INTRODUCTION

Most scholars acknowledge that the origins of the are rooted in the complex relationships between autochthonous KhoeSan, slaves, Africans and European settlers. Coupled with the intricacies that underpin the issue of Griqua identity – and often as equally contested - is the matter of terminology.

Christopher Saunders and Nicholas Southey describe the as

Pastoralists of Khoikhoi and mixed descent, initially known as Bastards or , who left the Cape in the late 18th century under their first leader, Adam Kok 1 (c.1710- c.1795).1

They explain the name „bastards‟ as

[The] term used in the 18th century for the offspring of mixed unions of whites with people of colour, most commonly Khoikhoi but also, less frequently, slaves.”2

Even in the context of post- , issues of identity and ethnicity continue to dominate the literature of the Griqua people. As the South African social anthropologist, Linda Waldman, writes:

The Griqua comprise an extremely diverse category of South Africans. They are defined 3 neither by geographical boundaries nor by cultural practices.

Waldman goes on to illustrate the complexities surrounding attempts to categorise the Griqua people by explaining how the Griqua have been described by some as a sub-category of the Coloured people,4 by others as either constituting a separate ethnic group,5 by others as not constituting a separate ethnic group6, and by still others as a nation.7

1 Christopher Saunders and Nicholas Southey, A dictionary of South African history. Cape Town: David Philip, 2001: 81-82. 2 Saunders and Southey, A dictionary of South African history: 22. 3 Linda Waldman, The Griqua conundrum: political and socio-cultural identity in the , South Africa (Oxford; New York: Peter Lang, 2007): 10. 4 Richard E. van der Ross, 100 questions about Coloured South Africans (Cape Town: University of the , 2003): 6. 5 D. Morris, “The Griqua of Campbell: questions of history and identity”. Published third year fieldwork project, Department of Social Anthropology, , 1982. 6 P.L. Waldman, “Watersnakes and women: a study of ritual and ethnicity in Griquatown.” Ba (Hons) thesis, University of the Witwatersrand, 1989. 7 A.M. Cloete, ‘Die musiek van die Griekwas.” Thesis (PhD) University of Stellenbosch, 1986. 2

BRIEF HISTORY OF THE GRIQUAS

Adam Kok 1 (c.1710-c.1795), reputed to have been an emancipated slave, acquired grazing rights in the Piketberg area in the 1750s. He attracted a following among the remains of the Khoi tribe of Chaguriqua, escaped slaves and Bastards. 8The group grew so large, that Adam Kok was recognised as a „Captain‟ or Kaptyn by the . By the end of the eighteenth century, Adam‟s son, Cornelius Kok (1746-1820), was living at Kamiesberg in Namaqualand, had established cattle posts on the and trading and hunting trips were taken across the Transorange.9

The Griquas were converted to Christianity by missionaries of the London Missionary Society. While visiting Klaarwater (later renamed Griquatown) in 1813, John Campbell of the London Missionary Society persuaded the Basters of the Kok group to change their name. In Schoeman‟s words:

They decided to call themselves Griquas, in commemoration of their Khoi (Chaguriqua) origin, while Klaarwater became Griquatown.10

By the nineteenth century, the Griquas were established pastoralist farmers, and described by Robert Ross as

More or less fully incorporated into the cash economy of the nineteenth century . They lived on game, milch cattle, vegetables and corn of their own cultivation and on the meat of their own extensive herds of sheep.11

The sale of wool, horses and trade in ivory, skin karosses with the Tswana, made them a wealthy people.

Martin Legassick paints a vivid picture of Griqua prosperity:

In terms of wealth, the Kok family was undoubtedly the richest, with Cornelius Kok owning at his different farms perhaps some 45 000 sheep.12

8 , Griqua records: the captaincy, 1825-1861. Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 1994:xi. 9 Schoeman, Griqua records: the Philippolis captaincy, 1825-1861:xi. 10 Schoeman, Griqua records: the Philippolis captaincy, 1825-1861. Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 1994:xii. 11 Robert Ross,” Griqua government”. African studies 33, 1 (1974): 28. 12 Martin Legassick, The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana, and the missionaries, 1780-1840: the politics of a frontier zone. Los Angeles: University of California, 1969: 175. 3

The land occupied by the Griquas was steadily infiltrated by white colonists, leading to the displacement and consequent impoverishment of the Griquas.

Piet Erasmus described the plight of the Griquas:

By the 1830s, white farmers had systematically begun to infiltrate the territory of the Griqua, and to establish themselves on Griqua land. The threat that this held for the survival of the Griqua was a matter of concern to the British government, since the latter regarded a united Griqua state as essential for the maintenance of law and order on its (Cape colonial) northern border.13

They were forced to move in a „Great Trek‟ in the early 1860s, in which about 3 000 of Adam Kok III‟s people relocated from Philippolis to “Nomansland”, later named .14 Twenty years later, their dreams of abundant grazing for their cattle and sheep, and an independent existence, free of colonial control, were dashed. From 1874, they came under Cape magisterial rule. The death of Adam Kok III in 1875

signified the effective end of Griqua political independence east of the . With “annexation”- the word was used from 1874 by British and Cape officials, though the formal process of incorporation within the Cape did not occur until 1897- came confusion over titles to land, and many Griqua sold in panic or were swindled out of their properties by white speculators.15

The loss of their lands reduced them into rent-paying tenants on white-owned farms. Edgar states that when seventeen year old Andrew Abraham Stockenstrom le Fleur, future leader of the Griquas, drove his father‟s cart into in Griqualand East in 1884,

He expected to find a proud people ruling themselves, and was heart-broken when he found the Griqua had „no status as a people.‟16

13 Piet Erasmus, Michael Besten and Gertruida Sauls. The Pniel Esate: its people and its history. Kimberley: Sol Plaatje Educational Trust, 2008: 7. 14 Robert Edgar and Christopher Saunders. “A.A.S. le Fleur and the Griqua trek of 1917: segregation, self-help and ethnic identity.”The international journal of African historical studies 15, 2 (1982): 203. 15 Edgar and Saunders, “A.A.S. le Fleur and the Griqua trek of 1917:segregation, self-help and ethnic identity”. The international journal of African historical studies 15, 2 (1982): 203. 16 Edgar and Saunders, “A.A.S. le Fleur and the Griqua trek of 1917: 203. 4

POST APARTHEID GRIQUA IDENTITY

Griquas regard themselves as representatives of the original inhabitants, or first people, of Southern Africa, since their ancestors were present in South Africa long before the first Europeans and Bantu-speaking people.17

Post-apartheid democracy paved the way for new thinking about culture and identity for people of colour in South Africa. Claims to ethnic identity were made in an environment of human rights, socio-economic rights and land restitution. According to Michael Besten, the resurgence of Khoe-San identities coincided with international developments involving indigenous peoples. The United Nations declared 1993 as the Year of Indigenous Peoples and 1995-2004 as the International Decade for the World‟s Indigenous People.18

Besten goes into great detail about the evolution of Griqua ethnic identity in his article. “We are the original inhabitants of this land” and in his doctoral thesis.19The politics of the day clearly dictated which racial classifications were acceptable to the Griquas.

At first, they preferred to be known as “Bastaards” since

Bastaard and Christian identities allowed Khoe-San descendants to assert a status that suggested closer proximity to Europeans and Western culture and helped distance them from their Khoe-San heritage.....Most Khoe-San descendants were officially classified as coloured and native during the 19th and 20th centuries. As long as the coloured category subsumed the Native category, as was the case for much of the 19th century when the term „coloured‟ was used broadly to refer to people not considered European, Bushmen and Hottentots could unproblematically be designated both coloured and Native.20

In the Population Registration Act of 1950, the Griquas were defined as merely a subgroup of the Coloured people. According to D.Y. Saks, they resented this categorisation since

17 Jan van der Stoep.”Do minorities need cultural rights?” the case of the Griqua people in South Africa”, in From our side: emerging perspectives on development and ethics; edited by Steve de Gruchy, Nico Koopman and Sytse Strijbos. Amsterdam: Rozenberg Publishers, 2008: 75 18 Michael Besten, “’We are the original inhabitants of this land’: Khoe-San identity in post-apartheid South Africa” in Burdened by race: coloured identities in Southern Africa ; edited by Mohamed Adhikari. Cape Town: UCT Press, 2009: 139. 19 Michael Paul Besten. Transformation and reconstitution of Khoe-San identities: A.A.S. le Fleur 1, Griqua identities and post-apartheid Khoe-San revivalism (1894-2004). Thesis (PhD) Universiteit Leiden 2006. 20 Besten, ’We are the original inhabitants of this land’: 136. 5

Not only did such a classification give them the unenviable status of a marginal group within a marginal group, but it also threatened to lead to the eventual disappearance of the Griquas, already depleted by assimilation, within the vast melting pot of the country‟s mixed race population.21

According to Besten

During apartheid, Griqua were inclined to project themselves as being of mixed , slave and European descent. They were prepared to acknowledge part „Hottentot‟ ancestry but did not represent themselves as Khoekhoe....By 1995, however, Griqua were increasingly claiming that they were Khoekhoe. The view that they were of mixed descent was now de-emphasised.”22

They sought official recognition of Griqua identity and culture, political representation and restitution of their lost lands.

Since the South African government did not seem sympathetic to their needs, Griqua activists campaigned for First Nation status, both from the United Nations and the ANC government. The Griqua National Conference asked the South African government to recognise them as a First Nation and also to acknowledge their pre-1913 land claims, despite the fact that the Restitution of Land Rights Act no. 22 of 1994 was promulgated to compensate those who had lost their land after 1913.23

The Griqua quest for official recognition under the post-apartheid government met with some success in July 1997 when the Department of Constitutional Development announced that the Griqua had „won recognition as a separate ethnic community‟. This was followed by an announcement that the United Nations had awarded „First Nation‟ status to the Griqua which was similar to that granted to the San and the Khoi.24.

The Griquas blamed Great Britain for the loss of their lands in East and West Griqualand.

In 1996 the Griekwa Volks Organisasie sued the British government for £1,4 billion for „robbing and driving our ancestors off their land and property.‟ It also sued De Beers

21 D.Y. Saks. “Remembering Adam Kok: Griqua nationalism in the apartheid era.” Quarterly bulletin of the South African library 51, 3 (March 1997): 1. 22 Besten, “We are the original inhabitants of this land”: 140. 23 Johan Cronje. The Griqua of the Northern Cape: land ownership, identity and leadership. Kimberley: Sol Plaatje Educational Trust, [2006]: 49. 24 Cronje. The Griqua of the Northern Cape: land ownership, identity and leadership: 50. 6

Consolidated Mines for R 8,7 billion for royalties on the mineral rights of the company‟s Northern Cape and diamond mines situated on historic Griqua land.25

Henry Bredekamp refers to Le Fleur Griqua revivalism, spearheaded by the grandsons of die Kneg (servant of God) Andrew (Andries) Abraham Stockenstrom le Fleur (2 July 1867-11 June 1941).

