zick for helpful comments, Jacob Djaboury for research assistance, and Patricia Kasting for library assistance. An earlier version of this Essay was presented at a faculty workshop at Lewis & Clark Law School. Hofstra University School of Law provided support for this Essay. -
American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field
Chapter 22 | Competing on a New Playing Field 145 American Foreign Policy in 2021: Competing on a New Playing Field John McLaughlin ooking ahead on American foreign policy just before an election always presents the temptation to say, “Well—it Ldepends on who wins.” But this would mean risking a low shelf life for any projections. Better this year to look instead at the world as it is—the conditions and challenges that will confront either candidate. The other temptation to resist is keying everything to how the COVID-19 pandemic plays out. To be sure, the pandemic is perhaps the most striking breakpoint with the world we have traditionally known—but it is not the only one. And many of the conditions the United States will confront existed before the pandemic, the result of complex causes over multiple administrations. All this said, we must approach 2021 with no illusions about the impact of the disease; it has made all of the pre-existing problems worse—killing one-half million people globally (more than 200,000 Americans), exacerbating global hunger dramatically, triggering a series of deep and likely persistent economic recessions, and adding to growing questions abroad about the strength, competence, and leadership ability of the United States (in sum, the merit of the U.S. “model”). The starting point for U.S. foreign policy in 2021 has to be defining the characteristics of the era we are in—one that could be called the third post–World War II era. The first obviously was the Cold War—bipolar in character, centered on ideology and an arms race, and lasting about forty-six years until the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1989-91. -
Foreign Policy Analysis
FOREIGN POLICY ANALYSIS (listed in catalogue as Theoretical Explanations of Foreign Policy) Pol Sci 530 Jack S. Levy Rutgers University Spring 2014 Hickman 304 848/932-1073 [email protected] http://fas-polisci.rutgers.edu/levy/ Office Hours: after class and by appointment This seminar focuses on how states formulate and implement their foreign policies. Foreign Policy Analysis is a well-defined subfield within the International Relations field, with its own sections in the International Studies Association and American Political Science Association (Foreign Policy Analysis and Foreign Policy, respectively). Our orientation in this course is more theoretical and process-oriented than substantive or interpretive. We focus on policy inputs and the decision-making process rather than on policy outputs. An important assumption underlying this course is that the processes through which foreign policy is made have a considerable impact on the substantive content of policy. We follow a loose a levels-of-analysis framework to organize our survey of the theoretical literature on foreign policy. We examine rational state actor, bureaucratic/ organizational, institutional, societal, and psychological models. We look at the government decision-makers, organizations, political parties, private interests, social groups, and mass publics that have an impact on foreign policy. We analyze the various constraints within which each of these sets of actors must operate, the nature of their interactions with each other and with the society as a whole, and the processes and mechanisms through which they resolve their differences and formulate policy. Although most (but not all) of our reading is written by Americans and although much of it deals primarily with American foreign policy, most of these conceptual frameworks are much more general and not restricted to the United States. -
The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy
01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 3 daniel w. drezner 1 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning in Foreign Policy “Avoid trivia.” —Secretary of State George Marshall’s advice to George Kennan, the first director of policy planning Strategic planning for American foreign policy is dead, dying, or moribund. This, at least, has been the assessment of several commentators and policy- makers in recent years.1 Michèle Flournoy and Shawn Brimley observed in 2006, “For a country that continues to enjoy an unrivaled global position, it is both remarkable and disturbing that the United States has no truly effective strategic planning process for national security.”2 At an academic conference in 2007, a former director of the State Department’s policy planning staff complained that, “six years after 9/11, we still don’t have a grand strategy.” Aaron Friedberg, who was director of policy planning for Vice President Richard Cheney, writes in this volume, “The U.S. government has lost the capacity to conduct serious, sustained national strategic planning.” Admiral William Fallon, the CENTCOM commander until the spring of 2008, told the New York Times that the United States would need to focus more on policy planning: “We need to have a well-thought-out game plan for engagement in the world that we adjust regularly and that has some system of checks and bal- ances built into it.”3 In this volume, Council on Foreign Relations president Richard Haass argues that the United States has “squandered” its post–cold war opportunity, concluding, “Historians will not judge the United States well for how it has used these twenty years.” These sorts of laments have become common in the past decade, in no small part because of the foreign policy planning of the administrations of Bill 3 01-0306-8 ch1.qxd 3/26/09 2:44 PM Page 4 4 The Challenging Future of Strategic Planning Clinton and George W. -
