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7-2005 'La Maggior Porcheria Del Mondo': Documents for Ammannati's Felicia M. Else Gettysburg College

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Else, Felicia M. 'La Maggior Porcheria Del Mondo': Documents for Ammannati's Neptune Fountain. The urlB ington Magazine (2005) 147(1228):487-491.

This is the publisher's version of the work. This publication appears in Gettysburg College's institutional repository by permission of the copyright owner for personal use, not for redistribution. Cupola permanent link: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/arthfac/10 This open access article is brought to you by The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College. It has been accepted for inclusion by an authorized administrator of The uC pola. For more information, please contact [email protected]. 'La Maggior Porcheria Del Mondo': Documents for Ammannati's Neptune Fountain

Abstract The ts ory of the creation of the Neptune Fountain on the in is long and tortuous. Scholars have drawn on a wealth of documentary material regarding the competition for the commission, the various phases of the fountain's construction, and the critical reception of its colossus, both political and aesthetic. A collection of unpublished letters at the Getty Research Center in Los Angeles offers a new perspective on the making of this major public monument. Sent by Bartolomeo Ammannati to the prvveditore of Pisa, they chronicle the artist's involvement in the procurement and transportation of marble from Carrara and Seravezza for the chariot and basin of the fountain during the years 1565-73. The correspondence, excerpts from which are published here, shows that Ammannati faced numerous delays and mishaps, and continual pressure from his patrons during this second phase of the fountain's construction. The letters provide further insight into the personality of one of the most important artists at the court of Duke Cosimo I, whose role required the skills of a project manager and negotiator. The ommic ssion for a grandiose fountain in Florence's main square took much longer to complete than had been expected and taxed the artist's patience, persistence and resourcefulness. [excerpt]

Keywords Piazza della Signoria, Florence, , Getty Research Center, Ammannati, Neptune Fountain

Disciplines Art and Design | Fine Arts | History of Art, Architecture, and Archaeology

This article is available at The uC pola: Scholarship at Gettysburg College: https://cupola.gettysburg.edu/arthfac/10 'La maggior porcheria del mondo': documents for Ammannati's

Neptune Fountain

by FELICIA M. ELSE, Gettysburg College, Gettysburg

the story of on the creation of the Neptune Fountain the Piazza della Signoria in Florence (Fig.43) is long and tortuous. Scholars have drawn on a wealth of documentary material regarding the competition for the commission, the various phases of the fountain's construction, and the critical reception of its colossus, both political and aesthetic.1 A collection of unpublished letters at the Getty Research Center in Los Angeles offers a new perspective on the making of this major public monument.2 Sent by Bartolomeo to Ammannati the proweditore of Pisa, they chronicle the artist's 43- The Neptune Fountain, by Bartolomeo Ammannati. 1560-74. involvement in the and of marble from procurement transportation Marble and bronze. (Piazza della Signoria, Florence). Carrara and Seravezza for the chariot and basin of the fountain dur

ing the years 1565?73.3 The correspondence, excerpts from which are published here, shows thatAmmannati faced numerous delays and mishaps, and continual pressure from his patrons during this cles in the cathedral; a sarcophagus of mischio adornsMichelangelo's second of the fountain's construction.4 The letters tomb in S. are phase provide Croce; there mischio niches, doorposts and architraves further insight into the personality of one of themost important in the and ; and twomassive columns at court were one set artists the ofDuke Cosimo I,whose role required the skills of mischio quarried, up in Piazza S. Felice and another a of project manager and negotiator.5 The commission for a planned for Piazza S. Marco. As the head architect responsible for a in main to grandiose fountain Florence's square took much longer number of building projects, Ammannati kept track of nearly all than had been and taxed the artist's as complete expected patience, facets of the quarrying operation, such the sizes and availability of and resourcefulness. persistence barges, wages for staff, supplies of rope and fees for carts and mules.7 one The lettersrelate to of themost important ofDuke Cosimo's For the construction of theNeptune Fountain, the availability of projects: the reopening of the quarry at Seravezza and the expansion stone from Seravezza came not a moment too soon, and Amman of facilities there for quarrying and transportingmarble. The dis nati decided to use a mixture of marbles from the area, bianco and marmo near covery of the richly coloured mischio in the mountains mischio for themagnificent four-horse chariot and octagonal basin was Seravezza around 1563 attributed by to Cosimo (Figs.44 and 45).8 To obtain themarble, aswell as thatfor his many and the stone was into other sent a himself, purplish incorporated prominent commissions, he host of drawings, models and written works of art and architecture For to throughout Florence.6 example, instructions from Florence the proweditori at Pisa, Francesco mischio corbels and footings decorate the choir and statuary taberna Busini and Giovanni Caccini, who, from that navigational hub,