A.A.S. le Fleur 1, who became endearly known to his followers as die Kneg, began his career as a revivalist in the mid- 1890s, after he had joined the Griqua Independent Church in 1895. Tackling the land issue in various ways and fostering a united Griqua volks identity by spiritual means, distinguishes him as the most prominent indigenous leader of 20th century South Africa.26

He spent his life campaigning for the restitution of Griqua land lost when the British colonial authorities annexed Griqualand East. He sought to unite people called Griqua, Nama and Coloured in 20th century South Africa under the Griqua banner. This he did by establishing the Griqua Independent Church, as a counter to the European-controlled mission churches, launched over the Easter weekend in 1920, in the Maitland Town Hall, Cape Town. (This church is not to be confused with the Griqua Independent Church established by Rev. William Dower of the London Missionary Society in Kokstad).27 He also founded the Griqua National Conference in 1904, which became the official mouthpiece of the Griqua people,

at the time of his appointment as successor to the Adam Kok Chieftainship and thus Paramount Chief of the Adam Kok III Griquas. (EMS le Fleur Collection 1926: item 4.1).28

Although all his agricultural resettlement schemes failed, with the exception of near Plettenberg Bay, he was instrumental in fostering Griqua pride in their spiritual identity. He promoted a Coloured identity, believing that segregation would be the solution to the economic and political problems of the Griquas, but as Edgar stated

25 Besten “We are the original inhabitants of this land”: 142. 26 Henry C. (Jatti) Bredekamp, “Khoisan revivalism and the indigenous peoples issue in post=apartheid South Africa”, in Africa’s indigenous peoples: ‘first peoples’ or ‘marginalized minorities?; edited by Alan Barnard and Justin Kenrick. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, 2001: 195. 27 Henry C. (Jatti) Bredekamp. “The le Fleur family: the dead bones of Adam Kok” in Group portrait South Africa; edited by Annari van der Merwe and Paul Faber. Cape Town: Kwela Books, 2003: 137. 28 Bredekamp, “Khoisan revivalism and the indigenous peoples issue in post=apartheid South Africa”: 195-196. 7

That his segregationist solutions had an appeal to a people whose origins lay in has a special irony of its own, but coming at a time when white domination was being further entrenched and black societies were becoming more impoverished and atomized, his settlement schemes and his promotion of ethnic consciousness and self- pride held out to his followers the promise of an escape from poverty, a means of preserving a cultural cohesiveness, and a way of distancing themselves from Africans, who were being relegated to the lowest strata of South African society.29

After the demise of apartheid, Cecil le Fleur, the grandson of A.A.S. le Fleur, has been active in indigenous forums having to

reconceptualise and redefine their Griqua volks identity within the context of contemporary Khoisan revivalism and the current discourse about the complexity of a unifying South African national identity after apartheid.30

Cecil le Fleur is described by Bredekamp as the Chairperson of the Executive Council of the Griqua National Conference and Deputy Chairperson of the Indigenous Peoples of Africa Co-ordinating Committee (IPACC), founded in 1997. He attended the sessions of the United Nations Working Group for Indigenous People (WGIP) since 1996, and the International Khoisan Conference of 1997, organized by the University of the Western Cape, and participated in the National Khoisan Forum.

Today, the Griqua National Conference is based at Kranshoek, near Plettenberg Bay. Johan Cronje describes the Kranshoek Griqua community, which is under the leadership of Alan Andrew le Fleur:

This community has adopted various symbols to honour its distinct identity. These comprise the proclamation of a number of heritage sites as well as the adoption of a traditional dress and culture, a Griqua flag and a Griqua anthem. Significant events in the Griqua history are commemorated annually by way of special people‟s days, such as the birthday of Paramount Chief AAS le Fleur and the celebration of the unveiling of a monument erected in honour of the early Griqua pioneers at Kranshoek in 1942.31

Cronje further reports that several land claims lodged on behalf of the Griquas have been unsuccessful, owing to numerous factors. Some of these are that the Griquas have been classified as Coloured, and also because of

29 Edgar and Saunders, “A.A.S. le Fleur and the Griqua trek of 1917”: 220. 30 Bredekamp, “Khoisan revivalism and the indigenous peoples issue in post-apartheid South Africa”: 196. 31 Johan Cronje. The Griqua of the Northern Cape: land ownership, identity and leadership. Kimberley: Sol Plaatje Educational Trust, [2006]: 46. 8

The lack of a co-ordinated effort by a group of people that proved to be the victims of their own factionalism particularly on those occasions when unity was most needed.32

Examples of Griqua factionalism, are the divisions within the le Fleur family, as according to a Sunday Times report, the inauguration of Paramount Chief Alan Andrew le Fleur as leader of the Griquas in December 2004, was boycotted by rival leader Anthony le Fleur. This leadership battle has been raging for the past 35 years, according to the Sunday Times.33

Further reading on Griqua factionalism can be found in Cronje34 and Erasmus.35

32 Cronje, The Griqua of the Northern Cape: land ownership, identity and leadership: 49. 33 Bobby Jordan. “Plett mayor fuels Griqua leadership feud”. Sunday Times (12 December 2004). 34 Cronje, The Griqua of the Northern Cape: land ownership, identity and leadership: 51 35 Piet Erasmus, “’Vote for real people’: the making of Griqua and Korana identities in Heidedal”. Anthropology Southern Africa 33,1 &2 (2010):65-73. 9

BOOKS AND CHAPTERS IN BOOKS

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Rademeyer, J. H. Kleurling-: die taal van die Griekwas en Rehoboth-basters. Amsterdam: Swets & Zeitlinger, 1938.

Ross, Robert. Adam Kok's Griquas: a study in the development of stratification in South Africa. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976.

Ross, Robert. Griqua government. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1974. Abstract: “‟Kaptyns‟ were elective but in practice mostly hereditary as in the cases of the Waterboers in Griquatown and the Koks at Philippolis. They had the power to diminish sentences and were the ones who had to approve capital punishment. The captain had the sole power of distributing government land. These powers were identical in Philippolis and in Griqualand West. Before the trek to Griqualand East, there was a treaty between Andries Waterboer and Abraham Kok and his successor Adam Kok 111.”

Ross, Robert. “The self-image of Jacob Adams”, in Miscast: negotiating the presence of the Bushmen; edited by Pippa Skotnes. Cape Town: UCT Press, 1996: 61-66.

Schapera, Isaac. The Khoisan peoples of South Africa: Bushmen and Hottentots. London: George Routledge, 1930.

Schoeman, Karel. The Griqua mission at Philippolis, 1822-1837. Pretoria, South Africa: Protea Book House, 2005.

Schoeman, Karel, compiler and editor. Griqua records: the Philippolis captaincy, 1825- 1861. Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 1996.

Schoeman, Karel. The mission at Griquatown, 1801-1821: an anthology. Griquatown: Toerisme Vereniging, 1997.

Scholtz, Andrew Henry Martin. A place called Vatmaar: a living story of a time that is no more. Cape Town: Kwela Books, 2000.

Shaw, William, and Thomas Laidman Hodgson. Memoirs of Mrs. Anne Hodgson: compiled from materials furnished by her husband, the Rev. T.L. Hodgson: comprising, also, 16

an account of the commencement and progress of the Wesleyan Mission amongst the Griqua and Bechuana tribes of Southern Africa. London: Sold by J. Mason, 1836.

Shephard, John Brownlow. In the shadow of the Drakensberg: the story of East Griqualand and its people. Durban: T.W Griggs, 1976.

Smit, Mattheus Theodorus Rehuel. The romance of the village Ugie: a story of achievement. Cape Town: Maskew Miller, 1964.

Snyman, Pieter Hendrik Rudolf. Danielskuil: van Griekwa-buitepos tot dienssentrum. Pretoria: Raad vir Geesteswetenskaplike Navorsing, 1988. Abstract: “This is the history of the town of Danielskuil in current North West Province. The book describes Griqua settlement here and the destructive effects that colonization had on them as a result of the discovery of diamonds. The author provides two maps, one showing the diamond mines in the Orange Free State while the other shows Griqua ownership. Danielskuil is in the Campbell lands, i.e., in the land the author ascribes to the Griqua.”

South Africa. Report of the Constitutional Committee of the President's Council on the needs and demands of the Griquas. [South Africa]: Republic of South Africa, 1983.

Storrar, Patricia. Portrait of Plettenberg Bay. Cape Town: Purnell, 1978.

Stow, George William. The native races of South Africa: a history of the intrusion of the Hottentots and Bantu into the hunting grounds of the Bushmen, the aborigines of the country. London: Sonnenschein, 1905.

Strauss, Teresa. War along the Orange: the Korana and the Northern border, wars of 1868-9 and 1878-9. Cape Town: Centre for African studies, 1979.

Theal, George McCall. The story of South Africa, the Cape Colony, Natal, Orange Free State, South African Republic and all other territories South of the Zambesi. New York: G.P. Putnam's Sons, 1894.

Theal, George McCall. The yellow and dark-skinned people of Africa south of the Zambezi: a description of the Bushmen, the Hottentots, and particularly the Bantu. New York, N.Y.: Negro Universities Press, 1969.

Thompson, William. The Griquas: as "Her Majesty's Special Commissioner for the Settlement of the Orange River Sovereignty" found them, and as he left them : a chapter for the history of our dealings with weak tribes. Cape Town: Saul Solomon & Co., printers, 1854. 17

Umino, Rumi. “A backyard (hi)story: doing geskiedenis among Griqua people in South Africa" in Preserving the cultural heritage of Africa: crisis or renaissance?;edited by Kenji Yoshida, and John Mack. Suffolk: James Currey, 2008: 27-42.

Van der Stoep, Jan. “Do minorities need cultural rights? the case of the Griqua people in South Africa; Jan van der Stoep in conversation with Mr Cecil le Fleur and Captain Johannes Kraalshoek”, in From our side: emerging perspectives on development and ethics; edited by Steve de Gruchy, Nico Koopman and Syste Strijbos. Amsterdam: Rozenberg ; South Africa : UNISA Press, 2008.

Van Rensburg, M. C. J., Project leader. Finale verslag van 'n ondersoek na die Afrikaans van die Griekwas van die tagtigerjare, uitgevoer aan die Universiteit van die Oranje-Vrystaat. [Bloemfontein: Universiteit van die Oranje-Vrystaat, 1984?]

Van Zyl, David Hermanus. 'n Griekwa-"ietsigeit”: iets oor die Griekwas. Kaapstad: Nasionale Pers, 1947.

Venter, Al J. Coloured: a profile of two million South Africans. Cape Town: Human and Rousseau, 1974.