Foreign Policy Analysis Beyond North America
EXCERPTED FROM Foreign Policy Analysis Beyond North America edited by Klaus Brummer and Valerie M. Hudson Copyright © 2015 ISBN: 978-1-62637-197-2 1800 30th Street, Suite 314 Boulder, CO 80301 USA telephone 303.444.6684 fax 303.444.0824 This excerpt was downloaded from the Lynne Rienner Publishers website www.rienner.com Contents 1 Foreign Policy Analysis Beyond North America 1 Valerie M. Hudson 2 Foreign Policy Analysis in China 15 Huiyun Feng 3 Japan Through the Lens of Foreign Policy Analysis 37 Yukiko Miyagi 4 Foreign Policy Analysis in India 57 Sumit Ganguly and Manjeet S. Pardesi 5 Foreign Policy Analysis and the Arab World 77 Raymond Hinnebusch 6 Foreign Policy Processes in African States 101 Korwa G. Adar 7 Latin American Foreign Policy Analysis 121 Rita Giacalone 8 North American and European Foreign Policy Analysis 139 Amelia Hadfield and Valerie M. Hudson 9 Implications for Mainstream FPA Theory 169 Klaus Brummer Bibliography 187 The Contributors 229 Index 231 About the Book 242 v 1 Foreign Policy Analysis Beyond North America Valerie M. Hudson Foreign policy analysis (FPA) is now a mature subfield of inter- national relations (IR), arguably having been in existence for well over fifty years. Over the past ten years, it has moved from the margins of IR, possessing now such markers of maturity as its own Web of Science– ranked journal, Foreign Policy Analysis; at least a half dozen textbooks; increasing inclusion in both the undergraduate and graduate curricula of departments of political science and international relations; dedicated monograph series by high-profile academic publishers; and status as one of the two largest sections of IR’s professional organization, the International Studies Association (ISA). -
Integrating Human Rights in Us Foreign Policy: the History, the Challenges, and the Criteria for an Effective Policy
The Brookings Institution – University of Bern Project on Internal Displacement INTEGRATING HUMAN RIGHTS IN US FOREIGN POLICY: THE HISTORY, THE CHALLENGES, AND THE CRITERIA FOR AN EFFECTIVE POLICY STATEMENT BY: ROBERTA COHEN NONRESIDENT SENIOR FELLOW, THE BROOKINGS INSTITUTION FOREIGN SERVICE INSTITUTE, 2008 Essential to the careers of US Foreign Service officers, public affairs staff and officers of AID is an understanding of international human rights issues. Many if not all will be posted to countries with questionable human rights records. A Foreign Service officer for example could be assigned to Pakistan, a country with which the US is closely allied in its war against terror but where the Supreme Court justice was removed, martial law proclaimed, and thousands of government opponents, including leading lawyers arrested. Or s/he could be sent to Ethiopia, with which the US is collaborating in its invasion of Somalia but against which Congress is proposing to restrict military aid because of Ethiopia’s violations of human rights. Or s/he could be posted next door to Sudan where according to the Bush Administration genocide has been committed, and while the CIA and Defense Department may cooperate with Sudan in the intelligence area, the Executive Branch has instituted financial sanctions against the government because of Sudan’s continued atrocities in Darfur. Or s/he could be posted to Burma whose human rights abuses both the President and First Lady have loudly denounced. In fact, it is quite likely that at some point in their career most US diplomats will be sent to a country where human rights conditions will have impact on US government attitudes and policies. -
China's Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19
See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/344035590 China’s Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19 Pandemic Preprint · August 2020 CITATIONS READS 0 2,171 2 authors: Diego Telias Francisco Urdinez Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile 9 PUBLICATIONS 2 CITATIONS 37 PUBLICATIONS 179 CITATIONS SEE PROFILE SEE PROFILE Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects: Foreign Policy Index (Brazil) View project Democratic Peace View project All content following this page was uploaded by Francisco Urdinez on 19 April 2021. The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file. Forthcoming in the Journal of Current Chinese Affairs China’s Foreign Aid Political Drivers: Lessons from a Novel Dataset of Mask Diplomacy in Latin America During the COVID-19 Pandemic Diego Telias Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6459-0017 & Francisco Urdinez1 Pontificia Universidad Católica de Chile ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3333-478X Abstract: This study investigates a novel dataset comprised of a universe of 537 donations in 33 countries in Latin America and the Caribbean, between February 11 and June 20, 2020, which provides a high level of detail on China’s and Taiwan’s mask diplomacy. We describe who the main donors were, who the main recipients were, what was donated to each country, and which variables explain why some countries received more aid than the others. Drawing on previous literature, the article advances understanding about the political determinants of these donations.