thanks to the My Getty Research Institute and Gettysburg College for their support including the column in Piazza S. Trinita and the remodelling of the Pitti Palace. 4 in funding this research and toWilliam E. Wallace and Michael S. Sherberg for their On the chariot and basin, see Else, op. dt. (note i), pp.i 11-66. 5 help with translating and interpreting the correspondence. Heikamp likens Ammannati to Vasari: both were in charge of a number of 1 For sources see were the various and discussion of theNeptune Fountain, B. Wiles: The projects that worked on simultaneously and relied on organised workshops to ofFlorentine Sculptors,Cambridge 1933, pp.50?54 and appendix A, pp.i 17? complete them; see Heikamp, op. dt. (note 1), p.21. 6 19; V. Bush: The Colossal of theCinquecento, New York 1976, pp. 143-53; G. Vasari: Le vite de' pi? eccellentipittori scultoried architettori,ed. G. Milanesi, Flo H. Utz: 'A Note on the Chronology of Ammannati's Fountain of Juno', the rence 1906,1, p.201. Burlington magazine on 7 114 (1972), pp-394~95; idem: 'A Note Ammannati's had begun developing quarry production in Seravezza years before and on the of the his Fountain of on see Apennine Chronology Figures for Neptune', ibid. when working the fa?ade of S. Lorenzo; W. Wallace: Michelangelo at San Loren M. on zo. !I5 (I073)> PP-295_30o; Campbell: 'Observations Ammannati's Neptune The Genius as Entrepreneur,Cambridge 1980, pp.25-62. Cosimo I took an avid Fountain: and in A. 1565 1575', Morrogh, ed.: Renaissance Studies inHonor ofCraig interest in reopening and expanding these quarries and was kept constandy informed D. Hugh Smyth, Florence 1985, II, pp. 113-36; Heikamp: 'La Fontana del Nettuno of their progress. A number of relevant letters can be found inG. Gaye, ed.: Carteg in e sue Piazza della Signoria le acque', inN. Roselli Del Turco and F. Salvi, eds.: gio in?ditod'artisti dei secoliXIV. XV. XVI, Florence 1840, III, passim. On this enter Bartolomeo Ammannati scultore e architetto 1511-1592, Florence 1995, pp. 119-30; prise and Ammannati's duties and the relevant payment records from theArchivio di L. Zangheri: T marmi dell'Ammannati', in ibid., pp.322 and 324, notes 25?30; Stato di Firenze (hereafter cited as ASF), seeM. Fabretti and A. Guidarelli: 'Miniere C. Cinelli and F. Vossilla: 'Stralci del Fondo e cave Miniere deU'Archivio di Stato di d'argento di marmo', in G. Spini, ed.: Potere centralee struttureperiferiche nella Firenze (I)', Bollettino della sodeta di studifiorentini 5 (1999), pp. 102-04; and F. Else: Toscana '500, Florence 1980, pp. 139-74; L. Zangheri: 'La breccia medicea, detta di as 'Water and Stone: Ammannati's Neptune Fountain Public Ornament', Ph.D. diss. Seravezza', inD. Lamberini, ed.: Le pi?tre dettedtt? dTtalia, Florence 1995, pp.59-72; in St (Washington University Louis, 2003). Zangheri, op. dt. (note 1), pp.321-27; and C. Vasic Vatovec: 'L'impegno di Cosimo 2 were Fifty-six lettersfrom theGiannalisa Feltrinelli Library purchased by theGetty I de' Medici nel reperimento dei marmi e il ruolo dell'Ammannati', inRoselli Del a Research Institute in 1997 at sale at Christie's, London, 3rd December 1997, lots Turco and Salvi, op. dt. (note 1), pp.329-41. and 126. are 8 120, 121, 123, 125 At the Getty they catalogued under Bartolomeo Ammannati had already begun work on the colossal statue of Neptune and some as a Ammannati, Letters, 1560?1578, call no.970091 (hereafter cited BAL). For sum of the bronzes after he obtained the commission in 1560; see Utz 1973, op. dt. (note see mary, Christie's sale catalogue, The Giannalisa Feltrinelli Library. Part Two: Italian 1), pp.295-300. It remains unclear whether Ammannati changed the design of the Renaissance Manuscripts and Autograph Letters, London 1997, pp.13?24 (hereafter cited fountain when itwas decided to use Seravezzan marbles. For a discussion of the as Christie's 1997). marmo mischio basin and the interplay ofwater, see Campbell, op. dt. (note 1), pp.124? 3 concern a The letters number of Ammannati's architectural projects in Florence 26; and Heikamp, op. dt. (note 1), pp.21-24.