Waldman, Linda. The Griqua conundrum: political and socio-cultural identity in the Northern Cape, South Africa. Oxford: Peter Lang, 2007. Abstract: “This book offers a reconceptualisation of indigenous people and their political involvement. It demonstrates the deep intertwining of constructions of indigenousness and identity with national, social and political histories and argues that differences and fractures within the indigenous movement - between leaders, spokespeople and ordinary men and women - shape the nature of indigenous politics both nationally and internationally. South Africa's resident population of Griqua provide the context for this exploration of indigenous mobilisation, politics and ethnic identity. The Griqua people have long sought, and only recently acquired, official recognition within their country of birth. Using qualitative research methodologies and an anthropological approach, this book documents negotiation between Griqua leaders, organisers and government officials and, in so doing, details a complex process of mediation and interaction generally overlooked in the discourse of indigenous identity. This exploration of identity is essential to understanding post-apartheid South African history, politics and society. In addressing the marginalisation of Griqua followers and examining the meaning of being Griqua for those 'quieter‟, poorer people who live in the small town of Griquatown, and who are relatively isolated from the Indigenous People's Forum and the United Nations, the book also examines the 'hidden' dimensions of political and indigenous mobilisation.” 18

Waldman, Linda. 'I've got the dust as well': disease, litigation and laggers. Brighton: Institute of Development Studies, University of Sussex, 2007.

Waldman, Linda. “No rainbow bus for us: building nationalism in South Africa”, in Africa‟s indigenous peoples: „first peoples‟ or „marginalized minorities‟?; edited by Alan Barnard and Justin Kenrick. Edinburgh: University of Edinburgh, Centre of African Studies, 2001: 211-228.

Waldman, Linda. When social movements bypass the poor: asbestos pollution, international litigation and Griqua cultural identity. Brighton, Sussex, England: Institute of Development Studies, 2005.

Wannenburgh, Alf. Forgotten frontiersmen . Cape Town: Howard Timmins, {1980?}.

Ward, Kerry and Nigel Worden. “Commemorating, suppressing and invoking Cape slavery”, in Negototiating the past: the making of memory in South Africa; edited by Sarah Nuttall and Carli Coetzee. Cape Town: Oxford University Press, 1998: 201-217.

Warren, Charles. Report on the land question in Griqualand West. London: H.M.S.O., 1880.

Westley, David M. The Griqua of South Africa: an annotated bibliography. Boston, MA: African Studies Center, Boston University, 2007.

Wicomb, Zoë. David's story. Cape Town: Kwela Books, 2000.

Wicomb, Zoë. Playing in the light. Johannesburg: Umuzi, 2006.

Williams, John A. From the South African past: narratives, documents, and debates. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, c1997.

Wilmot, Alexander. The life and times of Sir Richard Southey, formerly Colonial secretary of the Cape Colony, and Lieut.- governor of Griqualand West. London: Sampson Low, Marston, 1904.

19

PERIODICALS AND NEWSPAPERS

Beangstrom, Patsy. “Griqua people take on giant.” Diamond Fields Advertiser, 28 September 2007. Abstract: “The Griqua Indigenous House has declared a dispute with De Beers regarding their claim of mineral rights. Griqua Indigenous House representative and facilitator, Xautjie Joe Fletcher, said yesterday the claim was based on the fact that in 1876 the Griqua Sovereign State won their mineral rights back in terms of the Keat Arbitration verdict. „However, the British colonials continued with their unlawful annexation processes, robbing the Griqua peopleof their basic economic base‟, he said.”

Blackburn, Douglas, and N. W. Thomas. "115. Animal superstitions among the Zulus, Basutos, Griquas, and Magatese, and the Kafirs of Natal.” Man 4 (1904): 181-183.

Brink, George W. “Archbishop Daniel James Augustine Kanyiles, a Khoi religious, political and cultural leader”. Nederduitse Gereformeerde teologiese tydskrif 44, 1/2 , December 2003): 6-19. Abstract: “The very large imposing figure of Archbishop Daniel James Kanyiles has made a significant contribution to the South African religious, cultural and political landscape. From his base in Ritchie, along the Modder River outside Kimberley in the Northern Cape, Kanyiles presides as Patriarch of the Independent African Orthodox Church and life-long Chairperson of the Griekwa Volks Organisasie (sic). Furthermore, he is also Paramount Chief of Griqualand West and the fifteen Khoi groups south of the Gariep(Orange River). Moreover, he has also left his footprints in the political arena.”

Brownlee, Frank. "290. East Griqualand: lightning stroke". Man 32 (October 1932): 247- 248.

Burgess, A. and M. Behr. “Die lang pad na Vatmaar.” DSA: die Suid-Afrikaan 19, 55 (December 1995): 28-31. Abstract: “Interview with A.H.M. Scholtz, author of the Afrikaans novel Vatmaar, and one of the first black Afrikaans voices in the genre of the novel.”

Carstens, Peter. "Opting out of colonial rule: the brown Voortrekkers of South Africa and their constitutions". African Studies 42, 2 (1983): 135-152. Abstract: “Focuses on those frontiersmen who initiated the drawing up of their constitutions in varying degrees, or who participated from the outset in their implementation.” 20

Cloete, A. “Die invloed van die 'Kneg' op die musiek van die le Fleur-Griekwas van Krantzhoek.” Ars nova 2, 19 (November-December 1987): 6-29. Abstract: “Focuses on Griqua songs as influenced by Andrew Abraham Stockenstrom le Fleur I, also known as the Reformer; the Head; and especially the Slave (of God). States he reorganised the Griqua people by means of religion in the early twentieth century and also taught them to sing again by finding choirs to aid in fundraising campaigns after the closure of the O'Kiep copper mines.”

Cobbing, Julian. "The as alibi: thoughts on and Mbolompo". Journal of African history 29, no. 3 (1988): 487-519. Abstract: “The 'mfecane' is a characteristic product of South African liberal history used by the apartheid state to legitimate South Africa's racially unequal land division. Some astonishingly selective use or actual invention of evidence produced the myth of an internally-induced process of black-on-black destruction centring on Shaka's Zulu. A re-examination of the 'battles' of Dithakong and Mbolompo suggests very different conclusions and enables us to decipher the motives of subsequent historiographical amnesias. After about 1810, the black peoples of southern Africa were caught between intensifying and converging imperialistic thrusts: one to supply the Cape Colony with labour; another, at Delagoa Bay, to supply slaves particularly to the Brazilian sugar plantations. The flight of the Ngwane from the Mzinyathi inland to the Caledon was, it is argued, a response to slaving. But they ran directly into the colonial raiding-grounds north of the Orange. The (missionary-led) raid on the still unidentified 'Mantatees' (not a reference to MaNtatisi) at Dithakong in 1823 was one of innumerable Griqua raids for slaves to counter an acute shortage of labour among Cape settlers after the British expansionist wars of 1811-20. Similar Griqua raids forced the Ngwane south from the Caledon into the Transkei. Here, at Mbolompo in 1828, the Ngwane were attacked yet again, this time by a British army seeking 'free' labour after the reorganisation of the Cape's labour-procurement system in July 1828. The British claim that they were parrying a Zulu invasion is exposed as propaganda, and the connexions between the campaign and the white-instigated murder of Shaka are shown. In short, African societies did not generate the regional violence on their own. Rather, caught within the European net, they were transformed over a lengthy period in reaction to the attentions of external plunderers. The core misrepresentations of 'the mfecane' are thereby revealed; the term, and the concept, should be abandoned.”

Coetzee, Anna. “Dialekmerkers in die Afrikaanse literatuur.” Journal for language teaching = Tydskrif vir taalonderrig 39, 1 (June 2005): 35-50. Abstract: “Dialect marking in Afrikaans literary works. This paper is based on research on the socio- 21

linguistic aspects of dialect marking in Afrikaans literature since the 19th century. The ways in which dialect forms are being used in literature can be seen as "acts of identity", as described by Le Page and Tabouret-Keller (1985). In the 19th century some Afrikaans writers only used a few lexical and syntactic markers and Afrikaans-English mixing in caricaturist portrayals of Hottentots. Since about 1930 the representations were sympathetic and with only a few Hottentot dialect markers. It was only since the 1960s that socially stratified Cape dialect forms and Afrikaans-English mixing ('Kaaps') were used in Adam Small's works. It was only since the 1980s that the so-called liberated ('bevryde') Afrikaans (also called Kaaps), core Griqua dialect forms and the language varieties of whites in the Sandveld, Northern Cape, and Southern , which were influenced by Griqua forms, were used in literary works. This growth in the use of dialect forms concurs to a certain extent with Adamson and Van Rossem's (1994) four strands in the use of creole forms by creole writers outside Africa, but differs in this regard that the Afrikaans writers are located in Southern Africa and do not all come from former creole dialect communities. The emergence of extensive socio-linguistic research since the 1980s of the Afrikaans dialects that are creole-based or strongly influenced by creole forms, coincided with the emergence of these kinds of dialect forms in Afrikaans literature. This fact enables researchers to describe the Afrikaans dialect forms in literature within context.”

Cornelissen, Scarlett and Steffen Horstmeier. “The social and political construction of identities in the new South Africa: an analysis of the Western Cape Province.” Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 1 (March 2002): 55-82. Abstract: “In apartheid South African society, racial and ethnic identities were institutionally imposed. The end of apartheid has brought about the need for new identities to be created among South Africans, and for South Africans to forge a new relationship with their society and country. With this objective in mind, the national government is engaged in a process of nation-building. But in post- apartheid South African society, sub-national identities are also strongly coming to the fore. This is an empirical study of established and emerging identities in the Western Gape province, and the processes whereby these are constructed. The investigation shows two parallel flows of identity construction in the Western Cape: on the one hand, political leaders in the province attempt to foster an autonomous provincial identity; on the other, residents of the province show little evidence of strong political identities linked to the Western Cape. Instead, social identities are being constructed around residents' local neighbourhoods and long- existing ethnic, class and racial identities. Rather than the social cohesion sought 22

by the post-apartheid South African government, these identities point to persistent social polarisation.”

Cross, C. R. “Mythology and mystery tours in land reform: getting some focus on the Southern African debate.” Development Southern Africa 7, 3, supplement 1 (October 1990): 535-560. Abstract: “Discusses the following issues: land policy debates; populist alternatives and renovating tenure; alternatives in land reform; freehold and central planning; deriving alternatives to tenure reform; the environment and implications for tenure reform; recommendations relating to land in development.”

Dedering, Tilman. “The prophet's 'war against whites': Shepherd Stuurman in Namibia and South Africa, 1904-7.” Journal of African History 40, 1 (1999): 1-19. Abstract: “The article focuses on the political activities of a Khoekhoe prophet in the early 1900s. His life story shows that Christian ideas played a crucial role in the resistance of Africans against European rule in Southern Africa. Shepherd Stuurman, alias Hendrik Bekeer, wandered from the in South Africa to German South West Africa in 1904. His millenarian message of the impending end of white supremacy contributed decisively to the outbreak of the war between the Nama and Germans. The latter believed that Stuurman acted as an 'agent' of the South African Ethiopian movement in order to foment a racial war. The Germans also insinuated that the 'lenient native policy' of the British at the Cape had encouraged African resistance to extend into the German colony and that the British were therefore partly responsible for the war in Namibia. A price was put on Stuurman's head, and an attempt was made to have him killed, even after he had returned to the Cape Colony. The prophet, who had abandoned the struggle in Namibia because his military incompetence, aroused suspicion among the Nama, reappeared in the Northern Cape under the name of Hendrik Bekeer. There he incited several African workers to kill their white foremen in order to unleash all-out 'war against whites'. Before he was sentenced to death, the prophet eloquently defended his actions in court and insisted that he had acted on orders from God, who had 'chosen him from the Hottentot tribe'. Despite his frequent references to his Khoekhoe identity, the prophet formulated ideas of anti-colonial resistance which extended beyond Africa, thus imagining the reversal of the power relations between colonizers and colonized on a global scale.”

