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1 GJ Groenewald the Vicissitudes of the Griqua People in Nineteenth

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1 GJ Groenewald the Vicissitudes of the Griqua People in Nineteenth ‘FAMILY RELATIONS AND CIVIL RELATIONS:’ NICOLAAS WATERBOER’S JOURNAL OF HIS VISIT TO GRIQUALAND EAST, 1872 GJ Groenewald The vicissitudes of the Griqua people in nineteenth-century South Africa have been characterised variously as a ‘tragedy’ and an ‘injustice’.1 Although once a significant factor in the internal politics of the country, their history is little known in modern South Africa and rarely studied by historians. Because of their peregrinations, documents about them are scattered all over the country, often in the most unexpected places. In this article, a recent discovery of a hand-written journal by Nicolaas Waterboer, the last Griqua kaptyn (captain), is presented. Although historians have known that he visited Griqualand East shortly after its establishment, it is now possible to have a first-hand account by a sympathetic observer who intimately knew the people involved and their history. This is a rare opportunity to hear the voice of an African indigene describing the history of his own people and proffering his own motivations. The Rise of the Griqua Captaincies In the nineteenth century, the Griquas considered themselves the descendants of Adam Kok, later called ‘the First’ to distinguish him from his subsequent namesakes. Supposedly the son of a slave, he was farming as a free man in the Piketberg district by the 1750s.2 Kok assembled a following consisting of bastaard-hottentotten (the eighteenth-century nomenclature for the biracial offspring of Khoikhoi and Europeans) and the remains of the Chaguriqua, a Khoikhoi tribe whose ancestral land was in this area. The Dutch authorities at the Cape recognised Kok as a kaptyn (captain) and awarded him a staff of office. By the end of the 18th century, his son, Cornelis Kok, was living in the area of Kamiesberg in Little Namaqualand. He and his followers increasingly explored the interior further north, where European farmers had not yet settled, and established trade relations with the Tswana and Korana north of the Gariep (Orange) River.3 In 1799, missionaries of the London Missionary Society (LMS) started labouring in southern Africa. Shortly thereafter, Cornelius Kok was baptised and missionaries began working among his followers in Namaqualand and along the Gariep. In 1807, they established the village of Klaarwater as the centre of their operation. When John Campbell convinced these people to adopt the name ‘Griquas’, they also renamed this settlement Griekwastad or ‘Griquatown.’ The Griquas drew up laws and elected Adam Kok II and Barend Barendse, the son and nephew of Cornelis Kok, as their kaptyns. In this way, the Griquatown ‘captaincy’ came into being.4 The early years of this polity, which was made up of a wide variety of 1 Robert Ross, Adam Kok’s Griquas: A Study in the Development of Stratification in South Africa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 1 and Karel Schoeman (ed.), Griqua Records: The Philippolis Captaincy, 1825-1861 (Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 1996 for 1994), x. 2 It is possible that Adam was the son of one Cornelis Kok, a slave who makes a brief appearance in the archives in 1714 when he encountered a droster (runaway or deserter) gang in the Piketberg region, Nigel Worden & Gerald Groenewald (eds.), Trials of Slavery: Selected Documents concerning Slaves from the Criminal Records of the Council of Justice at the Cape of Good Hope, 1705-1794 (Cape Town: Van Riebeeck Society, 2005). Cf. Karel Schoeman, The Griqua Captaincy of Philippolis, 1826-1861 (Pretoria: Protea Book House, 2002), 9-10. 3 Schoeman, Griqua Captaincy, 10-18. 4 This term was not one used by the Griquas, who rather used words such as ‘district’ or ‘division’ to refer to their polities. Following Robert Ross, modern historians have adopted the use of ‘captaincy’ to refer to the areas under the nominal control of an individual captain, Schoeman, Griqua Records, viii. 1 people, was rife with dissension. As a result, by the early 1820s, there existed three further Griqua captaincies, settled on Campbell (under Cornelius Kok II), Boetsap (under Barend Barendse) and an area between the Gariep and Riet Rivers in what is now the southern Free State. The latter polity soon coalesced around the LMS mission at Philippolis under the leadership of Adam Kok II.5 Meanwhile, with the departure of the sons of Cornelis Kok from Griquatown, a power vacuum arose which Andries Waterboer, a protégé of the LMS missionaries, filled in 1820. He was born in 1789, purportedly of Khoisan parents. He remained fluent in their language, while being trained to read and write Dutch by the LMS missionaries. In 1807, he became a church member and was one of the first lay readers in Griquatown by 1814. Six years later, the remaining Griquas of Griquatown elected him their chief. Until his death in 1852, he continued as the leader of the Griquatown Griquas, and was successful in