Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 47 MIXED BLESSINGS: WOMEN AND BLONDE

Druann Maria Heckert, Fayetteville State University

ABSTRACT Blonde women constitute a curious and interesting case- in the context of deviance-in that they are to some extent positive deviants, due to the fact that they have been considered as surpassing normative expectations of appearance and have received some positive evaluation and treatment. Yet, they have also been subject to stigmatization, or negative evaluation and treatment. Thus, the reaction has not been consistent. Qualitative research served as the basis for this study; twenty blonde women were interviewed. Firstly, in some respects, blonde women are positive deviants; they have been idealized in Western traditions and thus encounter positive evaluations. The blonde women interviewed for this study were cognizant of this fact and reported that positive attention and positive treatment were common experiences. Neverthe­ less, blonde women are also recipients of negative evaluations. The blonde women in this sample analyzed the culturally constructed that have been applied to them, as follows: innocence, sexy/fun, easy and dumbness/stupidity. They also presented strategies that they had to develop to deal with the last , which included the following: ignoring the stereotype or joking about it, self-fulfilling the prophecy, overcompensating (including taking on the ice princess role), fighting back, and passing. Also, blonde women felt that their relationships with other women were negatively impacted by their hair color. In essence, blonde women experience mixed evaluations. Deviance is complex as are reactions to ants, depending on the audience. I attempt deviance. For example, a new typology of de­ to expand on this point of the complexity of viance has been developed to integrate and evaluations by analyzing a group that is si­ take into account normative and reactivist multaneously treated as a case of positive paradigmatic definitions of deviance (Heckert deviance, yet still subjected to stigmatization. & Heckert 2002). Negative deviance refers to I conducted a qualitative study in which 20 behaviors or conditions that under conform, blonde women were interviewed. The sub­ or fail to conform, to normative expectations jective experience of blonde women is por­ and subsequently receive negative evalua­ trayed. Blonde women are positive deviants, tions. Rate-busting indicates behaviors or in that they are positively evaluated for ex­ conditions that over conform to the norms ceeding normative appearance expectations; yet produce negative evaluations. Deviance nevertheless, they are also negatively evalu­ admiration points to behaviors or conditions ated and treated as well. that do not conform to the norms but elicit Seemingly an inconsequential variable, positive reactions . Finally, positive deviance hair is part of the connection between appear­ denotes behaviors or conditions that both ance and self (Stone 1962). According to over conform to the norms and are positively Synott (1987:404), "Hair is hair is hair? Not appraised. This typology serves to illuminate exactly. It is also a powerful symbol of the the complexity, and at times, inconsistent self." So powerful is that symbol that hair can nature of evaluations. Furthermore, due to have political, cultural, and religious conno­ the contextual nature of deviance, the same tations (Synott 1987; Banks 2000). Blondes behavior (or condition) can produce both have often been considered the dominant positive and negative evaluations. Those image of idealized beauty in European tradi­ contradictory evaluations can occur across tions; nevertheless, natural brunettes consti­ time or across cultural or subcultural tradi­ tute the vast numerical majority of Americans. tions. Mixed evaluations can also occur con­ Consequently, fewer socially constructed ste­ temporaneously regarding the same behav­ reotypes exist about brunettes (Cooper ior or condition; thus, that same behavior or 1971 ). Natural blondes and natural red­ condition can simultaneously be placed in heads, on the other hand, compose a small more than one category in the aforemen­ percentage of all Americans. Sixteen percent tioned typology. For example, gifted children of American females are born naturally are rate-busters to their peers, yet positive blonde (Loftus 2000) with only five percent deviants to their teachers and parents (Heck­ remaining naturally blonde as adults (Synott ert & Heckert 2002). Irwin (2003) has noted 1987). Another two to three percent of the that elite tattoo collectors are simultaneously population is born redheaded (Meyerowitz defined as both positive and negative devi- 1991 ). For blondes and redheads, stereo- 48 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology types abound and differential treatment en­ color; perceived understandings of the cul­ sues (Heckert & Best 1997). In a sense, the tural definition of the attractiveness of the transparency phenomenon-which sug­ hair; perceived reactions of men to the hair; gests that whites are advantaged and privi­ perceived reactions of women to the hair; leged in the structural/cultural context of this perceived positive and negative conse­ society and do not have to even consider quences of the hair; perceived commonality themselves in terms of race or think about with other women with the hair color; and the consequences of race or construct a ra­ overall reaction to the hair. All in all, the ques­ cial identity-is, perhaps, applicable (Gris­ tions were developed to focus on the sub­ com 1992; Flagg 1993; Mcintyre 1997). Hair jective understanding of hair color and how it is obviously and emphatically extraordinarily impacts life experiences. While further quan­ less consequential than race. The analogy titative research on this topic would be im­ is that brunettes are not as likely to have to portant in providing empirical refutation or experience stereotypes about hair color-as support of this research, qualitative research opposed to other aspects of hair-and thus of this type is quite common-for creating are perhaps less cognizant about how it the sociological patterns or categories­ shapes their treatment and sense of self as within the substantive area of deviance (Nack culture has not created a complex stereo­ 2003; Miller 2003; Degher & Hughes 2003; typical construction about their hair color. Sandstrom 2003). A descriptive and explor­ Blondes and redheads, on the other hand, atory explanation of the experience of blonde do have to consider hair color as a variable women is the intent of this study. that significantly impacts their lived reality and The sample was limited to blonde women. consequently becomes a vital part of self­ In the case of blondes, societal/cultural ste­ identity. In essence, hair is more complex reotypes seem to proliferate about blonde than could be presumed from a cursory women to a far greater extent than about glance. Blonde hair-especially on women­ blonde men. This situation is different from presents a curious case. Blonde women have the case of redheads, where stereotypes been simultaneously adulated and margin­ proliferate fairly equally among men (wimps, alized in Western traditions. As such, the hotheads, clowns) and women (seduc­ case of blonde women highlights the afore­ tresses, hotheads, clowns) (Heckert & Best mentioned contention. 1997). As such, the focus of this study is on women and their experience of being METHODOLOGY blondes; nevertheless, a study of blonde men Qualitative methodology served as the would further refine the understanding of hair basis for this study. Twenty blonde women color. The other major restriction in this study were interviewed. Nonprobability sampling was that the respondents had to be natural was utilized-both convenience sampling blondes in order to provide a basis for exam­ (Nachmias & Nachmias 1996) and snow­ ining the entire life experience-including the ball sampling (Babbie 1995). A major limita­ pivotal youthful socialization experience-of tion of nonprobability sampling is that gen­ blondes. Clearly, a study of women who have eralizations cannot be made about the popu­ dyed their hair would create another inter­ lation under examination (Babbie 1995). esting study. While utilizing cues such as Nevertheless, nonprobability sampling is eyebrow color and roots, I did find myself in often used when populations cannot be de­ the awkward situation of asking a natural lineated (Miller 1986; Schneider & Conrad brunette-with an excellent hairdresser-if 1993; Weitz 1993). The author conducted the she were a natural blonde. Nevertheless, all face-to-face interviews, which were struc­ the blondes interviewed in this study were tured; open-ended questions served as the natural blondes through adulthood (although basis for the interview schedule (Nachmias some had dyed their hair even lighter shades & Nachmias 1996). The same questions of blonde or other colors at various points in were asked to redheads, blondes, and bru­ their life). While perhaps it would have been nettes as part of a larger study and involved useful in further delineating the experiences the following areas: experience of the hair of blonde women and whether or not light as a child, adolescent and adult; perceived blondes have different experiences than dark stereotypes of society; positive aspects of blondes, the shade of blonde was not noted the hair color; negative aspects of the hair at the time of the collection of the data. The Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 49 researcher purposefully chose to include wo­ Ewald & Jiobu 1985). Heckert and Heckert men from various age groups to ascertain if (2002) subsumed normative and reactivist blondeness was differentially experienced theoretical perspectives and defined posi­ across the life course. The age range of this tive deviance as those behaviors and condi­ study was from 12 to 66; the only way that tions that over conform to the norms and also age appeared to impact the experiences of receive positive evaluations. Blondes are the sample was that blonde youth were more positive deviants in that they surpass cul­ likely to emphasize the social advantages; tural norms of attractiveness and are treated blonde adults were especially prone to ana­ positively; nevertheless, they are also nega­ lyze the drawbacks of being accepted as tively evaluated. competent and professional women. Eight of the respondents lived in the South; twelve Appearance and Positive Deviance resided in the Northeast. The women were Based on examples, cited within the ex­ either in professional or white-collar posi­ isting literature on positive deviance, Heckert tions (if adults), in college, or in junior high (1998) created the following typology of posi­ or high school (with the intention of attend­ tive deviance: altruism, charisma, innovation, ing college). Consequently, they may have supra-conformity, innate characteristics, and emphasized the drawbacks of the negative ex-deviants. Innate characteristics are a type aspersions regarding intelligence. A sample of positive deviance and according to Heckert, of women in occupations where appearance is more emphasized would further enhance The use of the terminology, innate charac­ the understanding of blonde women. All in teristics, is actually not the best choice to all, the sample was limited on several crite­ describe this type of positive deviance. ria but varied on others. These traits (e .g. , beauty, intelligence, tal­ ent), are innate to a certain , as to yet, un­ BLONDE WOMEN AS POSITIVE DEVIANTS specifiable extent, and to a certain, as to Positive Deviance yet, unspecifiable extent, are modified by Previously, positive deviance has been environmental conditions. (1998:27) defined from various points of view. For ex­ ample, several theorists-even if not em­ The physically attractive are treated as posi­ ploying the term-have suggested that posi­ tive deviants in that physical appearance is tive deviance occurs when norms are exceed­ an innate characteristic that is differentially ed (Sorokin 1950; Wilkins 1965; Winslow treated and acted upon. Byrne argued: 1970) and thus posit a norm-violation defini­ tion of positive deviance. Other theorists have It would seem safe to propose that in our also proffered a definition of positive devi­ society, physical attractiveness is a positive­ ance from a labeling perspective (Freedman ly valued attribute. That is, both males and & Doob 1968; Hawkins & Tiedeman 1975; females would prefer to be attractive rather Scarpitti & McFarlane 1975; Steffensmeier & than unattractive, to have attractive friends, Terry 1975; Norland, Hepburn & Monette to marry an attractive spouse, and to pro­ 1976). From this point of view, positive devi­ duce attractive offspring. Such concerns ance suggests those behaviors that are posi­ seem both arbitrary and petty in the ab­ tively labeled. According to Norland et al.. stract...Ciear1y the proposition that members of our culture attach meaning to physical We prefer to theoretically conceptualize the attractiveness is supported. (1971 : 127, 131) moral dimensions of human behavior as a continuum including both negatively evalu­ The appreciation of appearance obviously ated behaviors and attributes as well as can be quite idiosyncratic; nevertheless, cul­ positively evaluated behaviors or attributes. tures create idealized versions and features (1976:84) that lead to the attribution (at a societal and interpersonal level) of attractiveness. While Further, various theorists have advanced these icons vary through time and are differ­ other, more specific, definitions of positive entially perceived in various cultures and deviance that adhere to neither the norma­ subcultures, Berscheid and Walster main­ tive nor reactivist perspective (Buffalo & tained, Rodgers 1971; Palmer & Humphrey 1990; 50 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