Dedering, Tilman. "'We are only humble people and poor': A.A.S. le Fleur and the power of petitions." South African historical journal 62, 1 (2010): 121-142. Abstract: “This article analyses the extensive correspondence of the Griqua leader, A.A.S. le Fleur, with representatives of the South African government and the British 23

Crown. Le Fleur's many self-help schemes often proved to be impracticable, but the author argues that previous studies which placed his struggle for recognition and respectability in the context of millenarian protest against colonial rule, must be re-examined. Because of an early phase of open rebelliousness, government officials never ceased to view his activities with utmost suspicion. This article shows, however, that Le Fleur's vision of coloured socio-economic reconstruction unfolded within the given parameters of the segregationist colonial state. Although he based his influence among his marginalised followers on a loosely defined Griqua identity, he was nevertheless alert to the national and international context within which black and coloured South Africans articulated their aspirations during the turbulent 1920s and 1930s. Instead of relying on strategies of magic or 'mimicry' in order to subvert the colonial order, Le Fleur's communication with government officials and his leadership style reflected a more modern approach to South African politics in the interwar years.”

De Jongh, Michael. "No fixed abode: the poorest of the poor and elusive identities in rural South Africa." Journal of Southern African Studies 28, no. 2 (June 2002): 441-460. Abstract: “The itinerant sheep-shearing Karretjie (donkey cart) People of the arid Great Karoo of South Africa are among the poorest of the poor. They represent a rural underclass. Although they trace descent from both the early KhoeKhoen and San, there is no historical continuity between the present- day impoverished foragers and their pre-colonial nomadic forebears. The structural position of the Karretjie People, particularly their asymmetrical relationship with the wider community, was largely shaped by historical events. Their wandering lifestyle was a response to the expansion of commercial agriculture, especially the production of wool, in the region. Although several factors have recently started a trend toward sedentarism, most Karretjie people are still confined to their temporary shelters on the verges of the country roads. They have no land, or even free access to any space or place. Although they have, for generations, rendered an important service to the agricultural economy of the sheep-farming Karoo, they have remained at best, largely socio-economically 'invisible' to the local population or, at worst, strangers in their own land. The recognition that they have received locally has often come in pejorative terms: Boesman (Bushman) or Hotnot (Hottentot). Nationally, 'recognition' came with their being arbitrarily categorised as 'coloured' within the apartheid system, but acknowledgement in terms of poverty relief initiatives from successive governments was either not forthcoming or has still to affect their lives significantly. The Karretjie People are not untouched by coloured and Khoesan identity politics. Opportunistically 'discovered' as citizens by the main political parties for the 1994 election, they 24

have become increasingly sensitised to the realities of disempowerment and political manoeuvring. They have, however, not yet asserted themselves. Although they are aware of their Khoesan roots, their self-perception is still ill- defined and their autochthonous status not explicitly articulated.”

Douglas, Stuart. “Do the 'Bushmen' belong in reserves? : reflections on a recent event and accompanying discourse.” Journal of contemporary African studies 15, 1 (January 1997): 45-66.

Du Plessis, Hans. “Veel meer as 'n ietsigheid.” Vuka SA 1, 7 (March 1996): 44-47. Abstract: “Describes the Afrikaans dialect spoken by the Griquas.”

Du Plessis, Hans. “Het Afrikaans die Afrikaans ontgroei, met verwysing na die Afrikaans van die Griekwas en sekere Johannesburgse Afrikaanssprekendes?” Literator 5, 2 (October 1984): 60-62. Abstract: “Discusses two different variants of Afrikaans, namely Griekwa Afrikaans and Suburb Afrikaans. Draws some conclusions.”

Du Plooy, S. “Griekwa Gert du Plooy en sy mense”. Familia 46, 2 (August 2009): 81-87. Abstract: “In his book, 'Die romantiese verhaal van die dorpie Ugie', MTR Smith describes a rebellion in October 1880. During this rebellion local community members under the leadership of a Griqua known as Gert du Plooy, murdered some white settlers. Attempts to determine who Gert du Plooy really was. Learns more about him and his descendants.”

Edgar, Robert R. and Christopher Saunders. “A.A.S. Le Fleur and the Griqua trek of 1917: segregation, self-help, and ethnic identity.” International journal of African historical studies 15, no. 2, (1982): 201-220. Abstract: Discusses several of Le Fleur‟s attempts at resettling the Griqua but emphasizes the trek of 1917 to Touws River. The article notes that Le Fleur was a segregationist who was hoping to find land suitable for Griqua and indeed all of the coloured peoples. He believed that cities corrupted people and land was the only resource necessary for the Griqua.”

Fletcher, Xau Joe (Chief). “The Griqua people disregarded again.” Diamond Fields Advertiser, 14 November 2005 (Letters page). Abstract: “Sir- It is with regret that we notice that De Beers has disregarded the Griqua people once more in terms of its BEE Company. De Beers should be reminded that they disenfranchised our indigenous people from land and minerals in Griqualand West. Once again, the annexation processes which have been engineered by the colonial and apartheid governments are still being advocated on a national scale and this disenfranchisement has robbed the indigenous people from their natural habitat and economic base.” 25

Gagiano, Annie. “Adapting the national imaginary: shifting identities in three post-1994 South African novels.” Journal of Southern African Studies 30, 4, Special issue: writing in transition in South Africa: fiction, history, biography (December 2004): 811-824. Abstract: “This article investigates the contribution of imaginative writing (specifically, recent novels by Coetzee, Wicomb, Duiker and Langa) to the formation of notions of national identity, or their rejection, in post-1994 South Africa. Dipesh Chakrabarty has urged writers of history to become aware of the collusion involved in subsuming alternative forms of solidarity to a nationalist master-narrative. His is an apposite expression of some of the pressures - both political and cultural - to which the three texts mainly dealt with here (by Wicomb, Duiker and Langa) are possible, and different, responses. After an introductory section in which contemporary international notions of nationalism are brought to bear on one another, the discussion moves to consider the South African expression of these broad patterns. Specific local literary examples (in recent prose texts) depict fictional South African considerations of the possibility of this society being a postcolonial nation-in-formation 'of a special kind'.”

Garman, Anthea. “Khoisan revivalism: the claims of Africa‟s first indigenous peoples.” Rhodes journalism review 20 (August 2001):41. Abstract: “An unexpected development in post-apartheid South Africa is the revivalism of Khoisan identity, the truly indigenous of the country whose blood flows through many who now know themselves by different names.”

Griqua and Coloured people's opinion. Pretoria: [s.n.], 1900.

“Griqua leader to be buried with dad in Plettenberg Bay.” Diamond Fields Advertiser, 13 July 2005. Abstract: “Alan Jacques Le Fleur, the grandson of the legendary Griqua leader, Andrew Abraham Stockenstrom Le Fleur (1867-1941) passed away on July 9 in the Tygerberg Hospital, after suffering a heart attack. Young Chief Alan, as he was known by „the people on the ground‟, was born on May 3 1931 in Cape Town. He was meant to be the successor of his late brother, Paramount Chief Andrew Abraham Stockenstrom Le Fleur 11(1923- 2004), but because he was ill, the position was taken up by his nephew, and so on December 31 last year, he upheld the duty of the eldest Le Fleur by inducting the fourth Le Fleur Paramount Chief, Alan Andrew Le Fleur. The funeral will be held at 11 am on Saturday at the Griqua Independent Church, Kranshoek, Plettenberg Bay. The young chief will be laid to rest on a plot by the folk monument, under which his deceased father and great grandmother, Rachel Susanna Le Fleur (nee Kok) are buried.” 26

Hugo, D.J. “Griekwa uitdrukkings: laaste praatjie in die reeks oor Griekwa-Afrikaans. “Dolos 5, 4 (November 1982): 15-16. Abstract: “Is the last in the series on Griqua Afrikaans and now refers to expressions recorded by Van Zyl in his book ''n Griekwa-'ietsigeit'' which was also referred to as Griqua Greek.”

Hugo, D.J. “'Griekwageite' : letterkunde van die Griekwa”. Dolos 5, 1 (March 1982): 12- 14. Abstract: “Is a research report on the appearance of Griqua Afrikaans in the Afrikaans literature as a subset of a HRSC-project on the Griqua people. Was also broadcast in the Afrikaans radio programme 'Monitor' on February 4, 1982.”

Humphreys, A.J.B. “The Griqua Mission Church: a reply to David Yuill: rejoinder.” Digging stick 14, 1 (April 1997): 11-12. Abstract: “Humphreys replies to the letter by David Yuill on 'Conservation of the Griqua Mission Church: Campbell' (in the same issue). Humphreys argues that restoration would have been a better option than the reconstruction of the Mission Church.”

Irlam, Shaun. “Unraveling the rainbow: the remission of nation in post-apartheid literature.” South Atlantic Quarterly 103, 4 (2004): 695-718.

Jassiem, Nurene. “Inheemse volke beskerm: groepe kan grond terugeis; Verenigde Nasie het laaste se na 20 jaar.” Die Burger, 23 Augustus 2007. Abstract: “Na n stryd van langer as 20 jaar, sal die regte van die wereld se eerste inheemse volke uiteindelik deur n deklarasie van die Verenigde Nasies beskerm word. Groepe soos die Khoi-Khoi en Khoisan in Suid-Afrika en die Aborigines in Australie sal, danksy die deklarasie, onder meer hul oorspronklike grond kan terugeis. Die onderskeie regerings sal ook die eerste nasies moet beskerm teen uitwissing en gedwonge assimilasie met kulture buiten hul eie. Die VN se Deklarasie oor die Regte van Inheemse Mense, wat in Junie verlede jaar deur die VN se Menseregteraad goedgekeur is, le nou by die algemene vergadering van die VN. Volgens Mnr Cecil Le Fleur, voorsitter van die Griekwa Nasionale Konferensie, sal die algemene vergadering se goedkering van die deklarasie dit meer gesaghebbend maak.”

Johnson, David. “The first rainbow nation? The Griqua in post-apartheid South Africa.” Dolphin-Aarhus 30 (2000): 115-128.

Johnson, David. “Representing the Cape ‟Hottentots‟, from the French enlightenment to post-apartheid South Africa.” Eighteenth century studies 40, 4 (2007): 525- 552.