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should send him 'that piece of marble in Pisa for that horse', for which he would prepare the roads for transportation by cart to Florence as as well having ready the appropriate payments.13 By this time, the statuary elements of the centrepiece, Neptune surrounded by tritons, had been set up in the centre of the fountain, and Ammannati might have hoped to add themagnificent stone horses in time for Joanna of Austria's arrival.14 However, the marble for the horses failed to appear before the unveiling of the fountain on ioth December.15 Nine days earlier, Ammannati had sent a letter to Busi ni begging him to send the needed materials by boat, declaring that 'HisMost IllustriousExcellency desires that the fountain be brought to finish' and beseeching him 'to make every effort to send the as soon as materials possible'.16 In the end, the entrata was a success, as of the event a and, descriptions indicate, Ammannati brought to satisfactory,if temporary, stateof completion the chariot and itsfour as horses well as the basin decorated with subsidiary figures and marine motifs. The foundations of the fountain, the aqueduct pipes 44- Detail of Fig.43. the and colossal Neptune had been completed, and payment records reveal the presence of one marble horse and two bronzes, one of which was identified as a satyr.The missing components of the monitored and the of stone at ten were supplies, transportation shipment fountain, including least three horses and figures, made blocks from Seravezza and for arriving departing Florence.9 Even in of stucco painted to resemble cast bronze, while decorations on the Ammannati the of some exterior of the chariot were stuc writing instructions, employed help others, and fountain temporarily made of letters written an Benedetto Giramonti.10 co cement was to being by assistant, and the basin painted imitate coloured marble.17 The sent to was letters Pisa during 1565 show Ammannati anxious The solution indeed temporary, as Ammannati made clear in to take delivery of the large blocks for the horses on the fountain, subsequent letters toBusini. On 23rdMarch 1566 {stilenuovo), after one from Carrara two and from Seravezza. These pieces, identified writing three lettersasking for news of the 'marmoper el cavallo\ he in the letters as the di would have been was 'cavagli marmo9, specially pre stressed that he under pressure from his patrons to finish the and out at to as pared blocked the quarry make them light as possi work, since the parts of the fountain made of stucco were liable to ble for as was common would have deteriorate.18 In transportation and, practice, May, the artist again requested that Busini send been given final sculpted form by, or under the direct guidance whatever materials he could when the water levels allowed it and the artist on their in was of, himself arrival Florence. The pressure that his effortswould be 'pleasing to His Illustrious Excellency as the ceremonial on, entry into Florence of Joanna of Austria, because he desires that I get towork because those [portions] that Francesco de' Medici's was to take on are of stucco are was Habsburg bride-to-be, place deteriorating'.19 The deterioration indeed - 16thDecember ofthat year and, despite the fact that only a part noticeable Agostino Lapini recorded that just a fewmonths after of the work was Amrnannati's Fountain was the were finished, Neptune fountain's temporary unveiling, the stucco figures com intended to be a on the route of the In a major spectacle procession.11 pletely ruined and had become mess.20 For Ammannati, such an a letterdated 16thJune 1565, Giramonti instructsBusini to send 'il exhibition could not have come at a worse moment. In the wake of marmo del cavallo . . . rinovassi to the water quando aqua', referring the competition for this prestigious commission, his work was under level of the which needed to be Arno, sufficiendy deep for the close scrutiny:his embittered rival wrote malign to blocks be transported safely.12By October, the piece had stillnot verses at his expense, and Giorgio Vasari, the friend who had been sent to and blocks of mischio Ammannati in the contest to on Florence, newly quarried for the supported take the Neptune Foun two horses were from the marina near the colossus a awaiting transportation tain, gave decidedly lukewarm evaluation, choosing Seravezza. On th October Ammannati wrote to Busini not to statue 13 ordering remark upon the since the fountain was not yet fin a that boat ?scafa9) be sent to Seravezza 'to convey the marbles for ished.21The sightof Neptune's world crumbling below him was far the horses for the fountain of the Piazza' and that the proweditore from pleasant.

9 On the proweditore, often translated as 'purveyor of works', see R. Goldthwaite: The Building ofRenaissance Florence. An Economic and Sodal History, Baltimore and Lon don 1980, pp. 159-62. Ammannati would have also sentmaterials to the proweditore at Pietrasanta, who was Matteo Inghirami from 1565 to 1571 and Giovan Battista Carnesecchi from 1571 to 1582. Specific instructions or templates formarbles could on be passed to capimaestrisuch asRaffaello Carli di Settignano or, aswill be discussed, scarpellini such asMateo Starnazini; see Zangheri, op. dt. (note 1), p.321; and Else, op. dt. (note 1), pp. 114-20. 10 ,7X7rfV Little is known about Benedetto Giramonti, referred to as Ammannati's 'secretary and agent'; see Christie's 1997, p. 18. In a letterdated 1 ithOctober 1568, Ammannati wrote to Duke Cosimo asking how much he could pay Benedetto and his brother Francesco for their services in the Pitti building project. Ammannati 'entrusted him [Benedetto] with the paperwork for the fountain' ('gli misi in mano le scritturedella fontana') after the former had demanded more money; see V. Kirkham: 'Creative Partners: The Marriage of Laura Battiferra and Bartolomeo Ammannati', Renaissance ^ 'mmr* Quarterly 55, no.2 (2002), pp.530-31 and 544-47. This and other letters show concern Ammannati's with record-keeping; see Else, op. dt. (note 1), pp.116?17. 11 a to In letter Duke Cosimo of 5th April 1565, Vincenzo Borghini includes the as . . . fountain the thirteenth element of the entrata, remarking that 'Ammannato co' Detail of the north-east corner. e 45. Fig.43, showing suoi giovani condurr? ilGigante, che sar? bella grande opera, e se gli avanzer? tempopotr?