It appears, however, that culture transmits WASP, just racism. effectively, and fairly uniformly, criteria for labeling others as physically 'attractive' and Still, this paradigm has lasted overtime within 'unattractive.' (1964:181) Western traditions. In fact, substantial evidence does sug­ Appearance is a powerful variable in that gest that all things being equal, blondes have those culturally construed as attractive by traditionally been granted a cultural advan­ dominant constructs are provided opportu­ tage in relation to definitions of appearance. nities and advantages across the spectrum While various criteria are utilized to culturally of life experiences (Byrne 1971; Dion 1972; establish notions of attractiveness, hair has Landy & Sigall 1974; Krebs & Adinolfi 1975; been an important component of the concep­ Reis, Wheeler & Nezlik 1980; Reis, Wheeler, tion of attractiveness (Cooper 1971; Synnott Spiegel, Kerns, Nezlik & Perry 1982; Zebrow­ 1987; Alexander & Schouten 1989; Cahill itz, Collins & Dutta 1998; Bull & Rumsey 1989). Additionally, while hair can be asses­ 1988). Empirical evidence suggests that the sed on various factors (e.g., texture, length, attractive are positively labeled and evalu­ style and sheen), hair color has been one of ated. the primary features on which hair has been Attractive women have been variously ad­ judged. In reference to hair color, blonde hair vanced as a form of positive deviance (Le­ has been a standard of beauty in Western mert 1951; Hawkins & Tiedeman 1975) as culture. According to Rich and Cash, have been beauty pageant winners (Scarpitti & McFarlane 1975). Additionally, King and In Western, Caucasian society, there seems Clayson (1988) refer to the attractive as "non­ to be a popular image of beautiful women traditional deviants." While they do include as having a fair complexion, light , attractive males, perhaps reflecting shifting and light hair color in contrast to an ideal gender roles, the other examples were only image of men as having darker features. of attractive females. Women have been (1993:115) more likely to be evaluated on their appear­ ance than men (Schur 1983; Mazur 1986). Further Lawson (1971 :312) noted, "Some have the blonde (female) as the cultural ideal Blonde Women as Positive Deviants of the beautiful, pure woman." According to Blonde women are positive deviants in Cooper, that they over conform to appearance norms of European traditions and have been posi­ Fair hair has constantly held its place in the tively evaluated. Beginning with an assump­ European ideal of feminine beauty. For long tion of relativity, Western societies and West­ periods, the woman with blonde hair has ern cultures have viewed blondes as over been the object of European male's desire. conforming to appearance norms and posi­ (1971 :75) tively evaluated them. This elevation of blondes has persisted across time, through In Western literary tradition, Goethe mytholo­ various centuries. The reason that hair gized the powers of blonde hair as follows, is defined as attractive in Western cultures is not clear and some of the blonde women Beware of her fair hair for she excels interviewed did not view it as necessarily All the women in the magic of her locks; good. One respondent commented And when she winds them round a young man's neck ... I'm Jewish ... When I see blonde guys, I get She will not ever let them free again . a Nazi image, a shaven head, Aryan Nazi (as quoted in Cooper 1971 :76) image, so get hair. While some evidence suggests that, in a Furthermore, one respondent noted the dis­ more contemporary sense, gentlemen (i.e., criminatory nature of this image when she New York college students) prefer brunettes plainly stated, (Lawson 1971) and other evidence suggests that blonde hair (in the form of a wig) does It's Eurocentric or Anglocentric. Blonde hair not create a situation of eliciting more help means you're more likely to be European or from a stranger (Juni & Roth 1985), most Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 51 evidence maintains that blondes have been theless, some evidence still suggests a cul­ the recipients of a culturally constructed no­ tural image that favors blondes. An analysis tion of beauty. Synott (1987) observed that of 907 full page advertisements featuring a empirical evidence substantiates a contin­ single woman-of four issues (March, June, ued pattern in this direction in that men are September and December) in 2002 of the two to three times more likely to admire top ten leading women's magazines-still blonde hair than any other hair color and fur­ continued to show that blonde women were thermore, when asked to describe blonde over represented in terms of their percent­ women refer to them as "beautiful, rich, and age of the population. Of those ads, 33.1 per­ extremely feminine." Ironically, blonde hair cent featured a blonde woman (as opposed does not benefit males, as women are two to 5 percent of the U.S. adult population); fur­ times more likely to prefer dark hair on men. thermore, blondes were the most likely to be Feinman and Gill (1978) concluded that gen­ portrayed as glamorous (i.e. , the ad featured erally, culture still shapes a male preference some aspect of the woman's appearance for fair females and a female preference for as critical in selling the product). In these dark males. In conjunction with this cultural ads, women were portrayed as glamorous preference for blondes, blonde women dis­ in the following descending order: blonde proportionately dominate in the various enter­ (86.3%), brunette (77.4%), redhead (69.7%) tainment industries, serving as symbolic and gray (33.3%) (Heckert, Heckert & Heckert representations of beauty. Consequently, 2003). Old adage suggests that the more when women color their hair, blonde is the things change, the more they stay the same. color most often chosen. In a nutshell, as For example, Armentor (2003) notes that in Synott (1987:388) posited, "Blonde perhaps the context of virtual romance, appearance is seen as an essentially female colour, like remains a critical variable. The medium has pink; with dark hair as primarily a male changed but cultural emphasis on appear­ colour." According to Clayson and Maughan ance has not. The same would seemingly (1986:815), blonde women are viewed as be true about blondes. Clearly, the media "beautiful, pleasant, pleasing, and extremely and society have moved toward fairer and feminine" and Clayson and Klassen (1989: greater inclusiveness of various looks; yet, 199) contended, "blondes are generally per­ current evidence would tend to suggest that ceived as more attractive." Rich and Cash while it can vary by decade (Rich & Cash (1993) reviewed the hair color of cover mod­ 1993), blondes still have not fallen into dis­ els-in two magazines targeted to women favor as an image. As Rich and Cash note, (Ladies Home Journal and Vogue) and one magazine targeted to men (Piayboy)-from This image delivers a message to society the 1950's through the 1990's. They con­ that blonde is a prominent ideal of feminine cluded that blondes are significantly over rep­ beauty. This message may have contrib­ resented in all three magazines, but most uted to our cultural preoccupation with over represented in the magazine designed blondeness. (1993: 120) to appeal to men. In a survey of college stu­ dents, Jacobi and Cash (1992) found that 22 All in all, cultures create images of beauty. percent of their particular sample were natu­ As with other unfairly constructed norms of rally blonde, 39 percent wished that they were attractiveness, such as a preference for a blonde and 84 percent felt that men preferred thin body type over an obese body type (Cahn­ blondes (actually more males reported a pref­ man 1968; DeJong 1980; Crandall & Biernat erence for the more numerically common 1990), blonde hair has been viewed as over brunettes); in many respects, blonde be­ conforming to appearance norms. In certain comes an iconic or idealized image in soci­ ways, blondes have also been positively eval­ ety and it is held up as a standard of beauty. uated. lmpressionistically, it would appear that cul­ The women interviewed were quite cogni­ ture has become more inclusive and less zant and acutely aware-even if their re­ hegemonic in creating imagery of female sponses might sound self-serving-that beauty- at least as represented by the iconic blondes are the recipients of a cultural advan­ image of the model- in terms of certain cri­ tage in relationship to their hair color. They teria, such as ethnicity, than on others, such virtually all mentioned that a cultural image as body type or facial disfigurement. Never- associated with blondeness is that blondes 52 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology are attractive or sexy. Overwhelmingly, there­ attractive. spondents expressed their belief that being a blonde was more advantageous than be­ A few did preface their comments by sug­ ing a brunette or a redhead. Some women gesting that the imagery of blondes was a stated this opinion overtly; other women ex­ cultural construction that included other fea­ pressed it in a subtler manner. A 20-year-old tures in its idealized version; thus, some re­ female simply stated, spondents felt that this ideal image excluded them and made it difficult for them as they The blonde is the ideal woman in our soci­ were blonde but not quite the whole cultural­ ety. ly created package of a blonde. Other attri­ butes variously mentioned in this hypothe­ As a 12-year-old noted, the portrayal of sized ideal image were figure, hair length, blondes in the media is and eye color. As a 20-year-old related ,