Jordan, Bobby. “Plett mayor fuels Griqua leadership feud.” Sunday Times, 12 December 2004. Abstract: “An unholy row is rumbling through the hills around 27

Plettenberg Bay over a R500 000 plan to inaugurate a little-known Khoisan chief. A lavish party organised by Plettenberg Bay Mayor Euan Wildeman, has re-ignited a bitter feud in the Griqua community, which has been embroiled in a leadership battle for the past 35 years. A large number of the Griquas- descendants of the original Khoi tribes that were the earliest known inhabitants of South Africa- moved to the Garden Route in 1927. As Wildeman plans to inaugurate Alan Le Fleur, living in Kranshoek outside Plett, rival Griqua leader Anthony Le Fleur, who lives „in exile‟ in nearby Knysna, insists the mayor is backing the wrong man.”

Kallaway, Peter. "Danster and the Xhosa of the Gariep: towards a political economy of the Cape Frontier 1790-1820". African Studies 41, no. 1 (1982): 143-160. Abstract: “Challenges an assumption that characterises much of the literature on the Cape Frontier, which implies a congruency between ethnic background and identification with a specific mode of production. Focuses upon those groups and individuals who were first to explore the potential of ivory trade as a solution to their threatened political, economical and military position. Illustrates with diagrams and a map.”

“Khoisan groups take genocide complaints to Equality Court.” Legalbrief today, 13 July 2010. Abstract:”The ANC-led government was persisting with cultural genocide against descendants of the Khoisan, the Congress of First Indigenous Leaders of SA (Confilsa) and the Initiative for the Restoration of Aborigines in SA (Irasa) have claimed in papers before the Cape Town Equality Court. A Cape Times report says the two groups lodged their case against President Jacob Zuma, his Cabinet, the Standing Committee of Traditional Affairs and the National House of Traditional Leaders. Confilsa and Irasa claimed the government had failed to respect and implement a UN protocol on the rights of indigenous people around the world ratified in the 1990s because it refused to recognise the Khoisan as a nation or give it the first nation status as aboriginal nations in other countries enjoyed. They said the government should not classify them as generically African, black or coloured as they were a nation with a unique culture, history and religion. Their aboriginal indigenous leadership was not recognised by the government as traditional leadership, they said.” ([email protected], accessed 13 July 2010).

Kies, C. W. “Die kleurling van Noord-Kaapland: aspekte van volkswording.” South African journal of ethnology 1, 1 (December 1978): 23-27. Abstract: “Identifies groups that have contributed in a differing measure to the genesis of the of the Northern Cape. Maintains that although complex in origin, heterogeneous in biological composition, they recognise their own identity, have a mutual experience 28

of values and norms of religion and socio economic culture and as such form a distinct people.”

Klopper, Dirk. “Uncanny ethnicities: the story of the Griqua in South African travel writing and narrative fiction.” English Academy review 25, 1 (May 2008): 104-111. Abstract: “The Griqua people of South Africa are recognised by the UNO as having „first-nation‟ status. This article argues that, in the context of Griqua identity, the notion of „first-nation‟ serves not to determine a prior and singular identity, but rather to problematise the question of origins. Drawing on the concept of an uncanny splitting and doubling of identity, it suggests that if the Griqua people constitute a „first-nation, then to be first is already to be marked by difference. From the point of view of the uncanny, identity commences not with a singular origin but with division and displacement. Through its readings of works of South African travel writing and narrative fiction, the article endeavours to show that Griqua identity, as a form of the uncanny, is exemplary in exposing the constitutive ambiguities of identity formation as such in the South African context.”

Legassick, Martin Chatfield. “The racial division of Gordonia, 1921-1930.” Kronos 25 (1998/1999):152-186. Abstract: “In 1921 a petition signed by 259 Baster men from Gordonia was submitted to Parliament. They asked Parliament “to restore our previous rights in the settlement of Gordonia” given by the Imperial government in “perpetual Erfpacht”. A demand for restitution of land, the petition became re-interpreted by successive South African governments in line with policies of segregation. It catalysed, in fact, the racial division of the territory of Gordonia.”

Legassick, Martin Chatfield. "The will of Abraham and Elizabeth September: the struggle for land in Gordonia, 1898-1995". Journal of African history 37, no. 3 (1996): 371-418. Abstract: “This article is concerned with the loss of their land to the whites by the September family and their struggle to regain it. Abraham ('Holbors') September, an exslave, was a member of the Baster community of the Gordonia settlement (1880-89) where he was the first person to lead water from the Orange River to irrigate land. The article traces the establishment of the Gordonia settlement and the granting of land in it, and its government as part of British Bechuanaland (1889-95) and the Cape Colony (1895-). It discusses the historiography of the loss of land by Basters to whites, testing explanations of land loss by subsequent historians against written records and oral tradition, with attention to the role of 'land lawyers'. Abraham September died in 1898. The remainder of the article focuses on the September family as a case-study of land loss. It deals with the administration of his estate - in the course of which his 29

land was 'sold' to whites - from the different points of view of the official record and of oral tradition. It then outlines correspondence in the archives from 1920 through to the 1960s protesting against this land alienation as a failure to implement the will of Abraham September and his wife Elizabeth. It concludes with some comments on sources. Is the official record or oral tradition a more accurate reflection of what happened to the land of the September family?”

“Litigation: Griqua people consider claiming compensation for use of name.” [Online] News24, 16 September 2008. Abstract: “The Griquas, of the Northern Cape, plan to claim compensation from sports teams in the Griqualand West province for abusing their name, according to a Volksblad report. The newly-formed People‟s Revolutionary Congress has already consulted lawyers on possible claims, says the report. According to their President, Basil Douglas, several sporting codes have „abused‟ their name for years to make money through sporting events and sponsorships without giving anything back to the Griqua people. The issue will also be on the agenda of the national Griqua conference. Said Douglas: „This must come to an end. Griquas is not the name of a sports team, but of a nation.‟

Malherbe, Vertrees Canby. "The life and times of Cupido Kakkerlak". Journal of African history 20, 3 (1979): 365-378. Abstract: “Cupido Kakkerlak's story provides a concrete example of Khoi experience under the impact of colonization at the beginning of the nineteenth century. During his first forty years or so he lived on Boer farms, learned a sawyer's skills, accumulated a little property and reared a family. In 1800, probably as a result of frontier disturbances at the time, he went to the village of Graaff-Reinet. There, in 1801, he met missionaries of the London Missionary Society and was converted. Casting his lot with the mission, he moved with his family to Algoa Bay and was based at Bethelsdorp until 1815. During this period he practised his trade as a sawyer at the same time as he gained prominence in mission work. In 1813 he served as John Campbell's 'travelling director' during a trip to the interior that lasted almost nine months. Campbell's proposals - that a number of new stations be established - made heavy demands on mission personnel and other resources. Six 'native assistants' were appointed, one of whom was Cupido. In 1817, after a short sojourn among the Griqua, he undertook a mission to the still nomadic Kora near the Harts River. Six years later, when difficulties both in and outside the mission society had multiplied, his services were abruptly terminated. He was then over sixty years of age. For frontier Khoi, hopeful of a new dispensation in the wake of the 1799-1802 war, the L.M.S. missionaries had provided an undreamt-of opportunity. In the interaction between missionary and Khoi, in the first stages of the mission project, Cupido played a leading part.” 30

Marks,Shula . “Khoisan resistance to the Dutch in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.” Journal of African History 13, 1 (1972): 55-80. Abstract: The responses of the Khoisan peoples to the Dutch at the Cape of Good Hope in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries have generally been dismissed summarily by historians. This article attempts to place their reactions into the broader framework of the receptivity of Late Stone Age society in South Africa to cultural innovation, and suggests that the usual dichotomy drawn between the rapid disintegration of the pastoral Khoi in the face of the Dutch settlers and the fierce resistance of the San hunter-gatherers is an oversimplification. There was little to distinguish cattleless Khoi from San, or San who had acquired cattle from Khoi, and both processes were at work both during and before the Dutch period in South Africa. The belief that the Khoi 'willingly' bartered away their cattle for 'mere baubles' is challenged, and it is maintained that the violence which punctuated every decade of the eighteenth century, and which culminated in the so-called 'Bushman Wars', were in large measure the Khoisan response to their prior dispossession by the . On the other hand, the readiness of the Khoisan to acculturate to both the Dutch and the Bantu-speaking intruders, their relatively small population and loose social organization, meant that their ethnic identity virtually disappeared. Nevertheless their responses were more complex than is generally realized and resemble those of other colonized peoples. They were also to have a profound influence on the attitudes towards whites of Bantu- speakers on the Cape's eastern and northern frontiers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. “

Marais, Mike. "Bastards and bodies in Zoë Wicomb's David's story." Journal of Commonwealth literature 40, 3 (2005): 21-36. Abstract: “The article examines the treatment of the problem of representing coloured people in the book "David's Story," by Zoë Wicomb. The book depicts how the figure of a pure blood in the discourse of race marks a history of shame on that body. The novel portrays the story of David Dirkse who left his wife and kids to search for his roots. A mixture of emotions is present in the novel, including happiness and sadness brought by revelation of an imperfect reality.”

Mochwanaesi, Desmond, Steyn, Hendrik, Van der Walt, Johannes. “Education for minority groups: a case study.” South African Journal of Education 25, 4 (2005): 287-291. Abstract: “Minority group interests have resurged since the middle of the 20th century. Minorities are re-discovering their identities. In South Africa the question has arisen whether government can provide in the educational needs of minorities in terms of own schools and own languages as media of instruction, especially as there appears to be global recognition of the rights of minorities. 31

The problem of how the educational needs of a minority group could be met was investigated by focusing on the characteristics and the (educational) needs of the Griqua community in South Africa. It was found that, although the members of this group insisted on the preservation of their cultural identity, they did not wish to be isolated from broader South African civil society. Three scenarios are put forward, in terms of which their educational needs could be accommodated and provided for, within the existing constitutional and legislative framework.”

Morris, Alan Gregory. “The Griqua and the Khoikhoi: biology, ethnicity and the construction of identity.” Kronos 4, 24 (November 1997): 106-118. Abstract: “Is concerned with two claims of the Griqua National Conference: that the living Griqua are truly an aboriginal group and therefore are in a position to make claims for the return of land and reparations for past genocide; and, that the living Griqua are the last vestige of uninterrupted Khoikhoi heritage and can therefore claim a status of equal partnership as a 'first nation' in dealing with the new South African government.”

Moshoeshoe, Andikle. “Kokstad: name change proposal upsets Griqua community.” Witness, 12 February 2010. Abstract: “The issue of whether the name of Kokstad should be changed is again on the agenda and creating tension between the local municipality and the Griqua tribe. The Greater Kokstad Municipality has called upon local communities and councillors to take part in a meeting today to discuss the naming of the town. But a representative of the Griqua tribe says the issue is not a priority and a change will not be entertained. Kokstad was named after the Griqua leader, Adam Kok, who arrived in the area in 1862. The Mpondo in the Eastern Cape claim Kokstad was their land before Kok arrived.”

Nurse, G.T. and T. Jenkins. “The Griquas of Campbell, Cape Province.”American journal of physical anthropology 43, 1 (1975): 71-78.

