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On the Origin of Philippine Vowel Grades

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On the Origin of Philippine Vowel Grades On the Origin of Philippine Vowel Grades Lawrence A. Reid university of hawai‘i The concept of vowel grade by which morphological features in some Indo- European languages are signaled by change in the quality of the vowel of a given form has long been recognized. More recently, the term has also been applied to the variation in vowels that occur in some case-marking preposi- tional forms in Austronesian languages. The purpose of this paper is to demon- strate some of the processes by which vowel grades developed in some Philippine languages. These processes include what has been referred to else- where as vowel-grade harmony, an assimilatory process by which the vowel of one case-marking preposition copies that of another. Noun phrases in many Philippine languages are commonly described as being introduced by “phrase markers” that specify certain syntactic and semantic features of the noun phrase they introduce. These are typically unstressed clitic forms having a CV or CVC shape. However, the quality of the vowel varies from language to lan- guage. Thus, in Ivatan, the forms that introduce common noun phrases all have an u vowel, while those that introduce personal noun phrases all have an i vowel; in Tagalog the forms that introduce common noun phrases all have an a vowel, while those that introduce personal noun phrases all have an i vowel, like Ivatan. Recognizing that the similarity in vowel quality of “phrase mark- ers” in these languages is commonly the result of vowel-grade harmony and not necessarily the result of regular phonological change provides an explana- tion for the multiple irregularities that are found in attempting to reconstruct the protoforms of “phrase markers.” 1. INTRODUCTION.1 Attempts at reconstructing the morphosyntax of Proto–Central Cordilleran, Proto–Northern Luzon, and earlier stages of Philippine and Austronesian lan- guages have run into a number of problems, especially in attempting to reconstruct the forms of the so-called “phrase-markers.” This term has been commonly used in recent liter- ature on Philippine languages to label the sets of often monosyllabic, typically unstressed clitics that provide either case-marking information for the phrase they introduce, in which case I analyze them as prepositions, or they specify certain features of the following lexical 1. This paper is a revised version of a paper entitled “Vowel-grade harmony in syntactic change” pre- sented at the Center for Research on Language Change Workshop, Conference of the Australian Linguistic Society, University of Queensland, Brisbane, July 8–9, 2006. I wish to thank the partici- pants at the workshop for their comments, and also to express my appreciation to Hsiu-chuan Liao for her careful editing of the paper, and to Malcolm Ross for several substantive recommendations. I take full responsibility for any issues that remain unclear. Some of the ideas developed here were ²rst proposed in Reid (2006). However, the reconstructions made in this paper are somewhat dif- ferent from those presented there. Oceanic Linguistics, Volume 45, no. 2 (December 2006) © by University of Hawai‘i Press. All rights reserved. 458 oceanic linguistics, vol. 45, no. 2 noun, typically marking it as either personal or not, or providing deictic information relative to the speaker, in which case I analyze the forms as nominal speci²ers (Reid 2002). The problems that are encountered in reconstructing these forms have been noted in various publications. In Reid (1978, 1979, 1981, 2006) I outlined several of these prob- lems, one of which had to do with identifying the signi²cance of vowel differences in various sets of apparently reconstructible forms, such as *¿i, *¿a, and *¿u; *ni, *na, and *nu; and *si, *sa, and *su; and so on. These vowel differences I labeled as VOWEL GRADES, adopting the term commonly used in Indo-European linguistics for vowel alter- nations of the sort that resulted in the related English verbs sing, sang, sung, and so forth. Various proposals have been made attempting to reconstruct the meaning of the vocalic alternation in the “phrase-markers.” Some languages have utilized the difference to a greater or lesser degree to distinguish personal from common nouns; thus, in Ivatan, the forms ¿u, nu, su, and du (with u-vowels) introduce, respectively, common noun nomina- tive, genitive, oblique, and locative phrases (in addition to other functions), while the forms ¿i, ni, and di (with i-vowels) introduce, respectively, personal noun nominative, genitive, and locative phrases.2 Similarly in Tagalog, ang, ng [na¥], and sa (with a-vowels) introduce, respectively, common noun nominative, genitive, and locative phrases, while si, ni, and kay (plural kina)3 (with i-vowels) introduce personal noun nominative, genitive, and locative phrases. Ross (2002) proposes for Proto–Malayo-Polynesian a distinction