... sort of like, more like, sexy, because they I've always had short hair. I never thought are pretty. of myself as one of those beautiful women; even though recognizing blonde is the look. Another young woman noted, Another respondent said the ideal image is Just generally, blondes are defined as more a tall, blue-eyed blonde and regarding blonde attractive. women,

Another respondent hypothesized, I would say it's only sexy if the woman who has it fits the stereotype, five-feet, People always think of blondes as more seven-inches, thin , not just any woman . beautiful, more sexy, Barbie doll look. Big breasts, blonde hair, thin, dominate our so­ She noted, however, that all other attributes ciety. being equal, blonde was still more sexy than any other hair color and in her opinion, One woman explained the phenomenon, ac­ blondes were vastly over represented in ap­ counting for individual differences in attrac­ pearance-based occupations, such as mod­ tiveness, as follows, eling. Another respondent suggested,

If you had three women all with the same It's the physical characteristics, big bust, facial features, just change the hair color, small waist. I think it has to do with body and ask people which is most attractive; shape, but blonde adds to it. people would be drawn to the blonde. If you notice, watching Miss America, even Another woman stated , my nephew at age ten picks the winner, always the blonde. At a very young age, I had an image to live up to [as a blonde]. I kids are taught that blondes are preferable. wanted to be there, but was not.

Another typical response was that of a wo­ Another stated that compared to the blonde man who stated, standard, she defined herself as "athletic, stumpy" and never felt completely like a Oh, the first instinct is a blonde is defined blonde. as more attractive. POSITIVE EVALUATIONS OF BLONDE Another commented, WOMEN As positive deviants, positive conse­ They're more attractive; the blonde bomb­ quences emerge for blonde women. Label­ shell. ing theory provides a lens from which to ob­ serve those consequences. A significant el­ Another stated, ement of labeling theory is the contention that the labeling of individuals critically im­ Just generally, blondes are defined as more pacts the lives of those labeled. In the case Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 53 of deviants, the direction of this impact has blondes and redheads might be assumed to usually been described as negative; Tannen­ be more sexy. It's the first thing somebody baum (1980) analyzed the dramatization of will notice . evil, Schur (1971) suggested role engulf­ ment, Lemert (1972) observed the transfor­ Clearly, from the viewpoint of women in this mation from primary to secondary deviance , sample, blonde hair is an advantage in rela­ and Erikson (1964) proposed that the label­ tion to cultural notions of attractiveness and ing can produce a self-fulfilling prophecy. In interpersonal experiences of attractiveness. the case of positive deviants, the labeling The women interviewed also hypothe­ will be positive and it can be assumed then sized that positive attention was a constant that the role engulfment will be in a positive throughout the life course. For most, the at­ direction. While it might seem self-centered, tention was bestowed upon them from an the blonde women interviewed seemed cog­ early point in their lives and was consistently nizant of the positive spin placed on their hair. positive. The interviewed women noted that while other children did not make comments Positive Attention -either positive or negative-about their hair, Overwhelmingly, as previously men­ adults lavished them with praise. As one tioned , the respondents felt that being a young woman explained about her childhood, blonde provided them with privilege. Various women also related that on a more personal They usually react to your hair, you 're so level they had experienced the advantage that beautiful , so cute, little princess. You get accompanies that status. As one blonde told , 'You 're very pretty.' noted regarding the benefits of blonde hair, Another commented , The advantage is attractiveness and what advantages attractiveness leads to. I had almost White hair, very unusual. Every­ body thought it was beautiful. A lot of com­ As one woman explained, ments; just how cute you were and how pretty your ha ir was. I can't remember not knowing I would be considered more attractive because of A 62-year-old woman revealed that adults blonde hair. would react positively,

As another related, They'd say, 'You're beautiful.' I had long blonde ringlets. I looked like Shirley Temple If a brunette is standing next to me, I would with blonde hair. Adults always commented; get more attention . all positive.

One woman described her understanding Another woman related an instance of what of blonde hair as follows: she felt was a consistent pattern of positive reinforcement, I like it. Maybe just because I was born with it... it's kind of light. It's the color of gold-a They [adults] liked it. I remember one time I commodity that people value. In terms of was on the bus with my mother... ! can re­ your complexion, it brightens it up. I once member the people in the back pointing and read a magazine article; there are certain saying wasn't her hair pretty. I never saw features in any culture that are valued in a hair that color. It's beautiful. It probably woman, like big eyes. It tends to be those spoiled me. I got a lot of attention ... When I physical features associated with children was growing up, it was the color; nobody like wide eyes ... True blondes are children . ever said anything negative, it was always You can preserve the quality of the inno­ positive attention. People talk to little kids cence of youth. more because they're blonde; I don't know, is that possible?" A 21-year-old respondent noted, One young woman noted about adult reac­ It stands out; catches men's eyes. I think tion, 54 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

They definitely liked it or were attracted to dyed it, it wouldn't have caught people's it, because it was so light it catches your eyes. People wouldn't be attracted as quick. eye. People wouldn't have treated me differently. I was a very shy person; the fact that people Another respondent noted, that as a child, were caught by it, I didn't like it. No, I didn't. friends, parents, and teachers, would say, Additionally, another woman stated, You're beautiful-blonde hair; it still hap­ pens. I think maybe I get more attention. If a bru­ nette is standing next to me, I would get A 24-year-old commented, more attention and it's more noticeable­ not a lot of blondes. I get more attention Mom said when I was little everyone loved because of my blonde hair than a brunette. it, wanted to touch it, platinum blonde hair. She wanted to put me in a hair show; she One woman noted that she received more was so scared somebody would want to compliments on hair than anything else. She take me. also noticed then when she is out with a group of friends, she is always the first one An adolescent respondent described the at­ noticed in the group. An adolescent respon­ tention, dent suggested,

It makes you feel special that they recog­ Blondes naturally get more attention (good nize you. When I was younger, it caused a or bad); it's different. People say look at the positive self-esteem. blonde; no one says look at the brunette.