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even in From But Ammannati stayed calm trying circumstances. 1566 to 1567 a great deal of marmo mischio made itsway to Florence, including the two blocks for the horses from Seravezza and various and Ammannati sent pieces for the fountain's chariot basin.22 encouraging words toBusini: 'I yet have faith inYour Lordship that each time one says to the Duke that so much mischiomarble has . . ,.'23 In other arrived, His Excellency is gready pleased letters, directionswere given tomark the differentblocks according to their intended destination, with the blocks for the fountain to be marked with the lettersFa; those for the Pitti, P1; for the column, Ca; for the Cathedral, Oa; for the Palazzo Vecchio, P?; and for theMagistrat! (Uffizi),M1.24 Minor mishaps were inevitable; in one letterAmman nati beseeches Busini fare diligentia\ pointing out that someone at the quarry had neglected tomark one of the blocks, and so the workers unloading themarble at the port did not know where itwas supposed to go.25 The year before, there had been trouble from the e Ammannati were bad bargemen. 'Questi barcaiuli navicellaV, wrote, Detail of the on the north side. because theymade a scene, literally shrieking ?strilono') so that they 46. Fig.43, showing steps more artist con could receive than they deserved. Even worse, the tinued, theywere complaining toBusini in Pisa, giving excuses for were to so that 'all us Ammannati's troubles with the fountain were far from over. In not wanting to do what they supposed do, cross to one of the ministers are set at purposes to such rabble'. He urged Busini the early 1570s,with much marble still be delivered, to punish in the harshest manner the next person who wrongly stonecutters at Pisa ruined the blocks for the scaglioni,the large steps complained, making clear the strength of feeling he harboured surrounding the basin and probably also the surrounding platform a amount of against the workmen.26 around the catchpools. These comprised significant