between forms having a *a vowel marking present common nouns, forms having a *u vowel marking absent common nouns, and those having a *i vowel marking personal nouns and default com- mon nouns. Following this pattern, Ross reconstructs genitive phrase markers *na ‘com- mon (present)’, *nu ‘common (absent)’, and *ni ‘personal; common (default)’. Blust (2005), discussing only genitive forms, rejects Ross’s distinction between *na and *nu, and on the basis of similar systems in Amis and some Central Philippine lan- guages reconstructs for PMP (and PAN) *na ‘genitive of plural personal nouns’, *ni ‘gen- itive of singular personal nouns’, and *nu ‘genitive of common nouns’.4 I claim in this paper that the similarity between vowel grades in at least some of the languages being considered is the result of VOWEL-GRADE HARMONY, a useful cover term to characterize the various processes that operate to create vowel sequences that mark the same (or similar) morphological features or “grades,” and accounts for the variation that has been proposed for some reconstructed forms. While vowel copying 2. Oblique phrases in Ivatan, as in other Philippine languages are typically inde²nite, and do not allow personal noun exponents. 3. Earlier *kayna, still re³ected in Tagalog dialects spoken in Western Marinduque (Soberano 1980:184). 4. The need to possibly reconstruct *na with the function given by Blust was ²rst discussed in Reid (1978:42): “In addition to a distinction between the common noun Det[erminer] and per- sonal noun Det[erminer], there are a number of languages [that] distinguish the marker of a singular from the marking of a plural personal noun. … Most of the languages accomplish this by replacing the singular marker with a form [that] is identical to the third person plural subject pronoun. Some languages, however, such as Tagalog and Romblon, have added a plu- ral morpheme -na to the singular person marker. This is possibly also the origin of Mamanwa sin (< *sina), as well as the Aborlan Tagbanwa na [that] replaces the singular det si. The use of na as a plural morpheme associated with personal markers, although restricted to a few lan- guages in the Meso-Philippine group, may need to be reconstructed for Proto-Philippines, [because] it is also attested outside of the Philippines as a plural Genitive marker in Amis.” on the origin of philippine vowel grades 459 appears to be operating across phrase boundaries in a syntagmatic relationship, some cases have also been identi²ed where the process appears to be operating between sets of unstressed forms in a paradigmatic relationship. Such changes have typically been considered to fall within the category of analogical change. In section 2 of this paper, I demonstrate vowel-grade harmony in some of the Cen- tral Cordilleran languages, a group of some twenty-²ve fairly closely related languages forming a major subgroup within the Northern Luzon family of languages of the Phil- ippines. (The internal relationships of the main languages of the Central Cordilleran group are shown in ²gure 1.) I deal speci²cally with the processes that have resulted in identical vowels in a number of the case-marking prepositions that mark oblique and locative forms. In section 3, I discuss the problems that one encounters in attempting to reconstruct the oblique and locative prepositions for Proto–Central Cordilleran, and in section 4, I account for the developments that have resulted in the forms found today in the daughter languages. 2. VOWEL-GRADE HARMONY IN CENTRAL CORDILLERAN LANGUAGES. In table 1, I present a small selection of the case-marking forms that mark oblique and locative noun phrases in some varieties of three of the Central Cordil- leran languages. It is apparent from these data that while the consonants remain unchanged for each case form, the vowels vary. Because there is no evidence to suggest that each of the “vowel grades” should be reconstructed to the parent language, Proto–Central Cordil- leran, an explanation is needed to account for them in terms of local developments. In the sections that follow, I provide a detailed account of the grammatical functions of each of these forms to show that even though different vowels are involved, their functions of oblique and locative in the languages and dialects in which they occur are to all intents and TABLE 1. SOME CASE-MARKING FORMS IN CENTRAL CORDILLERAN LANGUAGES oblique locative kalinga ¿us ¿ud balangao ¿as ¿ad kankanaey ¿is ¿id FIGURE 1. THE CENTRAL CORDILLERAN SUBGROUP OF PHILIPPINE LANGUAGES Central Cordilleran North-Central Cordilleran Nuclear Cordilleran Isinai Kalinga Itneg Balangao Ifugao Bontok Kankanaey 460 oceanic linguistics, vol. 45, no. 2 purposes identical. I also show that each of these forms has an alternate consisting of only a single consonant that occurs as an enclitic (=s ‘oblique’ and =d ‘locative’) on preceding vowel-²nal words, providing a context in which the copying of the vowel in an adjacent phrase may occur.
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