maintaining good relations with the Cape colonial authorities who wished to establish the Griqua lands as a buffer zone between the Tswana and the Cape Colony.6 His son, Nicolaas Waterboer, succeeded him as kaptyn.7 The Philippolis captaincy likewise grew in strategic significance during this period, attracting not only Griqua and other deracinated Khoisan, but also Korana and Tswana refugees. In 1835, Adam Kok II died and was succeeded by his son, Abraham Kok, who was deposed two years later by his younger brother, Adam Kok III (1811-1875), who would remain the kaptyn of this group of Griquas for forty years. In addition to internal strife, life in the Philippolis captaincy was complicated further by the arrival of European trekboers (migrant farmers) who started crossing the Gariep into the southern Highveld from the mid-1820s onwards.8 For this reason, Adam Kok III was desirous of British protection and tried to emulate Andries Waterboer’s policy in this regard. In 1838, the Philippolis and Griquatown captaincies signed a treaty, which divided the land north of the Gariep River between them, thus resulting in the existence of only two Griqua polities after this date.9 Finally, in 1842 Adam Kok secured a treaty with Sir George Napier whereby the British would protect Griqua territory against white colonists.10 The latter had become an ever- increasing threat to the Philippolis captaincy as more and more Voortrekker parties moved through the Highveld to Natal during the 1830s. Violent clashes started to occur between Griqua inhabitants and Boer settlers after the annexation of Natal led to increasing numbers 5 On the early history of the Griquatown captaincy, see Martin Legassick, ‘The Northern Frontier to 1820: The Emergence of the Griqua People’, in The Shaping of South African Society, 1652-1820, edited by Richard Elphick & Hermann Giliomee (Cape Town: Maskew Miller Longman, 1979), 243-90; Martin Chatfield Legassick, The Politics of a South African Frontier: The Griqua, the Sotho-Tswana, and the Missionaries, 1780-1840 (Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 2010) and Karel Schoeman (ed.), The Mission at Griquatown, 1801-1821: An Anthology (Griquatown: Griekwastad Toerisme Vereniging, 1997). 6 This was formalised in a treaty of 11 December 1834 between the Governor of the Cape and Andries Waterboer, according to which he was to protect the Cape’s border in exchange for sovereignty, an annual stipend and a regular supply of arms and ammunition, R.J. Ross, ‘Waterboer, Andries’, Dictionary of South African Biography, Vol. IV, edited by C.J. Beyers (Pretoria: Human Sciences Research Council, 1981), 763-64. 7 Adam Kok III and his council acknowledged Nicolaas Waterboer as captain of Griquatown on 5 June 1853, Schoeman, Griqua Records, 152. 8 For detailed accounts of the rise of the Philippolis captaincy and its political challenges and ambitions, see Ross, Adam Kok’s Griquas, chapters 3-6 and Schoeman, Griqua Captaincy. A shorter, more popular account is in A.W.G. Raath, Vesting in die Transgariep: Die Vroeë Geskiedenis en Historiese Geboue van Philippolis (Philippolis: NG Gemeente Philippolis, 1997), chapter 1. 9 Schoeman, Griqua Records, 38-40. 10 Schoeman, Griqua Records, 46-47. 2 of Boers permanently settling on the Highveld.11 In 1845, the British colonial government decided to accept the status quo during negotiations with the Griquas at Touwfontein.12 They divided the Philippolis territory into an inalienable southern part centred on the town, and alienable parts to the North, which could be sold to the Boers. At the same time, the British established a Resident north of the Gariep who, in 1846, settled in Bloemfontein with the ostensible purpose of enforcing the Touwfontein provisions. Soon however, the unceasing conflict between Griquas, Boers and Basotho led to the decision of the new governor, Sir Harry Smith, to withdraw British forces from the Highveld. This allowed the Boers to establish the Republic of the Orange Free State in 1854.13 The Fall of the Griqua Captaincies The founding of the Orange Free State was the death knell of the Philippolis Captaincy. Although the polity was economically quite strong thanks to wool farming and internal dissensions had largely ceased by the 1850s, the large numbers of Boer settlers in its territory led to much discord. With no guarantee of help from the Cape Colony, and powerless against the predations of the Free State, Adam Kok and his people look favourably upon the suggestion of Sir George Grey (who was somewhat sympathetic to their plight) that they should move to a territory then known as ‘Nomansland.’ This area was situated in what is now the north-eastern corner of the Eastern Cape Province, just south of the border with Lesotho. Until a generation earlier, this was an area where the San people had hunted, but due to the sour grass, it was largely uninhabited by 1860 (although this did not prevent various groups from desiring this land).14 Consequently, the Griquas of Philippolis decided in 1861 to sell their remaining land to the Free State and to move away.
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