statues 19 desidera che io li soledti a anchefare qualche altra cosa'. Borghini stresses the need for the subsidiary 'grataa' Sua Eccellenza Illustrissimaperche lavorareperchequegli . . . era stuco NS. and ornaments to be completed, even if temporarily in stucco; see G. Bottari and che sono di si disfanno'; BAL, nth May 1565, FS; 1566, 20 tutta e dt. 128. S. Ticozzi, eds.: Raccolta di letteredelta pittura, scultura ed architetturascritte daipiu celebri 'Durdpochi mesi che siguasto diventounaporcheria'; Lapini, op. (note 14), p. e 21 In of Vasari wrote that model for the personaggi dei secoliXV, XVI XVII, Milan 1822, I, pp.182 and 197. On the entrata, Bandinelli's Ufe 1568, 's Nep tune was to and maintained that see R. Starn and L. Partridge: Arts ofPower. Three Halb of State in Italy, 1300-1600, thought be better than all the others Bandinelli's, died in he could out what was his Berkeley 1992, pp. 151-304. who had 1560 before carry originally commission, 12 one was most In his of Ammannati's he remarks on This was probably a block of white Carrara marble for of the horses. In the the skilled of all. brief description life, a mezzo same letter,Giramonti warns Busini not to mix up the accounts for the column of the statue of Neptune: 'perch? l'op?ra deltafonte, cui ha da stare in il detto non non ne see dt. and S. Trinita with the 'danari del capitanoDiana perconto del c?valo', referring to one of the Nettunno, ?finita, dira altro'; Vasari, op. (note 17), V, p.274, when the colossus was 'che non manco chi lo principal dealers at Carrara; see BAL, 16th June 1565. VI, p. 193. Lapini records that, unveiled, 13 see dt. and dt. 'Per condurrei marmi per i cavagliper lafonte dipiaza'; 'quelpezo di marmo ehe inPisa biasimassi n? chi lo lodassi'; Lapini, op. (note 14), p. 148; Settimanni, op. co On see dt. per qual cavallo'; 'si rompi la strade si potra condurre carri inFirenze'; BAL, 13 thOcto (note 14), fol.347v. Cellini's verses, Else, op. (note 1), pp.85-91. 22 are in in ber 1565. Two days later,Giramonti wrote a similar letter to Busini requesting the The delivery of these portions recorded payments ASF, Miniere, see notes two horses of mischiofrom Seravezza but refers to thewhite marble horse as being 'alia fols. 104?105 and 107a; Zangheri, op. dt. (note 1), pp.322 and 324, 26?27; marina di Carara', that is at Carrara, not Pisa; see BAL, 15thOctober 1565. idem, op. dt. (note 7), p.62, note 15; and Cinelli and Vossilla, op. dt. (note 1), p. 102. 14 on 23 ancora 0 a che volta che si dice al ducha e venuto tanti The setting up of the colossus on the fountain 22nd September 1565 is '... farfide Vostra Signoria ogni egli va un see recorded in the diaries of Lapini and Settimanni; see A. Lapini: Diario florentino di misti cheSua Eccellenza piaceregrand?simo'; BAL, 15thMarch 1565, FS; 1566, Agostino Lapini dal 252 al 1596, ed. G. Corazzini, Florence 1900, p. 128; F. Settimanni: NS. 24 2nd is cited in theChristie's but was Diario florentino, vol. Ill, Memorie florentine r?gnanteCosimo Medid Duca, ASF, MS 128, This letter, dated March 1566, NS, catalogue fol.328v. On the documentation for themaking of the colossus, seeUtz 1973, op. dt. not among those acquired by the Getty Research Institute. In another letter, dated of for fountain (note 1), p.300. 26th October 1566, Ammannati requests that the blocks mischio the be 15 2 see and 26th October Lapini refers to this unveiling as taking place at 'ore di notte' of 9th? 10thDecem marked with F:?; Christie's 1997, p. 18, BAL, 1566. 25 a ber. Settimanni records the entry under the date of 9th December 1565; see Lapini, In this letter of 30th December 1567, Ammannati discusses one block that bore un op. cit. (note 14), p. 148; and Settimanni, op. cit. (note 14), fol.347v. sign for the fountain and another without, possibly intended for the Pitti: 'doe 16 . . . e tanto e tanto eta Pitti che 'Sua Eccellenza Illustrissima disidera che si dia lafine a lafontana' 'non mancherete pezo tanto lungo largo grosso il segno dellafontana ho de secondo see ist sono e E se nona' Alcuno che alla cava no se lavesinoricordato de quanto prima in quel meglio modo difare ogni sforza difarlli condurre'; BAL, Decem pesante libre. segnio segniar nove nesuno e ber 1565. lomadare adir? senza segnioperche quando si scaricano al porto che intenda noi 17 ce ne tutto di V.S. si di nuovo vi che ne dili Hildegard Utz provides a partial transcription of records from the FabbricheMedicee, riportiamo del alla letera che priego facdate fare one see ASF, for payments dating to 1564 to 'diana da carrara'for a block ofmarble for of gentia'; BAL, 30th December 1567. 26 da tale 'Lo amisura di car the horses that had been quarried and sent from Carrara to Pisa. Whether this horse 'Tutti noi ministri siamo posti incroce canaglie'; fareigastigare an had been delivered to Florence before the entrata of 1565, as Utz believes, is not boni', roughly translated as 'punish him beyond what seems just', possibly allusion one was what itwas. a bronze entirely certain but would account forAmmannati referring only to white horse to the fact that charcoal expensive for Ammannati, caster, see in see S. Grande Dizionario delta ita throughout his correspondence; on this and payments for the bronzes, Utz 1973, needed charcoal great quantity; Battaglia: lingua Ammannati's of 22nd op. dt. (note 1), pp.296 and 300, appendix, nos. 16 and 20. On the state of the fountain liana, Turin 1962, II, p.746. The passage from letter January e sono anezi e strilono in 1565, see Campbell, op. dt. (note 1), pp. 114-17; Lapini, op. dt. (note 14), p. 128; D. 1567, NS, reads: 'questi barcaiuli navicellai male perche vengono qua non e Mellini: Descrizione dell'entrata della sereniss.Reina Giovanna d'Austria, Florence 1566, tanto che vinti dalfastidio si da loropiu che meritano sempre vanno alio insu talmente e tanto si pp. 111-12; G. Cini in G. Vasari: Le vite de' piu eccellentipittori scultorie architettorinella che non voglionopoi calare dicono l'altrami desti epoipeggio che vengono alamentare redazione del 1550 e 1568, ed. R. Bettarini and P. Barocchi, Florence 1987, VI, p.306. a vox a Pisa per scusarsi e mostrare di non volere servite tale che tuttinoi ministri siamo posti 18 e sarei che voi sentite che uno si lamenta a torio lo 'non si perdoni a nulla perche io non 0' da lavorare questi padroni desiderano che sifacda incroceda tale canagliepero diparere quando sono e a misura di altri anno auto de uno scudo del perche quegli che sono a lafonte a'l presente di studio la quali disfa'; BAL, 23 rdMarch farei gastigare carboniper esemplo degli questi piu nuovo cosa certo davo mai tanto dite loro see 22nd 1565, stileflorentino (hereafter FS); 1566, stile (hereafterNS). For the subsequent migliaio ingordo pero vilania'; BAL, January letters, see BAL, 19th January, 9th February and 15thMarch 1565, FS; 1566, NS. 1566, FS, i.e. 1567, NS.