An adolescent blonde remembered a story Another respondent commented, from her childhood featuring a brunette, Sa­ rah, Plain and Tall (Maclachlan 1985) and It boosted my self-confidence, it's the sense commented, of a self-fulfilling prophecy-you think how others perceive you is how you are-exte­ They [brunettes) don't stand out as much rior things. On the interior I wanted to work as little blondes and red-haired kids. They on [myself]. I have changed over the years. [blondes and redheads] get more comments. It made me scared of getting older, losing It's a different color, not brunette. my hair color, my complexion, looking like everyone else or no one special. She often received compliments referring to her pretty hair. Another stated, Blonde women, numerically less common in society than brunettes, noted a sustained Culturally, it is considered positive. I received pattern of attention. constant positive comments-what beauti­ ful hair, the color of wheat, the color of sun Positive Treatment shining in something, spun gold. Most of the women felt that considerable opportunities materialized in their lives due All in all, blondes felt that their blondeness to hair color. Many felt that being blonde ex­ elicited much positive attention as children. panded their dating opportunities. One young The attention, which started in childhood, woman attributed her dating popularity in continued through the life course, even if it high school to her hair color. She explained, was not always desired. As an example, one woman, who described herself as shy, re­ Because you get more attention, you have lated an adolescent desire to darken her hair more experiences, more chances to do as a way to lessen some of the attention things. You get asked on more dates. directed at her, A young adult offered, When I was a teenager, I wanted dark high­ lights; I still wanted it blonde. I felt that it A lot of men I date are attracted to blondes, was so light, so blonde, it stood out. If I they just like the color, they just like the hair. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 55

One of my boyfriends stated, 'If you didn't Blonde Women have blonde hair, I wouldn't have wanted to Krebs and Adinolfi analyzed the relation­ date you .' ship between physical appearance and self as follows: Another respondent suggested, The causal sequence that seems most plau­ I've had a lot of guys always say I like to sible is as follows; early in life physical at­ date blondes, I don't really know why. tractiveness affects social realities, which in turn affects the development of person­ Another blonde stated, ality. The physically attractive are admired and pursued. Because they are pursued, My boyfriend said the first thing he noticed they develop a high level of self-esteem, is the hair. which mediates the development of person­ ality dispositions oriented toward ambition One respondent-acknowledging that it is and success. (1975:252) all in good humor-stated, All in all, considering the advantages as My husband says he was looking for a blue­ well as the disadvantages, most blondes eyed blonde who could sing and settled for were content to be blonde, conceptualizing one of the three because I can't sing and I that it contributed to their sense of self. Cooley don't have blue eyes. (1902) theorized that humans garner a sense of self based on their imagination of their Various blonde women did feel that their hair appearance to others, their imagination of was advantageous in securing-at least at the judgment of others, and the feelings of the initial stage-male interest. self that subsequently arise. As many had While most felt that "dumb blonde" syn­ received consistent positive attention and drome was a serious burden in educational positive treatment from childhood through and work settings, ironically, at the same adulthood, many women maintained that time, many felt that blondeness did positively blonde hair had contributed to their self-es­ shape employment opportunities, especially teem , even if their self-esteem was not as in occupations where appearance is an ad­ high as it could have been due to the nega­ vantage. As an example, one woman hypoth­ tive stereotypes of blonde women. Perhaps, esized that as a waitress her tips were sub­ that positive self-esteem mediated their abil­ stantially better as a blonde than when she ity to deal with the negativity. As one young had dyed her hair brunette. Another woman woman said about the attention, explained her view that blondes had certain opportunities afforded to them, as follows: It was mostly positive; you 're so beautiful. I had more confidence in my looks. You're so I think it might depend on the occupation. In pretty. I wish I had your hair. certain occupations, it is a distinct advan­ tage. Any occupation where there is a cer­ A blonde commented that her blondeness, tain kind of glitter-a high profile job in an upscale firm will have a blonde secretary­ Makes me individual. I kind of stick out. I it is the image they are trying to project. If always thought of being individual as part they're trying to project an image, they want of being special. I've always been a blonde a blonde. In terms of actresses, the fashion and it's part of my identity. If I wasn't a industry, public relations firms, or any job blonde, it would be boring. I couldn't look at where the first person a client meets is the myself the same way. I might even act dif­ secretary, blondes are preferred. Being a ferently. blonde is a distinct advantage in getting the job, especially if it is a glitzy job. As another woman stated,

Blonde women felt that opportunities in life Starting as an adolescent, it was positive in surface solely based on their hair color. feeling attractive.

Overall Perceptions and Self-Esteem of One woman added, 56 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Attributes or Behaviors Blonde, I like it. Maybe just because I was Positive deviants are not always uniformly born with it. I like it. It's kind of light; there is treated in a positive manner; at times, they a luster or radiance, the sunny quality, the are stigmatized. As an example, Heckert & lightening effect; the aura around your face. Heckert (2002) have suggested that rate­ busting refers to over conformity that is nega­ Additionally, for many, their sense of self was tively evaluated. An example would be a gifted correlated with being blonde and conse­ child labeled as a nerd by peers. The pro­ quently, they were content with their hair color. cess of stigmatization has previously been As one woman noted, conceptualized in relation to differential evalu­ ations over time; in other words, those pres­ I wouldn't feel like me if I dyed my hair bru­ ently deemed positive deviants have often nette. I wouldn't feel my same vivacious been stigmatized and negatively evaluated self as a brunette that I do as a blonde. in their own historical moment. As Heckert noted in relation to the relativity of positive She also added, deviance,

I'm happy with it. I like it. I like the attention, An action or behavior that is so defined in plus I think there are fewer blondes than one era, society, or group, is often defined brunettes-you're a smaller category, es­ as a normative behavior (i.e., in a neutral pecially as adults. That is part of the atten­ manner) or even as negative deviance by tion. I like the attention. Who doesn't? It builds another era, society, or group. (1989: 136) up your ego. Thus, the French Impressionists were Another suggested, treated abysmally in their time and only later elevated to their current status. Geniuses I like the way people react to my hair and were once defined as mad (Becker 1978). the way blondes are defined as attractive. Merton ( 1968) hypothesized that rebels, revo­ lutionaries, and nonconformists-mala­ One young woman responded, dapted to their times-often become the he­ roic figures of subsequent generations. Their Blonde- that's what I am. Probably just be­ heroism is rooted in their sagacious devia­ cause you know it's the beauty of society. tion. Coser ( 1967) suggested the same You get the attention; it's a kind of challenge about innovators. Thus, deviance is clearly to make people see who you are. It's the contextualized. challenge. Furthermore, the application of positive and negative evaluations can often occur Finally, another stated simply and succinctly, contemporaneously (Irwin 2003). Thus, over conformity is often subjected to stigmatiza­ It's what God gave me. tion. Posner (1976:141) characterized excel­ lence as a "mixed blessing" in that it is ad­ All in all, the blonde women were content mired and stigmatized, at the same time. with their hair and usually developed a posi­ Wilkins also proposed the similarity between tive self-esteem in relation to their hair. positive and negative deviants, in that posi­ Blonde women are positive deviants. tive deviants are often treated as if they were Blonde hair, on women, has culturally been negative deviants, defined as attractive and thus surpasses normative expectations in society. Also, All societies tend to reject deviants. Both blonde women are positively evaluated in that saints and criminals have been excluded they receive positive attention and treatment from the cultures into which they were born, because of their hair. Consequently, the wo­ and the majority of saints have suffered men interviewed felt that blonde hair had exactly similar fates to deviant sinners. contributed to positive self-esteem. (1965:171)