Olaussen, Maria. "Generation and complicity in Zoe Wicomb's Playing in the light". Social dynamics 35, no. 1 (2009): 149. Abstract: “Zoë Wicomb's novel Playing in the light (2006) continues to address a central concern in Wicomb's earlier fiction, that of conflict between generations where the racist complicity of an older generation is addressed from the point of view of their children. Generation is, in Wicomb's work, not simply a concern for individual families but deeply connected to and reflective of the political legacy of coloured identities. 'Playing white' gains its particular meaning within the question of complicity - the association of whiteness with superiority, and the very real privilege granted to persons classified as white under the Population Registration Act. In the 32

aesthetic theory of the German philosopher Hans-Georg Gadamer the concept of 'play' is used to address the function of the work of art. The opposition between play and seriousness is, according to Gadamer, a result of a one-sided focus on the player rather than the play itself as subject. The metaphorical use of play in the expression 'play-whites' also suggests that the game itself is what has primacy, not the players. By addressing the issue of 'playing white' through a depiction of conflicts between generations, Wicomb's novel approaches history in a manner that evokes Gadamer's concept of gleichzeitigkeit (contemporaneity) whereby history becomes present in its enactment through the work of art.”

Pinnock, Don. “The trek to Nomansland: the Griquas”. Getaway 18, 8 (November 2006): 58-59, 63-64. Abstract: “Provides information on the Griquas, including their origin, the reasons for their long trek from Piketberg to Nomansland and events that followed and that led to their present situation. Describes a trip along the route followed by the Griquas, during which information on their lives was obtained.”

Rainier, Margaret. “Andries Abraham Stockenstrom le Fleur and the Griquas of Kranshoek.” Quarterly bulletin of the South African Library 52, 2 (December 1997): 55-59. Abstract: “Comments on an article by D.Y. Saks in the Quarterly Bulletin of the South African Library, 'Remembering Adam Kok', which provides an able resume of the way in which this small community contrived to preserve and perpetuate their ethnic identity distinct from other so-called coloured people during the apartheid years”.

“Rights of Khoe, San addressed.” Express, 1 September 2006. Abstract:” The leader of the National Khoe-San Consultative Conference and member of the executive management of the National Khoe-San Council, Mr Cecil Le Fleur, has called for a national policy to protect the human rights and special needs of indigenous people in South Africa. Le Fleur appealed for this when delivering the 38th CR Swart memorial lecture on the Khoe and San at the University of the Free State (UFS)…Le Fleur also proposed that the principles of unique first-nation status should be applied in the construction of the framework of the constitutional accommodation for the Khoe and San.”

Robins Steven. “NGOs, „bushmen‟ and double vision: the Þ khomani San land claim and the cultural politics of „community‟ and „development‟ in the Kalahari.” Journal of Southern African Studies 27, 4, (1 December 2001): 833-853. Abstract: “This article focuses on the ambiguities and contradictions of donor and NGO development discourses in relation to local constructions of „community‟, cultural authenticity and San identity. It deals specifically with the cultural politics of the 33

successful 1999 Khomani San land claim in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa. The study investigates local responses to state, NGO and donor discourses on indigenous identity and „cultural survival‟. It shows how strategic narratives of community solidarity, social cohesion and cultural continuity, were produced by claimants and their lawyers during this process.”

Ross, Robert. “Griqua government.” African studies 33, 1 (1974): 25-42.

Saks, D.Y. "Remembering Adam Kok: Griqua nationalism in the apartheid era." Quarterly Bulletin of the South African Library 51, 3 (March 1997): 109. Abstract: “Presents information on an article written by R.E. Van der Ross, which depicted life in Kranshoek, Griqua, during the apartheid era. Reference to the works of Adam Kok III; Information on 1948 elections in Griqua; Details on the Griqua's first coloured parliament.”

Schoeman, Karel. "The death of a kaptyn: Adam Kok II at the Berg River, 1835." Quarterly Bulletin of the South African Library 51, 2 (1996): 71.

Schoeman, Karel. “Die herkoms van Abraham le Fleur: 'n paar aantekeninge oor die familie Krotz van die Transoranje. Quarterly bulletin of the South African Library 52, 3 (March 1998): 124-130. Abstract: “Relates some personal information concerning the early history of the Le Fleur family, focusing in mainly on the related Krotz family.”

Scholtz, Athane. “New Griqua chief sworn in: fourth –generation Le Fleur continues family tradition as head of nation.” The Herald (EP Herald), 31 December 2004. Abstract: “The new national paramount chief of the Griqua nation was inaugurated yesterday at a solemn, yet celebratory ceremony in Kranshoek near Plettenberg Bay. Alan Andrew Le Fleur, 37, succeeds his late father, Abraham Andrew Stockenstrom Le Fleur 11, who died in July, aged 81.”

Sharp, John and Emile Boonzaier. “Ethnic identity as performance: lessons from Namaqualand". Journal of Southern African Studies. 20, 3 (1994):405-415. Abstract: “Some of the present-day descendants of the precolonial Nama- speaking Khoikhoi pastoralists of the north-west Cape have recently begun to assert a Nama ethnic identity. Since the people involved were officially regarded as `coloured' people, their assertion of Nama identity is, clearly, part of the current, widespread debate about the meaning and significance of `coloured' identity in a future South Africa. But it also has an important local dynamic, in that it was closely linked to the establishment of the Richtersveld National Park in Namaqualand in 1991. The main aim of this paper is to unravel the local dynamic of Nama identity. We believe, for reasons set out below, that this statement of 34

Nama ethnic identity is a carefully controlled performance. It is role-play, a highly self-conscious statement of `who we are' that is being formulated collectively through dialogue, and modified according to context. It seems to us that the manner in which Nama identity is being performed contrasts sharply with the way in which Zulu identity is currently portrayed by Inkatha. In this paper, we attempt to explain the notion of ethnic identity as controlled performance, to show why Nama ethnic identity should take this form, and to explore the contrast between the way in which people in the north-west Cape interpret their `Namaness' and Inkatha's interpretation of `Zuluness'. We argue, in relation to the third of these goals, that comparative analysis has the potential to provide important insights in the complex field of ethnic identity formation and ethnic mobilisation, and suggest that too little of this kind of analysis takes place in South Africa.”

Sonjica, Nomahlubi. “Historic meeting in PE of Griqua royal family.” Eastern Province Herald, 22 September 2006. Abstract: “The Griqua royal family is holding its inaugural family gathering today and tomorrow, when the direct descendants of the Le Fleur and Kok families reunite in Port Elizabeth for the first time in more than 100 years. Spokesman for the two families, Cecil le Fleur, said the gathering aimed to rekindle an identity, which had been weakened through many historical processes.”

Van Oordt, R. “Liefdeswoorde in Griekwa-Afrikaans: skrywer “ Taalgenoot 71, 9 (September 2002): 10-11. Abstract: “An interview in which Afrikaans author and poet, Hans du Plessis, discusses his work, passions and life. Includes a biography. Illustrates with a photograph.”

Vos, C. “Griekwa-psalms is 'kos virrie siel' ; Sewe foute wat (goeie) ouers kan maak ; Onthou twee woorde : 'vroeg' en 'genoeg'”. Kerkbode 166, 12 (15 June 2001): 12. Abstract: “Reviews 'Innie skylte vannie Jirre', by Hans du Plessis which discovers the richness of Griekwa psalms; 'Die sewe grootste foute wat (goeie) ouers maak', by Johan and Linda Friel which touches a few sensitive nerves when advising parents on how to raise their children; 'Kom laat ons sing', the new Afrikaans hymn book which is due to be released soon.”

Visagie, Nadine. “Long wait finally over for Griqua people.”Diamond Fields Advertiser, 14 September 2007. Abstract: “As part of Heritage Month celebrations, a reburial ceremony of Griqua leader, Captain Cornelis Kok 11(1778 to 1868) and 34 other people will be held in Campbell next week. Hendrik Jaars (65), who represents the Balie family, said yesterday that Kok‟s remains were currently held at the 35

University of the Witwatersrand and would be brought to the town on Wednesday.”

Waher, Hester. “Beeld van Griekwas in die 19de eeu kan vele verras.” Die Burger, 29 September 2003. Abstract: “The Griqua captaincy of Philippolis, 1826-1861, deur Karel Schoeman. Protea Boekhuis, Pretoria, 2002. Die outeur beskou die publikasie as n teenhanger van sy Griqua records: the Philippolis captaincy, 1826-1861, VRS 11-25 (1996), n versameling van min of meer amptelike dokumente waaruit die politieke geskiedenis van die Philippolis –kaptynskap (sic) afgelees kan word.”

Waldman, Linda. "Community, family and intimate relationships: an exploration of domestic violence in Griquatown, South Africa." Anthropology Southern Africa 29, 3/4 (2006): 84-95. Abstract: “This paper explores domestic violence in the rural location of Griquatown, South Africa. Although academics have long recognised that structural and cultural factors influence people's experience of domestic violence, not much has been written about the manner in which this happens. This paper explores how personal relationships intersect with broader cultural and structural forces and, in so doing, shape people's experience of domestic violence. This paper focuses on the life of one individual in order to demonstrate the multi- faceted context in which domestic violence takes shape. By bringing together individual choices, self-representation, personal relations, ethnic identity and societal demands, this paper illustrates how domestic violence is contingent upon, or mitigated by, broader societal processes that impinge on or moderate the behaviour of individuals and their spouses. It argues that domestic violence is an on-going process which results at the intersection between men's and women's personal quests to establish autonomy and collective processes that encourage conformity to „ideal‟ ethnic categories and gendered social roles.”

Waldman, Linda. "Conference: 'An apartheid of souls' - Christian souls and Griqua boorlings: religious and political identity in Griquatown". Itinerario 28, 3(2004): 205. Abstract: “The London Missionary Society was influential in the early days of the Griqua. When the Dutch Reformed Church came along, it strongly influenced apartheid. The Dutch Reformed Mission Church provided a separate church for the Griqua after the LMS withdrew from Griquatown. In 1960 Captain Nicholas Waterboer 11, originally appointed by A.A.S. Le Fleur, established the Griqua People‟s Organization, but he died in 1962. In the 1980s and 1990s, Pentecostal churches made inroads in Griquatown. Boorlings (those born in Griquatown) identified themselves as poor, having unruly hair and were Griqua. Inkommers (those coming from outside Griquatown) were wealthy and could not identify themselves as Griqua. Griqua identity and Christianity as well as the social 36

distinction between boorlings and inkommers make the dynamics of social class and religion extremely problematical.”

Waldman, Linda. “Houses and the ritual construction of gendered homes in South Africa.” Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 9, 4 (28 November 2003): 657-679. Abstract: “This article examines Griqua women's association with houses in historic, economic, and ritual contexts during the twentieth century. Using archival data, I argue that the connection between women and houses in South Africa stems from a complex interaction between their pre-colonial Khoi origins, Christian missionary activity, and apartheid government housing policy. Ethnographic research demonstrates how, during the second half of the twentieth century, women ritually stressed their association with houses, but were unable to sustain this dominance in everyday life. An examination of ritual, gender, and housing, in relation to material objects and space, provides insights into how a series of rituals performed in Griquatown facilitates both the expression of an unambiguous Griqua identity and daily multi-ethnic interactions.”