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- ' * tf : ' to cut to measure ;: |?^*m?-^l, ^%r ..; , :,:OK*::3:;- marble, all ofwhich needed be according precise ments (Fig.46).27 In February 1570, stilefiorentino(1571, stilenuovo), Ammannati sentBusini an enclosure ? inclusa9)for Giovanni Caccini t?^^^T'/! to to mason was give 'that who making the steps for the fountain', probably a design for him from which towork.28 Over a year later, . . . Ammannati demanded that 'if that scarpellino has done any of was to as soon as the work he ordered do, send it possible'. The artist mm**!* fr**' :: was under renewed from his in the !:!r"-w' Ha, s p*r#*^*' J^JE:-Ii:-iiwaMP working pressure patron for, same letter, he told Busini not to send marmo mischio for the me fountain because 'His Serene Highness has ordered to set about finishing it'.29Also at that time, a drastic change was made in the design of the fountain basin. As Malcolm Campbell has pointed an in out, entry for March 1572 the diary of Francesco Settimanni were to so wm mir records that thewalls of the basin be lowered that the ^?m+m^ water insidemight be visible.30 Furthermore, a wooden fence was placed around the fountain so that 'theMasters could work without being seen', suggesting they needed privacy in the husde and busde of the Piazza della Signoria.31 was not at Ammannati all pleased when he received the marble sfM??jmfpf?m*#m M;$jm ^p.; ...... for the scaglioni.On 10thMay 1572, he asked Caccini to send the .$$?$ scarpellinoto Florence, writing that everythingwas thewrong length and thatmany of the scaglionidid not match one another ?scom pagnati9).*2Frustrated, he beseeched 'carissimo9Caccini to force the in Pisa to come to Florence to seewhat he had done and ^^/'^ ft* jwwfr?pmt scarpellino to else he had worked on, 'for the sake of our o|#^o^?#*?m*j? bring anything patrons and of this poor man', that is, of Ammannati himself. The letter on a act ended threatening note: the scarpellino should immediately and take this business seriously.33 By the following month, Amman nati had decided to takematters into his own hands in order to bring the scaglionito completion. On 10thJune 1572 he wrote to Busini about the bad work of the scarpellino,whom he identified asMateo t??-(A:^-? a Starnazini, workman from Carrara then living in Pisa. Starnazini's work was and Ammannati it as 'una 47. Letter written to Francesco Busini by Bartolomeo Ammannati. 15th June 1572. ugly badly done, describing 21 cm. Los were 28.5 by (GettyResearch Institute, Angeles). porcheria9M In consequence, Ammannati and his workers hav

27 The overall shape of the fountain is not a perfect octagon but, as contemporaries menti laf ara male e diteglielo che no senefacca beffe'; ibid. 34 described it in 1565, comprised fourmajor and fourminor faces, terminating in eight 'M. Mateo Stamazini scarpellinoda Carrara che stanzia inPisa comesa V. S. Francesco di angles, which Mellini likened to the 'coni della pianta dell'abaco del capitelloCorinthio, Ser Iacopo si diede dafare una quantita di bracda di scaglioni di marmo onde sono riusdtimale mapi? spuntati dell'ordinario'; seeMellini, op. dt. (note 17), p.m. e bruto lavorodi piu color? tale che sendo tantomate lavorati che siano messi a' rifargliin tutie 28 On 4th February 1571, NS, Ammannati wrote to Busini, 'e di V. S. sono dirare a modi risconouna porcheria'; BAL, iothjune 1572. 35 quetto scarpellino chefagli scaglioniper lafonte che ne mandi 2 altre navicelare e subito segli Ammannati told Busini not to send on any more of themarble worked by Star mandera danari'; on 10th February 1571, Ammannati wrote to Giovanni Caccini, 'dia nazini: 'perod siamo risoluti apigliare altri e marmi e loroalteze ano dato licentiache dove ne la inclusa a quetto scarpellino chefa gli scaglione dellafonte de la piaza e che sequiti ilfargli de buoni se no pigli e cosi abbiamofatto tale che abbia. acomodato la magior parte col segare e picchiati'; see BAL, 4th and ioth February 1570, FS. Examples of such templates by spacare et andiamo acomodandod poi che abbio auto afar cosi non d mandate marmi del sopra Michelangelo for the Library of S. Lorenzo include a number of scaglioni, in this case detto'; ibid. 36 referring to baseboard mouldings and thresholds; seeWallace, op. dt. (note 7), pp.165 Furthermore, Ammannati stated that he himself had written 'three indeed four' and 173-75. Vasari refers to scaglioni in his staircase designs; see Gaye, op. dt. (note 7), times (it is unclear to whom) to no avail: 'mafategli intendereche venga a' parlare a pp.48-51 and 53-55. Examples for other commissions by Ammannati of cornices and Francesco di Ser Iacopo perchegli fara dar dettemano adosso e lo scriveraalpodesta et io hogia other architectural elements are repr. inM. Kiene: Bartolomeo Ammannati, Milan scritti3 anzi 4 volte e no mi crede'; ibid. 37 1995? pp.217-18 and 235. 'Quanto aM. Mateo egli e stato inFirenze eglio parlato et egli a'inteso quetto che iogli o 29 . . . cosa 'Se quetto scarpellino afatto nesuna di quetto che aveva comesione difare la mandi ditto e non manchero. Quanto a quetto che la dice d?llo stento che la concoloroper contodel sod ma mano quanto prima'; 'Il Seren?simoprindpe comesso che si rimetta pe?finir?a'; BAL, 19th isfarea noli e la dificultache essiglimetono. So che avetemille ragionialultimo voifate beneperche April 1572. There is evidence that this scarpellinooffered good value for his services; voi agevolate l'opere efate che loroAltezze ano quetto che ledesiderono'; BAL, 15thJune 1572. ' 38 an undated fragment written inAmmannati's hand states that de gli scaglioni dellafonte Ammannati's meaning is unclear and would probably make more sense if the ne parlero a Francesco di Ser Iacopo. eglie d'agevolare lo scarpellinoperche nefa bon?simomer contents of Busini's letter(s) were known: 'M. Francesco Carissimo vi prometto che s'io cato'; BAL, fragment no.89A. nonjussi piu chepatientisimo conesso loro trarei in tutta ogni cosa e laserei a lungare le cose 30 Campbell provides a reconstruction of the fountain's appearance with the higher quanto le volessino che sono tocherebonomai dellafine ma per sodisfarea padroni lofoe non walls at the time of the entrataof 1565; see Campbell, op. dt. (note 1), pp. 117-18 and dico nullaper non metiere dificulta'; ibid. 39 124. The longer passage reads: 'vipriego a questo restodella fonte av?repatienza e che se gli 31 a senza . . . 'Stavano lavorareMaestri i esiervedutt'; Settimanni, op. dt. (note 14), fol.562v. possa darfineper sodisfatione oltre de padrono ma di tutta la nobilita di Firenze e sbra 32 ? Furthermore, the scarpellinohad not made any of the decantoni that go with the [a tear in the page possibly a form of sbradarsi or sbrattare]quella piaza s'io non avessi to the the lasato traportarea lo io la del mondo e si di qualandrino, probably referring large catchpools' placed along protruding sdegno averefatto magior porcheria lavesifatta no ne corner sections of the fountain. Ammannati writes: V. S. sia contentadi mandare per lo stopaca se sarebbe curatoorsufacojine perche ancora iomi vosfogando di core'; ibid. 40 scarpellinoche toiseafaregli scaglionid?lia fontana dipiaza da Francesco di Ser Iacopo e doman Ammannati described the poor work done by Stamazini as 'una porcheria'; see note dargli che vol dire che egli none oserva quanto e ubligato egli afatto certiscaglioni scompagnati 34 above. 41 tuti i diritti e quegli che andavono in arco che son? 8 pezi non a fatto nesuno lunghi 2l/2 For the range of meanings for porcheria and examples from sixteenth-century bracda che in tuto son? 20 bracda e non afatto quegli decantoni che vanno col qualandrino per writers such as Anton Francesco Doni and Annibale Caro, see Battaglia, op. dt. (note esere e cantoni sopra scuadra'; BAL, iothMay 1572. 26), XIII, pp.898-99. 33 42 'Per benefitiode nostripadroni e di cotestopoveretto'; 'Non manchi di venire subito altri See note 20 above.