STIGMATIZATION OF BLONDE WOMEN Scarpitti and McFarlane (1975) explained that Negative Reactions to Non-Conforming beauty pageant winners are often treated with Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 57 both awe and jealousy. Freedman and Doob Stereotypes of Blonde Women (1968) noted that highly intelligent people are Blonde women are very aware of the ex­ often subjected to positive and negative istence of stereotypes in society. Indeed, evaluations; the appellations of "geek" and these stereotypes, created at a cultural level "nerd" attest to this treatment. Huryn (1986) and acted on by individuals, have shaped found that gifted students were negatively some of their life experiences. The respon­ evaluated by their peers with such stereo­ dents analyzed various stereotypes. As many types as unattractive and antisocial. Never­ of these stereotypes simply had no relation theless, at the same time, their parents and to hair color, blonde haired women confront teachers positively evaluated them . Steffens­ their hair as a master status (Hughes 1945). meier and Terry (1975) posited the same point about the negative reaction to positive Innocence deviants in the case of a highly honored Con­ The image of blondes as pure or inno­ gressional Medal of Honor winner who re­ cent is common . According to Juni and Roth turned to the military after an unbearable visit (1985), blondes are over represented in the to his hometown. Thus, attributes or behav­ mythological/ethereal realm (princesses and iors are often simultaneously positively evalu­ fairies) and in the religious/spiritual realm ated and negatively evaluated. Irwin (2003) (angels and saints). Synott (1987) noted that noted that elite tattoo collectors are viewed many blondes lose the intensity of their as negative deviants to some and positive blondeness in the maturation process and deviants to others. The same is true with that only an extraordinarily small percentage blonde women . They have been elevated as remains blonde as adults; thus, blonde locks emblems of beauty; they have also been sub­ are often associated with young children and jected to negative evaluations, such as the the innocence of young children. Cooper societal view of their intelligence. A similar (1971) maintained that innocence is a key case exists with accomplished athletes, es­ stereotype of blondes and llyin (2000) argued pecially in relation to some sports, such that the innocent blonde is an archetype as football (which can perhaps be partially blonde, rooted in ancient mythology, and accounted for by racism, as well), more than represented in the modern era by Princess others. As athletes they are highly lauded and Diana. admired by a great portion of society; they Various respondents also felt that a pri­ have also been stereotyped (and stigma­ mary image of blondes is that of the inno­ tized) as stupid. cent. As one respondent described her un­ derstanding of this image, Blonde Women and Negative Evaluations and Treatment When I was little, they called me towhead. I One method of examining the negative thought they expected me to be good and evaluations that transpire is through the sweet, that I was supposed to be a good reactivist, or labeling, paradigm. According girl. Also, that I was pretty. to Schur (1971), stereotyping is one of the major processes by which deviants are la­ A 62-year-old respondent noted about blonde beled . Stereotyping constitutes the most sig­ hair, nificant feature of labeling and refers to the imputation of a constellation of images to It's fresh and young. the stereotyped. As in the case of a model minority (Fong 2002), where stereotypes are An adolescent described what she believed mixed but still serve to reinforce minority sta­ to be the expectations put on her blonde­ tus, blondes too have been subject to mixed ness, stereotypes. Nonetheless, the overall impact of mixed stereotyping is still to highlight the I always thought that is sexy difference of the stereotyped group. These and blonde is angelic, the innocent type, stereotypes constitute the core of negative good gir1 .. .feminine is powerless, blonde is attributions and thus, partial stigmatization, more angelic. Brunettes are taken more se­ of blonde women. riously.

Another respondent stated 58 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

The girl next door type in World War II was the blonde as a sex goddess seems to hang portrayed as a blonde. on .

Another blonde young woman described her Another commented, perceptions as follows, I associate blonde with the beach type that Most adults think blonde little girls are asso­ likes to play. ciated with the perfect little girl, behave and act cute and smile. I received a lot of atten­ Another stated, tion from my distant family. I put on a little show. Every angel, even dolls, are por­ Blondes are more fun , have a good time, trayed as blondes. don't care about anything; just out to have fun. She felt Shirley Temple provided the quint­ essential portrayal of this image of blondes. One respondent explained Thus, various respondents felt that inno­ cence is an image constructed by society A myth is that blondes have more fun. It is about blondes. from that expression blonde bombshell.

Sexy/Fun Another related, The imagery of blonde hair is complicated and even somewhat contradictory at times That's how a guy describes a nice-looking (Cooper 1971 ; Synott 1987). Thus, while sexually attractive woman. Blonde is de­ blonde women have been portrayed as inno­ fined as the sexiest. It just seems like that's cents, they have simultaneously been imag­ the norm, that's the way. Men say this. ined to be sexier than other women. Mass media has further enhanced this image in Another respondent commented that an ad­ that entertainment sex symbols throughout vertising campaign in the 1960's had utilized the twentieth century were vastly and dispro­ the slogan "blondes have more fun" and the portionately blonde (Synott 1987). Synott fur­ idea became commonly accepted in the ther notes United States. The respondents universally felt that this was a predominant image of Blonde and dark hair are polarized as socially blondes. opposite, fun and power, and they evoke startlingly different aesthetic and stereotypi­ Easy cal reactions. (1987:388) Because the image that blondes have more fun and are sexier is common in soci­ Blonde women in this sample also felt ety, some blondes felt that society also con­ that an image of blonde women is that structed a stereotype of blondes as easy. As blondes are sexier and because of that so­ one respondent connected this stereotype cial construction, blondes have more fun. As with the previous one, one respondent explained, Blondes are more sexy and this leads to Blondes have more fun . I think it relates to the idea in men's heads, that blondes are the fact that blondes are seen as more sexy more fun in bed. or attractive; their self-esteem allows them to have more fun, they have a better feeling One woman simply stated that an image of about themselves. blondes is that of "trashy." A respondent sim­ ply stated, Another woman suggested, I think I get more advances for one-night I like the way people react to my hair and stands than a brunette. the way blondes are defined as attractive. I think a lot has to do with the media. Blondes Not liking that type of attention, she added, have more fun, , in that era ... all the movie stars are blonde. The image of It's always nice for a guy to come and ap- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 59

proach you ... but the end result, I'm so afraid Dumbness/Stupidity I put off that bad vibe, I want people to ap­ Blonde hair has been severely stigma­ proach me, but I don't want them to ap­ tized in that the negative stereotype of stu­ proach because you know what is going to pidity has been attached to blonde women. happen. According to Synott,

Another proffered that the image of blondes Blonde and dark hair are polarized as socially is opposite, fun and power.. . lndeed they are the symbolic equivalent of the gender col­ Sexy, dumb, little slow in understanding ours of pink and blue. (1987:388) concepts, easy in bed and to get in the sack. Part of this cultural designation of femininity Another noted that the image of a blonde is for blonde women has been the connotation that of a "sex kitten." A respondent com­ of purity (artistically and symbolically pre­ mented: sented by an over representation of blonde angels), which is perhaps the basis of the Yes, when I met my first husband, it was negative aspersions cast on the intelligence beatnik culture, where blondes were ste­ of blonde women. Cooper commented, reotyped as dumber and more money grub­ bing and disgusting than most women. The aesthetic quality of fair hair or some­ Blonde women were treated as sex things. thing shining and pure like a flame, or pre­ If a beatnik was going to get involved for a cious like gold .. . lt is possible to argue that long period of time, it would be a brunette, purity implies innocence, innocence may not a blonde. I was treated like a bubble­ mean ignorance and ignorance denotes stu­ headed blonde by friends of my first hus­ pidity. (1971 :76) band. All his friends freaked out, couldn't understand why he was involved with [me] The dumb blonde thus emerged and is ... [they] said it was the hair color. I dyed my strongly rooted in modern culture. Various hair medium-deep brown and they treated entertainment figures have claimed the role me differently. They labeled me as stupid, of the dumb blonde (, Suzanne not labeled as sexually loose-everyone Somers, Lisa Kudrow) and popularized the was in this culture-blondes were for tem­ notion in popular culture. Certainly this ste­ porary sexual use, brunettes for long-term reotype looms large as is evidenced by the sexual use. popularity of dumb blonde jokes. On web sites (Funny Jokes.Com 2002), hundreds of Another respondent suggested that an im­ dumb blonde jokes are offered to the public, age of the blonde is a woman who is including the following:

Putting out, not a seductress, easy for be­ Why do blondes drive BMWs? It's the only ing too stupid to get themselves out of situ­ car name they can spell. What do you call a ations. blonde between two brunettes? A mental block. How do you make a blonde's eyes She remembered a man offering to escort light up? Shine a flashlight in their ear. Why her to a submarine base at a landlocked uni­ should blondes not be given coffee breaks? versity town, which she felt was indicative of It takes too long to retrain them. Why don't and based on this stereotype. Another re­ blondes eat Jello? They can't figure out how spondent commented, to get two cups of water into those little packages. How do blonde brain cells die? Men have told me, 'If I didn't know you, I Alone. What do you call a blonde with half a would think you're easy because you have brain? Gifted. blonde hair.' The ubiquitousness and popularity of these All in all, many blondes feel that an image jokes attest to the strength of this particular constructed of them in society is easy sexual stereotype. availability; paradoxically, blondes are also Gendered relations must be considered assumed to be innocent. in that the creation of the stereotype of the 60 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology dumb blonde exists in the context of a more about blondes, neutral conceptualization of the intelligence of blonde men. As Brownmiller (1984:71) Flighty. ..we 're all superficial and only care concludes, "dumb blonde is practically one about our looks and we don't have any word on the lips of some people." In a cul­ brains. ture where-according to Synott (1987)­ dark hair is viewed as masculine (and pow­ Another adolescent related that others would erful) and blonde hair is constructed as femi­ say to her, "You're trying to be all ditzy and nine (and fun), blonde women thus become you're definitely blonde" or in response to even less symbolic of the characteristic of certain situations, "That was a blonde state­ intelligence which was already presumed by ment." One respondent noted the fact that -under traditional gender definitions she was "outgoing, bubbly, and friendly" and -to be more consistent with masculinity. was often considered ditzy based solely on The blondes in this sample were quite her blondeness. She recounted an incident cognizant of this cultural stereotype. This in a barbeque restaurant when she was in a imagery permeates societal perceptions of vivacious mood but simply could not decide blondes; obviously, blondes feel shaped by what to order. At that particular point, her son this stereotype. Blondes confront this image concluded she was behaving in a "ditzy" early in life and certainly prior to adulthood. manner. She believed that a brunette acting As a 12-year-old explained, in the same fashion would have been differ­ entially interpreted-and assumptions about They think that blondes are dumb, because intelligence would not have been made­ there are so many brunettes and hardly any and she observed, redheads, so they pick on blondes. They [brunettes and redheads) are taken more A brunette would not be considered ditzy­ seriously and if they make a dumb mistake, how often do you hear that ditzy brunette­ they don't make fun of you, but if you're a always a ditzy blonde. blonde, they like to do that. One young woman stated, She stated that many dumb blonde jokes had been directed her way, including the fol­ I definitely think they're not seen as smart lowing, or as having much common sense, ditzy, with their head in the clouds. I don't know If a brunette and a blonde jumped off the who started it. I'd like to have a talk with that Empire State Building, who would get there person. It was just passed along. first? The brunette, the blonde would have to stop and ask directions. As a 66-year-old woman explained:

Referring specifically to brunettes, she fur­ You have the dumb blonde thing. Some ther defined her experiences, people stereotype that all blondes are dumb. Perhaps from Marilyn Monroe, I don't know. Well, they don't have to put up with dumb I never heard it when I was a kid . They blonde jokes when they make a dumb mis­ often portray secretaries as dumb blondes, take. It's sort of bothersome. I would like that the bosses pick their secretaries for people to make dumb brunette jokes. They their looks and they're actually dumb. I don't like to pick on someone and it is easy [i.e., to think it is true in real life, just a portrayal; a single out the blondes]. myth.

An adolescent respondent noted that she Thus, all of the blondes in this sample had dealt with the stereotype every day of her life, encountered this particular stereotype. through various actions and attitudes of her The women interviewed in this sample boss, friends, brother, and boyfriend. Other conceptualized the "dumb blonde" as a com­ blondes variously expressed their under­ plex construction in that it includes dizzi­ standing of the imagery of blondes in rela­ ness-or ditziness-and mental lack of in­ tion to intelligence. One woman felt that per­ telligence. One aspect of the "dumb blonde" haps it was rooted in other assumptions is that of dizziness. As one respondent ex- Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 61 pressed the stereotype, blondes are per­ ing typology; ditzy, as personified by Goldie ceived as Hawn or , refers to a "be­ havior, a way of acting" and an air head, as ... flighty, not really dumb, but more air metaphorically represented by Lisa Kudrow, headed. points to a smart woman and "a lack of act­ ing." In other words, the air head (like the In an analysis of how men responded to her quintessential "absent-minded professor") in high school, a young adult respondent ex­ is perhaps contemplating quantum mechan­ plained, ics and is simply distracted. Nevertheless, this myth, or cultural construction, permeates They saw me as attractive. But if you make society and blonde women understand the a silly comment, it is easy for them to say inherent difficulties they confront because of that's a ditzy blonde comment. It was just it. Clearly, an important aspect of the social supposed to be funny. construction of the "dumb blonde" as per­ ceived by blondes is the light, ditzy quality. Noting that she was actually shy, she further However, the "ditzy" aspect of the dumb noted about her adult experiences, blonde is not sufficient to completely explain the phenomenon as more negative attributes I hate to think that I act ditzy. I don't even of mental intelligence overtly and covertly think I even have that ditzy side of me. But it accompany the lighter aspect of this cultural has been attributed to me. construction. A young woman presented her perception that brunettes would have a dis­ A 24-year-old stated that the cultural image tinct advantage in attaining an employment is that opportunity as they are viewed as simulta­ neously more intelligent and more serious, They [blondes] don't have an attention span by stating, longer than a second. I think when you go for a job interview they Another young woman commented, look at what you look like. The initial reality is that different stereotypes would pop in Bubble-headed blonde says it all. People your mind. Blondes are more fun and flighty. think blondes are stupid, not intellectual stu­ Brunettes are the opposite. pidity, but too stupid to flush the toilet, daily life stupidity. A college student recalled that in high school, if she asked a question in class, teachers As another woman expressed this phenom­ would say, enon in relation to media portrayals, You 're stupid and make negative comments. When I was growing up, the stars I wanted to pattern my life after were Doris Day­ When a teacher dismissed her on that ba­ the ditzy blonde, the girl next door, light sis, she was unwilling to ask questions about hearted, very gay, always seeming to be the course material and had to rely on her needing male guidance because she had to friends for further elaboration. In a lengthy be saved from herself and her ditziness­ analysis, one woman described the compli­ and Katherine Hepburn, as a lawyer in one cated connection with this stereotype and her movie. educational process as follows:

Another young respondent stated that the Yeah, I got more attention. For me. personal­ dumb blonde was one who ly, the issue had to do with intelligence. By high school, I rejected the attention, because can't concentrate. no goals. floats around along with it came the stupidity assumption. in the world. I was running into it in high school, but from men, not from teachers, not from girls. They One respondent further clarified her under­ were not treating me like I was stupid due standing of what society meant by the dumb to my school work. But when interacting blonde when she hypothesized the follow- with them. I got images of stupidity. I got all 62 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

A's. My teachers treated me like I was smart. Another woman noted, I ran into stereotypes when I started dating. It was not connected to my school work It's hard to get past looks. It's hard for until college. It was just something the guys blondes to show who they are. Brunettes I dated did. When I got to college, it included have an easier time. People don't look at my teachers, women around me and the them that way. People can look at the per­ men around me. Men were not just treating son more than the look. Blondes have to get me like I was stupid, like I couldn't figure out past the looks to have people look at them how to wash the dishes. They thought I as a person. must be getting poor grades. Once I was on a double date, with all freshmen and Thus, all of the blonde women felt that the sophomores, and someone asked what I imagery of blondes as dumb was more than got on my Psych mid-term. I said I got an A. just a perception of ditziness. That image Everyone laughed and said like you would also included an element of an attribution of get good grades. They assumed that I got lesser intelligence that mediated the man­ poor grades. From that point on , I had to ner in which other people interacted with work against it-that people thought I was them in an educational or occupational set­ stupid-never in kindergarten through ting . twelfth grade. It really became an issue and This particular study was part of a larger it interfered with my ability to interact with study in which brunette women and red­ teachers and students and I was having headed women (and men) were interviewed. trouble getting teachers to take me seriously. No brunette mentioned lower intelligence as I dealt with it in graduate school. By then I a stereotype regarding themselves (although was more conscious of it. Two or three many mentioned it as a stereotype of years after I started graduate school, my blondes). For example, a 40-year-old bru­ hair darkened. I was happy and very aware nette woman responded that she could only that people took me more seriously. That describe stereotypes of brunettes by a pro­ part of the stereotype is more problematic. cess of elimination (i.e. , not redheaded nor In dating it was easy to weed out the idiots. blonde). She stated that But within academia it was much harder to get past dealing with professors and fel­ Blondes are dumber, redheads are smart low graduate students. and sexually vivacious, brunettes are smarter, steadier, and not sexually overt. Recounting her numerous post-baccalaure­ ate degrees (an M.A., a Ph .D., a J.D.) as well Furthermore, a 31-year-old brunette (with a as her professional accomplishments, one Ph .D. in Analytical Chemistry) referred to a respondent referred to an extremely difficult situation in which she dyed her hair blonde­ work situation in which a woman with pro­ temporarily-and then found she did not fit fessional power over her, had on numerous what she believed to be the normal brunette occasions called her derisive names; ap­ stereotype of"solid, hard working ... intelligenr pellations based on her hair color: as follows:

After all these years of work ... to have some­ For a while, I used artificial enhancements one reduce all of your accomplishments by (color) on my hair and pushed myself over using a term like blondie. It is galling, partic­ the edge from a light brunette to a blonde. I ularly galling that she's a woman. It's bad did discover even people who knew me as when men do it, but women should know a brunette suddenly started to treat me as if better. To reduce someone's whole being I was thirty points lower in intelligence. A to blondeness is terrible. The implication is fellow chemist knew me as a brunette. He that you got where you are, not due to hard always had somewhat of a condescend­ work, but to blondeness is idiotic, its pathe­ ing air toward me, and when I lightened my tic to have one characteristic become the hair, that attitude became even more pro­ defining characteristic of your life . The de­ nounced, like telling me he wouldn't drive meaning stereotypes don't reflect what you the car until I fastened my seat belt and are as a person, a living, breathing person treating me as if I were twelve. with your own problems. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 63