Waldman, Linda. "Klaar gesnap as Kleurling: the attempted making and remaking of the Griqua people". African Studies 65, 2 (December 2006): 175-200. Abstract: “The 1996 South African census made provision for people to be white, African, Coloured, or other. Various Griqua organisations challenged this categorisation and demanded the right of their constituencies to identify themselves as Griqua. The government agreed that people could indicate whatever ethnic identity they wished on the census form and that the census counters would take cognisance of it (Diamond Fields Advertiser 1996). In Griquatown, many people recalled the census and the young matriculant who had been employed as the census collector. He, however, commented that when people said that they were Griqua he had indicated coloured on the form, in part because there was no Griqua box to tick and in part because, having grown up in the town, it was obvious to him that these people were Coloured.”

Wallerstein, Immanuel. “The construction of peoplehood: racism, nationalism, ethnicity.” Sociological Forum 2, 2 (March 1987): 373-388. Keynote address for conference on Ethnic labels, signs of class: the construction and implications of collective identity, October 11–12, 1985, sponsored by Center for Study of Industrial Societies, University of Chicago.

Weiss, Lindsay. "Heritage-making and political identity". Journal of social archaeology 7, no. 3 (2007): 413-431. 37

Wicomb, Zoe and Hein Willemse. “Zoe Wicomb in conversation with Hein Willemse.” Research in African Literatures 33, 1 (Spring 2002): 144-152. Abstract: “This conversation with Zoe Wicomb (1948-) took place on the eve of the South African launch of her first novel, David's Story (Feminist Press /Kwela), on 31 March 2001 in the Rosebank Hotel, Johannesburg, South Africa. She previously published to wide acclaim a collection of short stories, entitled You can't get lost in Cape Town (1987). David's story tells the story of the former guerilla fighter David Dirkse; Sally, his wife; the enigmatic and physically powerful Dulcie, David's comrade and suspected lover. All along, the struggle was his life and now, after the release of and the dawn of the freedom Dirkse fought for, the main character finds himself in a difficult situation. His name is circulated on a hit list of uncertain origin. With this imminent threat and in fulfillment of his need for historical representation, he tells his story to an unnamed woman writer. Dirkse and his narrator explore his identity as a coloured person (a person of mixed heritage) and his roots in the Griqua community. The peculiar ideas of Andrew Le Fleur, the founder -- culture broker of Griqua identity, resonate in Dirkse's search for his place in the new, postapartheid South Africa.”

Worden, Nigel. "The changing politics of slave heritage in the Western Cape, South Africa.” Journal of African history 50, 1 (March 2009): 23-40. Abstract: “Changes that have taken place in the ways in which the slave past has been remembered and commemorated in the Western Cape region of South Africa provide insight into the politics of identity in this locality. During most of the twentieth century, public awareness of slave heritage was well buried, but the ending of apartheid provided a new impetus to acknowledge and memorialize the slave past. This engagement in public history has been a vexed process, reflecting contested concepts of knowledge and the use of heritage as both a resource and a weapon in contemporary South African identity struggles.”

38

THESES

Besten, Michael Paul. “Transformation and reconstitution of Khoe-San identities: A.A.S Le Fleur I, Griqua identities and post-apartheid Khoe-San revivalism (1894- 2004).” Thesis (PhD) Universiteit Leiden, 2006. Abstract: “Focussing on A.A.S le Fleur I (1867-1941), the Griqua, and post-apartheid Khoe-San revivalism, the dissertation examines changes in the articulation of Khoe-San identities in South Africa. It shows the significance of shifting political, cultural and ideological power relations on the articulation of Khoe-San identities, and by extension on the subjectivities of ethno-„racial‟ underclasses. It shows the complexity of Griqua subjectivities (and socio-political behaviour) generated and reshaped in intercultural environments and subjected to multiple and contending discourses, manifested acutely in A.A.S le Fleur. Whilst colonial somatic and cultural discrimination engendered distancing from Khoe-Sanness and the assumption of alternative (Christian, Bastaard and Coloured) identities, the emergence of Griqua polities and identities in the early 1800s allowed for the maintenance of an awareness of a Khoekhoe indigenous heritage.”

. The Griquas of Griqualand East: their relations with the colonial authorities 1872-78. Thesis (B.A. Hons.) University of Cape Town, 1966.

Brink, Vernon Hofmeyr. A genetic study on the vertebral column of the Griqua. Thesis. Cape Town: Nasionale Pers, Beperk, 1933.

Cloete, Annette Marie. 'n Ondersoek na die volksliterere aspekte van die Afrikaanse liedereskat van die Griekwas. Thesis (M.A.) University of Natal, 1984.

Cloete, Annette Marie. Die musiek van die Griekwas. Thesis (D. Phil.) University of Stellenbosch, 1986.

De Wet, Priscilla Felicity. Make our children proud of their heritage: a case study of the Commission for the Promotion and Protection of the Rights of Cultural, Religious and Linguistic Communities in SA, with specific reference to the emerging Khoe and San indigenous peoples in the Republic of South Africa. Thesis (M.Phil. (Social Sciences) University of Tromsø, Norway, 2006.

Elphick, Richard Hall. The Cape Khoi and the first phase of South African race relations. Thesis (Ph. D.) Yale University, 1972.

Kurtz, June Margaret. The Albania settlement of Griqualand West, 1866-1878. Thesis (M.A.) Rhodes University, 1988. 39

Legassick, Martin Chatfield. The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana, and the missionaries, 1780- 1840: the politics of a frontier zone. Thesis (Ph. D.) University of California, Los Angeles, 1969.

Minott, Lorraine Lukens. Sir Richard Southey, Lieutenant governor of Griqualand West 1872-1875. Thesis (M.A.) (History) University of Cape Town, 1973.

Muthien, Bernedette. The KhoeSan and partnership beyond patriarchy and violence. Thesis (MA) University of Stellenbosch, 2008.

Nissen, Andrew Christoffel. An investigation into the supposed loss of the Khoikhoi traditional religious heritage amongst its descendants, namely the coloured people with specific references to the question of religiosity of the Khoikhoi and their disintegration. Thesis (M.Soc.Sc. (Religious Studies)) University of Cape Town, 1990.

Penn, Nigel. The Northern Cape frontier zone, 1700-c.1815. Thesis (Ph.D (History)) University of Cape Town, 1995.

Steyn, Sarah Adriana. Childhood: an anthropological study of itinerancy and domestic fluidity amongst the Karretjie People of the South African Karoo. Thesis (M.A. (Anthropology)) University of South Africa, 2009.

Van Dyk, David Frederik. The education of the Griquas, Coloureds and Bantu in East Griqualand: a historical survey, 1863-1892. Thesis (D.Ed.) University of the Orange Free State, 1964.

Van Vreeden, B. F. Wedersydse beinvloeding van die Blanke-, Bantoe-, en Kleurlingkulture in Noord-Kaapland. Thesis (M.A.) University of the Witwatersrand, 1957.

Waldman, Linda. The Griqua conundrum: political and socio-cultural identity in the Northern Cape, South Africa. Thesis (Ph.D) University of the Witwatersrand, 2001.

Waldman, Linda. Watersnakes and women: a study of ritual and ethnicity in Griquatown. Thesis (BA Hons.) University of the Witwatersrand, 1989.

40

CONFERENCE, SEMINAR AND WORKSHOP PAPERS

Bank, Andrew, editor. The Proceedings of the Khoisan Identities and Cultural Heritage Conference: organised by the Institute for Historical Research, University of the Western Cape: held at the South African Museum, Cape Town: 12-16 July 1997. [South Africa]: Institute for Historical Research, University of the Western Cape, 1998.

Barnard, Alan J. Problems in the construction of Khoisan ethnicities. Bellville: University of the Western Cape, Institute of Historical Research, 1997. Paper presented at a conference entitled "Khoisan identities and cultural heritage", held by the University of the Western Cape at the South African Museum, 12- 16 July 1997.

Besten, Michael Paul. Khoisan revivalism and the limits of theory: a preliminary assessment. Bellville: Department of History, UWC, 2000. Paper presented at a South African Contemporary History seminar, in the Department of History, University of the Western Cape.

Bredekamp, Henry Charles. Defining Khoisan identities in contemporary SA: a question of self-identity? Bellville: Department of History, University of the Western Cape, 2000. South African and Contemporary History seminar, University of the Western Cape, 2000.

Bredekamp, Henry Charles. "Khoisan revivalism and the Indigenous Peoples issue in post-apartheid South Africa: a question of self-identity?" Paper presented at the Africa‟s Indigenous Peoples: „First Peoples‟ or „Marginalised Minorities‟ Annual International Conference, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 24-25 May 2000.

Elbourne, Elizabeth. Early Khoisan uses of mission Christianity. Bellville: University of the Western Cape, Institute for Historical Research, 1992. Paper presented at the conference on People, Power and Culture, the History of Christianity in South Africa, 1792-1992, organised by the Institute for Historical Research, University of the Western Cape and held on 12-18 August 1992.

Johnson, David. Theorising the loss of land: Griqualand claims in Southern Africa, 1874/1998. Bellville: Department of History and Institute for Historical Research, University of the Western Cape, 2003. Paper presented at the UWC South African and Contemporary History seminar on 1 April 2003. 41

Kinsman, Margaret. Populists and patriarchs: the transformation of the captaincy at Griquatown, 1804-1822. Johannesburg: University of the Witwatersrand, 1984.

Manson, Andrew. Christopher Bethell and Rolong transformation on the imperial frontier, 1878-1886. Pretoria: University of Pretoria, 1997. Paper presented at the 16th Biennial Conference of the South African Historical Society, held at the University of Pretoria, 6-9 July 1997. Conference title: "Land, violence and social problems in the history of Southern Africa".

Morris, Alan Gregory. The Griqua and the Khoikhoi: biology, ethnicity and the construction of identity. Bellville: University of the Western Cape, Institute of Historical Research, 1997. Paper presented at a conference, entitled "Khoisan identities and cultural heritage", held by the University of the Western Cape at the South African Museum, 12-16 July 1997.

National Khoisan Consultative Conference. National Khoisan Consultative Conference, Oudtshoorn, 29 March to 1 April 2001: theme, Khoisan diversity in national unity = Nasionale Khoisan Raadplegende Konferensie, Oudtshoorn Burgersentrum, 29 Maart tot 1 April 2001: tema, Khoisan diversiteit in nasionale eenheid. [South Africa: s.n., 2001?]

Newton-King, Susan. The enemy within, being: an enquiry into the de jure status of Boshies-men and Hottentot servants in the interior of the Cape of Good Hope, and an investigation of the causes of the frequent savageries perpetrated in the region. Cape Town: History Department, University of Cape Town, 1989. Paper presented at the Cape Slavery and After Conference, held at the University of Cape Town, 10-11 August 1989.