490 JULY 2OO5 CXLVII THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE

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to so it ing 'acomodandoci ', finding other pieces of marble that 'with ter, and sexual and obscene practices.41 While may be just coinci sawing and spHtting'most of thework could be done.35 However, dental, Lapini used the sameword to describe the stateof the foun he was not going to let the scarpellinooff the hook, and told Busini tain after the temporary materials had deteriorated.42 see was to that Stamazini needed to Francesco di Ser Iacopo, who would Ammannati understandably anxious finish the work prop get his hands on him ('glifara dar dellemano adosso9) and would write erly since itwas over twelve years since he had undertaken this to the Podestat6 importantpublic commission under the scrutinyof his fellow artists Within days, Stamazini was in Florence, and Busini had sent an and the Florentines. There was still a great deal of marble to be contents are was immediate response. Although the of Busini's letter delivered, and archival records show thatmuch of it in fact sent unknown, Ammannati's reply to him (15thJune 1572) suggests that that same year during June, July,August, November and Decem or or of time recur the proweditore may have reacted unpleasandy fearfully, both ber.43 The demands of his patrons and the pressure to reassure the (Fig.47). Ammannati attempted Busini, writing that 'I throughout Ammannati's letters, and he emphasises importance know that you have a thousand reasons. In the end, you do well of the fountain for 'tutta la nobilta di Firenze9. As the two lettersof to was to because you facilitate the works, and you do what it takes have June 1572 show, he required resolve potential conflict both out a new Their Highnesses get what they want.'37 The artist pointed that in physical sense, in regard to the piecing together of blocks he himself had been exceedingly patient in trying to get things for the fountain, and in the role ofmanager, by maintaining a good finished and thathe had done all he could to satisfyhis patrons and rapport with his administrators and by keeping the workmen in on had kept quiet in order not to create difficulties:38 check. Two years later, 23rd June 1574, the fountain, by then with its four horses, marble basin, ornate char I to be with what remains of the fountain so that completed, splendid beg you patient was to iot and bronze statuary, finally unveiled the public, with only I it to completion to satisfynot just the patrons but might bring a few of the smaller ofmarble still to be delivered.44Yet, for all the of Florence . . .. If I had allowed to pieces nobility indignation are all Ammannati's trouble, the scaglioni of the fountain barely carry me away, Iwould have made the greatest mess in the world noticed because, as Detlef has out, two of the .... I am steam.39 Heikamp pointed Come on, let's finish this because blowing off three stepshave been replaced by modern pietra serenad This was the second time that Ammannati had used the term The survival of these lettersallows us to reconstruct the history of in more conno construction. one 'porcheria9 these letters.40 The word has far negative this phase of the fountain's Without them, might was to never at stone tations than the English word 'mess' and commonly used have known, looking the splendid panoply of water, a or that at times its suggest range of unpleasantries, including dung excrement, and bronze that constitutes the Neptune Fountain, an or an literary works lacking in merit, actions of ignoble base charac construction resembled unending series o?'porcherie9.