It is also interesting to note, that if anything, that societal stereotypes do threaten their the perception of redheads-regarding so­ self-efficacy. cietal imagery-is that they are smart (Heckert Alone, individuals do not have the ability & Best 1997) and Synott (1987) concluded to change societal stereotypes; even collec­ that the accomplished executive is a com­ tively, societal stereotypes are difficult to mon imagery of redheaded women. Clearly, change. Coping mechanisms are perhaps gendered relations might impact the sce­ the way that people deal with stereotypes; nario whereby-due to patriarchal construc­ indeed, blonde women developed various tions-women more often have to prove in­ strategies by which they responded to the telligence than do men . Nevertheless, the "dumb blonde" stereotype. The necessity for brunette and redheaded women interviewed creating coping mechanisms is strong. Em­ as a part of the larger study felt that this ste­ pirical evidence suggests that employers reotype was pertinent to blonde women and might perceive women applicants for a pro­ not to themselves. Furthermore, the cultur­ fessional position that are brunette more fa­ ally constructed stereotype is dumb blonde vorably than they would blondes or redheads and not dumb brunette or dumb redhead. (Kyle & Mahler 1996). College students re­ While blonde men were not interviewed for viewed resumes (photographs included) of this study-and it would appear that the so­ an applicant for an accounting position and cietal construction of the dumb blonde is they were more willing to hire the brunette most readily interpreted as a dumb blonde and they were more willing to offer the bru­ woman-a similar study of blonde men nette a higher starting salary. The implica­ would be important in terms of providing a tions of the continued persistence of stereo­ comparison group. types are profound, especially in conjunc­ In summary, stereotypes of blonde wo­ tion with continued wage discrimination men, as perceived by the blonde respond­ against women . Blonde and redheaded wo­ ents, were varied and inconsistent. As blonde men face even more significant challenges women experienced stereotyping, the most and the stereotypes of blonde women as important ones were the blonde as innocent, dumb and redheaded women as tempestu­ sexy/more fun, easy, and stupid. As these ous, are not insignificant, and according to stereotypes had little to do with hair color, in this research , are not inconsequential. many ways, they constitute a master status Thus, in the context of this societal and (Hughes 1945). cultural backdrop, women develop coping mechanisms, some of which are more effec­ Coping with Attributions of Stupidity tive at achieving professional aims than oth­ Labeling theory has allowed sociologists ers . Methods that the blonde women in this to examine the impact that labels, including sample utilized included the following: not stereotypes, have on those that are labeled taking the stereotype seriously (ignoring or (Erikson 1964; Lemert 1972; Tannenbaum joking about the stereotype); taking on the 1980). A stereotype that is as profound and role (allowing a self-fulfilling prophecy to oc­ permeating as lesser mental ability is clearly cur); overcompensating by diminishing any consequential and similar to African-Ameri­ of their personality characteristics that could cans, blondes may be subject to "stereotype in any way be construed as characteristics vulnerability" (Lovaglia, Lucas, Houser, Thye of the societal imagery of blondes (the ice & Markovsky 1998). The treatment of others princess); fighting back by attempting to dem­ is consequential to those stereotyped in re­ onstrate their intelligence; and passing (dye­ lation to intelligence, as the Pygmalion effect ing their hair so as to be perceived as a has long claimed (Rosenthal & Jacobsen member of the dominant group). Every wo­ 1992). Further, self-image is likely to be im­ man interviewed utilized at least one of these pacted especially in the guise of self-efficacy, coping mechanisms. Most of the respond­ or the "beliefs or conceptions about personal ents in this sample would use more than capability" (Lovaglia et al 1998:205). Thus, one coping mechanism; their response de­ while blondes develop good overall self-es­ pended on the circumstances of the situa­ teem due to their status as positive deviants, tion and their particular mood or understand­ this stereotype is clearly capable of nega­ ing of how best to deal with the situation. tively impacting self-efficacy. That blondes develop coping mechanisms is indicative 64 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Ignoring or Joking (Not Taken Seriously) don't know what they're talking about. I One way that some blonde women react never let it affect me-laughing at them in­ to the societal constructions of blondes as side myself-just look at them and keep on dumb is to ignore comments or to not take going; just don't acknow1edge it; just go in them seriously by returning·the joke. As one with your life. They don't deserve the credit respondent described her reactions, -don't respond-no reason to fight fire with other fire. They stop if you ignore them. If they are ignorant and they are just joking and don't see it gets to me, I just walk away. One woman noted that she often joked I just can't change everybody. around as a response to the condescension of others. She did suggest, however, that As an adolescent commented, there was a line that could be crossed into hurtful behavior; at that point, she chose to Most people just say it when they are teas­ ignore the comments, ing you, so just ignore it. If I make a mistake and somebody calls you a dumb blonde, I If it's hurtful, I ignore it. Whatever I might say say look who is talking (only if they're isn't going to change their mind. blonde). If it is a brunette, I will joke back by saying, 'You're dumb too.' I say it jokingly, As such, some blonde women always or so they know I'm joking. People don't really sometimes choose to simply ignore or not think I'm stupid unless I'm acting crazy. I take the phenomenon seriously. don't try to prove anything. Self-fulfilling Prophecy A college student also adopted this same Erikson (1964) noted that labeling can stance, reporting: serve as a powerful basis for self-fulfilling prophecies, or that stereotyped people can If someone has a blonde joke they tell me. I simply act out the role. While preferring to think they're funny [yet at the same time, I ignore the stereotype, a college student noted think] they're so ridiculous, not even funny. about other women, I've never seen a blonde so stupid; how many blondes does it take to put in a light I do know some women who do it [play out bulb, so ridiculous. I don't feel I'm one of the the role] for the attention. They would do it stereotyped blondes so I can laugh. Ath­ for the attention. They acted out the role. letic blondes don't tend to be perceived as That's what people were looking for and typical blondes. If somebody is so serious that draws attention to yourself. about blondes being stupid, I just laugh at them. I don't take them seriously. I know so Insisting that it was accidental, one woman many blondes that aren't stupid. That is not acknowledged that she has utilized the role, serious. primarily because she feels it makes others happy. She explained: A 20-year-old female explained, I just am myself. I just act like I am whether Jokes have been told on me and have no there is a stereotype about me or not. I can effect on me whatsoever. They tell me a remember a colleague [in a professional po­ blonde joke like they would tell a brunette. sition] saying she's either the smartest per­ Some blondes are deeply impacted. They son I ever knew or the dumbest. They prob­ get hurt, for some reason. I've never taken ably thought I could play the dumb role well. them seriously. Maybe sometimes but not intentionally, I do dumb things sometimes. I'm not trying to but A 16-year-old ranked in the top ten in her people think I am possibly because I am class, noted: blonde. I just laugh it off. It makes me feel smart because I know I'm not dumb. They're I would try to speak my mind and act on my the dumb ones for assuming such non­ intelligence and they'd [classmates] say sense. It's not serious. It's just fun . It makes you're just a dumb blonde. I'd just ignore it. people laugh. That sounds pretty good. It is I'd laugh at their ignorance and say they the easiest way to make people laugh and Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 65

happy because I can 't tell jokes. I've doubted planation of the development in many blonde my intelligence not based on how people women of the ice princess persona, she con­ treat me but because things I've failed at. tinued,