Soodyall, Himla and Trefor Jenkins. Khoisan prehistory: the evidence of the genes. Bellville: University of the Western Cape, Institute of Historical Research, 1997. Paper presented at a conference entitled "Khoisan identities and cultural heritage", held by the University of the Western Cape at the South African Museum, 12-16 July 1997.

Suzman, J. Indigenous wrongs and human rights: national policy, international resolutions and the status of the San of Southern Africa. Paper presented at the Africa‟s Indigenous Peoples: „First Peoples‟ or „Marginalised Minorities‟ Annual International Conference, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 24-25 May 2000.

Umino, Rumi. Why do they write?: the significance of writing in the Griqua community today. Paper presented at the Khoisan Identities and Cultural Heritage 42

Conference, University of the Western Cape at the South African Museum, Cape Town, 12-16 July 1997.

Waldman, Linda. No rainbow bus for us: building nationalism in South Africa. Paper presented at the Africa‟s indigenous peoples: „First Peoples‟ or „Marginalised Minorities‟ Annual International Conference, Centre of African Studies, University of Edinburgh, 24-25 May 2000.

CARTOGRAPHIC MATERIAL

Great Britain. Army. Field Intelligence Division. Griquatown. Cape Town: Field Intelligence Department, April 1900. Note: “Map shows farm boundaries and fences, farm names, divisional boundaries, roads, telegraph lines, rivers (including the Orange and Vaal Rivers) and railways in the Griquatown, Hopetown, Herbert, , Campbell and Douglas areas. The map also indicates the , homesteads, hills, pans (often dry), cultivated land and trees.”

Great Britain. Parliament. Parliamentary Papers. Sketch showing the boundaries between Griqualand, Pondoland and Natal. From correspondence respecting the affairs of Pondoland. C.5022. London: 1887, page 30.

Great Britain. War Office. Griquatown. [London]: War Office, surveyed in 1911 by Captain R. B. Hopkins, Manchester Regiment, and Lieutenant J. L. Lockhart, Hampshire Regiment, under the direction of the Staff Captain in charge of Reconnaissance Surveys, Cape of Good Hope. Drawn and printed at the War Office, 1914.

Harrison & Sons, Lith, and Irish Academic Press. Map shewing (sic) the relative positions of Griqualand West and the adjoining territories. Dublin, Ireland: Irish Academic Press, 1985.

Map of the territory of the Chief Nicolas Waterboer [with map of] Captain A[dam] Kok's country. [Cape Town: Government Printer], 1870. 1 map ; 45 x 28 cm and 45 x 28 cm on 1 sheet, 45 x 56 cm. Note: "Maps to accompany Government notice, no. 379." [Cape of Good Hope, Government Gazette, no. 4269, 27 September 1870]. The maps include detailed notes and references to the various relevant treaties and agreements governing the demarcation of these Griqua territories. 43

Rogers, Arthur W. Griqua Town. [S.l.]: Geological Commission [of South Africa], 1909.

Rogers, F. Carstairs, and A. Sedgwick Woolley. Plan shewing (sic) the position of the various diamond mines in Griqualand West. Scale, 100 chains = 1 inch. [With the signatures of F.C. Rogers and A.S. Woolley]. 1896.

Zandberg., Jeroen Gerk. Rehoboth Griqua atlas: the Griqua and Baster states of Southern Africa. Voorburg: Author, 2005.

AUDIO-VISUAL MATERIAL

Eerbewys: die gekombineerde Griekwakoor. Ter nagedagtenis aan Opperhoof A.A.S. Le Fleur 11 (1923-2004). Plettenbergbaai, Suid Afrika: Griekwa Nasionale Konferensie van Suid Afrika, 2005. Musical CD.

Geldenhuys, Odette. Grietjie van Garies. [Johannesburg]: Frank Films, 2004. Abstract: “Grietjie van Garies is a unique documentary that takes us into the world of 77 year old Grietjie Adama. Some say that Grietjie is the mother of all rap. [She] is from Namaqualand, South Africa. Her songs tell stories from South Africa's history. And she sings in Afrikaans that is poetry. At the age of 76 she made her first CD"--Container.”

Griekwa-Afrikaans. (S.l: s.n.), 1900. Video. Abstract: “Griekwa-Afrikaans is sterk beinvloed deur die Afrikaans van die trekboere. Net sommige Griekwas praat nog die variant van Afrikaans. Gesprekke word gevoer met 'n paar van die ou Griekwas.”

Key, Liza, and David Kramer. Karoo kitaar blues, David Kramer's South African musical journey. [S.l.]: Key Films, 2004. Abstract: “Karoo kitaar blues follows South African songwriter, David Kramer and slide guitarist, Hannes Coetzee into remote regions of South Africa on their quest to find musicians who play an almost forgotten folk music ... By the end of the journey, nine musicians are invited to Cape Town where they record some of their songs and perform ... at the Baxter Theatre Centre"--Container.

The Khoekhoen: Griqua, Nama, Koranna, Cape Khoe. A cultural image of South Africa, 2. Randhart: Lectio Publishers, 2006. Book : CD for computer.

Maseko, Zola, et al. The life and times of Sara Baartman "The Hottentot Venus". New York, N.Y.: First Run/Icarus Films, 1998. Abstract: “A new documentary film by 44

Zola Maseko, is a compelling look at the fascinating story of this Khoisan woman who was taken from South Africa in the early 19th century and exhibited as a freak across Britain. The image and idea of "The Hottentot Venus", especially interest in her sexual anatomy, swept through British popular culture, despite a court battle waged by abolitionists to free her from her exhibitors. Using historical drawings, cartoons, legal documents, and interviews with noted historians and anthropologists, The life and times of Sara Baartman-the Hottentot Venus deconstructs the social, political, scientific and philosophical assumptions which transformed one young African woman into a representation of savage sexuality and racial inferiority.” (Angus, Bev, compiler. List of films in the African Studies Library [online resource] http://www.lib.uct.ac.za/asl/info/films2010.pdf (accessed 12 May 2010).

Maseko, Zola and Gail Smith. The return of Sara Baartman. Brooklyn, New York: First Run/Icarus Films, 2003.

Raimondo, Michael. Johnny Appels: the last strandloper. South Africa, 2006. Mafisa Media in collaboration with K-CAP and IUCN Series: Healing power of nature, Episode 1. Abstract: “Johnny Appels lives in Arniston, a coastal village in the Southern Cape. A descendant of the Khoisan, the original inhabitants of the area, he makes his living from the sea, setting traps for the fish he collects when it is low tide. In this he is assisted by his dogs, who literally help him catch the fish, and gets an additional income from selling bait to fishermen and feeding the fish on display at the Arniston Hotel. His past includes a stint in jail for a stabbing and theft, but after his release following an amnesty, he decided to return to the way of life of his forebears. A truly contented person, he tells of his sadness when he and others were forced to leave the village of Skipskop when it became part of a missile testing site, but is mostly shown interacting with the sea.” (Angus, Bev, compiler. List of films in the African Studies Library [online resource] http://www.lib.uct.ac.za/asl/info/films2010.pdf (accessed 12 May 2010).

Richardson, Veronica, and Celia Von Poncet. The Karretjie People of the Karoo = Die Karretjiemense van die Karoo. [Randhart, Alberton, South Africa]: Lectio Publishers, 2006. 2-D image: Graphic: Picture. Abstract: “Depicts history and lifestyle of the Karretjie People of South Africa. At the top, set against a mountainous background, are moving donkey carts with groups of people. On upper right is an empty and cart with a temporary shelter made of corrugated iron and plastic bags. On lower center is a picture of a smiling old woman and a man shearing a sheep. On the lower left is a portrait of two men and, on the lower right a portrait of an old woman next to a church. The rest is text about their history and lifestyle. Poster reproduced on verso with text in Afrikaans.” 45

Viljoen, W.D., et al. Sing tot eer van die Here : Universiteitsoord. [sound recording] Prelude uit Te Deum Gesang 121 (Griekwa) Geloofsbelydenis Gesang 294 (Onse Vader) Onse Vader (Psalm 294) Corporate Name Kalahari Sanggroep 1996. [S.l.] : Cesar's sound, c1996. Description 1 disc : digital ; 4 3/4 in. + 1 folded leaf.

Wicomb, Randall, Hans Du Plessis, and Jan Horn. Hie neffens my. [South Africa]: Trio Records, 2004. Griekwa psalms en ander tekse.

Wicomb, Randall, Koba Wicomb, Pierre-Henri Wicomb, and Saskia Wicomb. Uiteindelik Randall. [South Africa]: JAR Musiek, 1984. Musical CD. Includes Griekwa psalm.

Winter, Catherine, and Antoinette Pienaar. The healing power of nature; the shaman's apprentice. Auckland Park: SABC Business Development, 2006. Abstract: “DVD video: English. Abstract: “The shaman‟s apprentice recalls actress Antoinette Pienaar‟s magical-realist journey of transformation with the 92 year-old Griekwa bush doctor Johannes Willemse. Karoo-born, Antoinette had always wanted to uncover the secrets of this vast and mysterious landscape, seemingly barren, yet teeming with life. It took a life-threatening illness to meet the herbalist who was to become her teacher. As it happens, bossie doktor Johannes Willemse had seen her arrival in a dream some thirty years before... In this lyrical, pertinent film Antoinette Pienaar speaks a universal language and connects on an almost primordial level. She tells of her recovery and growing awareness of nature, guided patiently by her mentor‟s firm hand and gentle humour.--Healing Power of Nature Website.”

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ONLINE RESOURCES

History of the Griqua Nation and Nomansland [online resource]. http://www.tokencoins.com/griqua.html. Note: An online guide to Griqua history featuring sections dealing with “Unwanted foundations of a new, evolving people”; “Eviction from the Cape and settlement in central South Africa”; “Disputed land ownership”, “New promise in Nomansland - but British Colonial Government annex their land”, and “Where the Griquas are today”, with photographs, video and audio clips. (Accessed 15 December 2010).

The Modern Griquas‟ Story. [online resource]. http://www.tokencoins.com/lefleur.htm . Note: Contains information on Andrew Stockenstrom le Fleur, the First. Extract taken from the speech of Dr Ronnie Belcher, Department of Afrikaans and Nederlands, University of Natal. 8th January 1984]: “To the Griquas, the tombstone which marks the burial place of their great leader and Prophet, Andrew Abraham Stockenstrom Le Fleur the First, is more than a mere grave or a monument to his memory. It is a living symbol of their past and their aspirations as a nation, which they refer to as their “nasielike bloedsgevoelte” (feeling of nationality) and their “geestelike sielsgevoelte” (religious dedication).”

The Griqua National Anthem [online resource]. http://www.tokencoins.com/griqua5.html#anthem. Note: Features a video of the Griqua community including Paramount Chief Alan le Fleur, singing the Griqua National Anthem, at the launch of Scott Balson' book "Children of the Mist" on 14th October 2007 - the birthday of Adam Kok III.