43 44 There are even a few payment records forMarch and May. In documents cited Archival documents show that in 1576, a 'nicchiadi mistio' had been delivered, and and transcribed by Cinelli and Vossilla, there are references to a 'Francesco di Vin in 1579 a 'nicchia' still remained at Pietrasanta. On 29thMay 1578, Ammannati referred on see see centi Todeschi da Seravezza Scarpellino' being paid forwork the fountain; to an aviso regarding the cargo (nolo) paid for the fountain in a letter to Busini; Zangheri, op. dt. (note i), pp.322 and 324, note 30; idem, op. dt. (note 7), p.62, note Zangheri, op. dt. (note 1), p.324, note 30; idem, op. dt. (note 7), p.62, note 15; and 15; Vasic Vatovec, op. dt. (note 7), pp.333 and 356, note 57; and Cinelli and Vossil BAL, 29thMay 1578. On the date of the unveiling, see Heikamp, op. dt. (note 1), p.20. 4* la, op. dt. (note 1), pp. 103-04. Ibid., p.25, note 39.

not panies only commissioned portraits with increasing frequency Three de Critz for to most portraits by John but, by about the 1620s, they turned the fashionable 'pic as Daniel and Cornelius theMerchant ture-makers' of the day, such Mytens1 Taylors' Company Johnson,2 to portray their leading masters and benefactors, both living and deceased. To that listmay now be added the name of by ROBERT TITTLER, Concordia University,Montreal John de Critz, three ofwhose portraits can be identified as having as as been commissioned by the Merchant Taylors' Company early with the compared patronage for portraiture extended by the fiscal year 1606-07. individual leading liverymen, not to mention portraits of the That this has not been discovered before may well be due to or were court circle the aristocracy, the London livery companies the confident assertion of the cataloguer of the Merchant Taylors' in to surprisingly slow the sixteenth century commission easel por pictures, Frederick M. Fry (Master of the Company in 1895-96), traitsof theirown leadingmembers. Notwithstanding suchworks as thatno mention of the acquisition of these pictures had been found as a com Holbein's group portrait ofHenry VIII granting the royal charter to in the Company's records catalogued by him in 1907.3 Yet account to the newly formed Company of Barber-Surgeons in 1540 (Barber pany of 1606-07 records the payment of five pounds Surgeons' Hall, London), only a tricklemay be identified and dated 'JohnDecreete formaking Sir Thomas Whites picture in a faier larg not with certainty before the last decade of that century, and until frame' and another five pounds to 'Mr John DeCreete formaking common anewe about then did the practice become among the leading the princes picture all in the kings chamber and forMr Dow on in a companies. Yet from that time itmoved rapidly forwards. Com his picture faier frame'.4

1 Portrait ofNicholas L?ate, thriceMaster of theIronmongers, commissioned fromMytens Stainers (1620s); forMyddelton, seeW. Prideaux: Memorials of theGoldsmiths' Com by Leate's three sons for presentation to the Company in 1631; see 'Leate, Nicholas pany, London 1896, I, pp.159 and 136; for Babb, see London, National Portrait (1565/6?1631)', in H.C.G. Matthew and B. Harrison, eds.: Oxford Dictionary of Gallery, Heinz Archive, and G.P. Harding: 'List of Portraits, Pictures in Various National Biography, Oxford 2004, ref. 16250; see also London, Guildhall Library Mansions of theUnited Kingdom', MS, 3 vols. (1804-), II, p. 137. 3 MS16988/5, Freemen's Admissions and Inventories of the Ironmongers' Company, F.M. Fry: A Historical Catalogue of thePictures, Herse-cloths & Tapestry atMerchant P-7 Taylors' Hall with a List of theSculptures & Engravings, London 1907, p.97. 2 4 Portraits of Sir Hugh Myddelton (1628) for theGoldsmiths' Company and a triple London, Guildhall Library MS34048/9, Merchant Taylors' Company Masters' portrait of Thomas Babb, Clement Pargiter and William Peacock for the Painter andWardens' Account Book no.9, microfilm frame no.915, accounts for 1606-07.

THE BURLINGTON MAGAZINE CXLVII JULY 2005 49^

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