One blonde noted, A lot of attractive blondes don't want to be stereotyped and so overcompensate: they Every once in a while, I'm just trying to be don't want to be stereotyped as dumb or funny, acting stupid. They expect me to be taking advantages of good looks, so you're stupid, why not feed their little stupid stereo­ much more conscious of your behaviors. If type? you're rebelling against stereotypes, you're much more restrained. An adolescent suggesting that she mostly fights back by saying "I 'm at the top of my An adolescent, ranked number one in her class" but occasionally, "I'll play along and high school class, stated: say, yeah, I'm a ditz, but it gets my defenses up." As the social construction permeates Sometimes, I act more serious, so I don't get society, the enactment of the role then be­ thought of as ditzy. At school, a lot of people comes a possibility for blondes so labeled. think I'm serious and I'm not at all. If I'm bounc­ Sometimes, they opt for that role. ing around like I usually do, people will think I'm dumb (ditzy). If you get desperate and Overcompensating (Including Taking on need to and you think it's the only way you the Ice Princess Role) can get what you need, you just act like Another potential manner in which the ste­ you're a dumb ditz ... mistake. You're not reotype can be confronted is for an individual taken as seriously, so you have to try twice to choose to deliberately diminish within her­ as hard to be serious and it's not fun being self any characteristics that might allow oth­ serious, but you have to be taken seriously. ers to label her as a dumb blonde. The "ice Around people I know I will act naturally; princess" is another iconic image that has around people I don 't know, I have to act evolved for blondes and an image that has serious and boring-blah. been associated with movie portrayals, by actresses such as and Sharon Another blonde reported that a way to fight Stone. The "ice princess" is the polar oppo­ the societal image was to act and think like a site of the dumb blonde and is perhaps a man, at least in her professional capacity. definitive rebuke and reaction to the stereo­ She stated that this was one option as she type. A respondent explained: knew that one avenue open to her was to use her sex appeal; if that failed to function It could be my perceiving people's reaction . for her, then an additional route was to figure I thought I was always more cautious, out how a man would succeed in the sce­ guarded in a professional environment, try­ nario and conquer the professional obstacle ing to maintain a distance between me and from that frame of reference. In other words, male mentors, bending over backwards to she felt that if she could be seen as one of be distant. Part of it was a feeling that any the guys, rather than a blonde woman, her behavior less than extremely professional blonde hair would not be hazardous for her all the time would be interpreted as ditzy in her professional capacity. She explained blonde ... l think you're conscious that people that she would often establish her creden­ will stereotype you as a dumb blonde. You tials and would also engage in serious dis­ have to make a conscious decision to play cussions about current sports events, spe­ into it or resist it. You're afraid when you cifically so that co-workers would forget she meet someone that they stereotype you as was a blonde woman and thus, take her se­ dumb or witless based on what you look riously and treat her in a professional man­ like. You practice restraining behavior: ner. She presented a scenario in which a you 're not as extroverted, spirited as you boss-an Air Force Colonel-was not treat­ might be. You become restrained or too re­ ing her in a professional way (and which she strained for your own good. felt was related to her hair color). She pro­ ceeded to analyze the situation and decided Speculating that these reasons were the ex- if she would act like a man, she would be 66 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology taken seriously. Consequently, she ap­ Another young woman explained this adap­ proached her boss and informed him, "I know tation, the government, I know the military" and asked him to pile on extra work and she I've always been athletic and a blonde ; dumb would successfully complete all the work he jock, dumb blonde. I've always tried hard to needed done. She stated that the transfor­ show people I'm not dumb or stupid . In mation occurred almost instantaneously in school, I got better grades. just trying to fit that she was treated as a serious and re­ in and talk like I'm not stupid . I've always spected co-worker. Curiously, perhaps en­ been quiet-my grades were good-just gaging in behavior that could lead to labels, me. I don't know if I think people would per­ including the ice princess role, is the surest ceive me as stupid . way to avoid the label of dumb blonde. In­ deed, it is a very interesting sociological phe­ A respondent commented, nomenon that the one way to avoid a label is to engage in compensatory behaviors that When they don't expect me to say more create another label. than two syllable words ...they start to talk , explain simple things to me. I'll say, 'I do Fighting Back know how it works. I have an education . I The reaction to dealing with the stereo­ have an IQ higher than my shoe size.' typing process that was most commonly mentioned by the women in this sample con­ Another woman stated, sisted of fighting back. This response ranged from the confrontational to the subtle. For one I keep getting degrees. Maybe if I say it loud woman, this fighting back included the pos­ enough [4.0 GPA] to my family, they'll get sibility of confrontations. She stated, the word out.

I developed a mouth. I didn't attempt to maxi­ A 16-year-old high school student com­ mize blondeness by what I did and the way mented, I dressed . I tried to downplay blonde hair. My father taught me to offset these stereo­ It is one of the things that makes me want to types ... You can do a lot with your mouth to do well in school, to strive, to prove you are offset images. Mouthy, aggressive women not a dumb blonde, do well in school, get an don't fit the image of blondeness . A on a test.

Another respondent proclaimed that inside In fact, she attributed her academic motiva­ every blonde woman (presumed by others tion to her hair color. After delivering an in­ to be happy-go-lucky and bubbly) was a hard­ tense and heart-felt monologue about the er woman, angry and frustrated over her lack shabby treatment of blondes based on the of control over situations in which other "dumb blonde" phenomenon, a 12-year-old people made unwarranted presumptions respondent was asked if there are any role solely based on hair color; this harder woman models for blondes. Interpreting this ques­ was willing to stand up and emit "messages, tion from her perspective, her reply-"Ein­ I'm strong, independent, don't mess with stein, because he is smart"-in a nutshell, me." However, the major method of fighting summarizes this reaction. At the same time, back was subtler; respondents informed oth­ many blonde women do feel that at some ers of their intelligence. A young woman ana­ level, they have to prove their intelligence to lyzed this strategy as follows, be accepted as intelligent; with another hair color they would not have to prove that intelli­ I definitely try to prove them wrong . In high gence, as an assumption of intelligence school , I was always teased . When class would be granted unless they demonstrated ranks came out, I would use it to prove I otherwise. One woman hypothesized, wasn't as stupid as they think . I would al­ ways say something; they would take it the I don't know if it is taken more seriously wrong way and say, DUH, that was stupid. when people are dealing with a brunette or I would prove I was smart. a redhead; they withhold judgment until af­ ter they have the opportunity to see the Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 67

person . When dealing with a blonde, she also involved mitigating the impact of blonde has to go the extra mile to prove she's not hair by cutting it to a shorter length. A 36- dumb. Brunettes and redheads don 't have year-old respondent, working in a defense­ a presumption to overcome. People see related industry, noted that she had never them as an individual. met one other blonde woman that said that being blonde was easy. As an example, she Another woman also echoed this same pointed to a former co-worker who was ex­ thought, in response to a question regard­ periencing a very difficult time being taken ing whether brunettes had any advantages seriously in her work. She purposely cut her over blondes, when she stated, hair to a much shorter length and specifi­ cally stated that she had cut her hair so that Smartness. It is hard to get past looks. It's she might be deemed more professional hard for blondes to show who they are. and more competent. All in all, while not of­ Brunettes have an easier time. People don't ten used by the women in this sample, pass­ look at them that way. People can look at ing represents another way to cope with the the person more than the looks. Blondes stigma of the dumb blonde. have to get past the looks to have people In essence, the complex stereotype of the look at them as a person ... It's kind of a chal­ "dumb blonde" is a potent molder of blonde lenge to make people see who you are. women . Not just passive recipients of soci­ etal forces, constructions, and reactions, Consequently, in many ways, the women in these blonde women actively created vari­ this sample do note a clear cultural disad­ ous strategies to respond to this profoundly vantage, based solely on their hair color. negative and threatening stigmatization. Yet the mere fact that they had to create coping Passing mechanisms attests to the marginalization A final potential strategy for dealing with a they experience in society in relation to as­ stereotype is to "pass"; one woman in this sumptions about their intelligence. sample utilized passing as a way to over­ come her societal treatment. Clearly, bru­ Worsened Relationships with Women nettes are the numerical majority and the stan­ Various women mentioned that their per­ dard in this society and stereotypical imag­ ception was that blonde hair had negatively ery does not exist for brunettes in the way in impacted their relationships with other wo­ which it does for blondes and redheads. Join­ men. This finding is particularly striking due ing the majority group precludes the appli­ the fact that a specific question on this topic cation of negative stereotypes and negative had not been asked. Their perception is con­ treatment based on those stereotypes; one sistent with the finding of Krebs and Adinolfi woman chose this option. As she explained, (1975) that the physically attractive do expe­ rience a disadvantage. That disadvantage is At one point, I dyed my hair. In high school, a tendency to be rebuffed by other individu­ I would try to lighten my hair. After I dyed my als of the same sex. Societal constructions hair brown, since then, I have never tried to of gender are quite pertinent, as well. Appear­ lighten my hair. I avoided anything that would ance norms govern the lives of women more get it lighter. than men and women are more likely to be judged on the basis of appearance (Schur She also related an incident in which she 1983). Thus, women deemed to surpass demanded that her hairdresser stop using a normative expectations are especially likely certain chemical on her hair as it also had to be negatively assessed. The beautiful wo­ the unintended consequence of lightening man becomes the idealization "against her hair. To become the standard mitigates which all women will be judged" (Chapkis the application of negative imagery. As a 1986:14); consequently, appearance compe­ more subtle form of passing-and becom­ tition emerges and assessment of appear­ ing less discreditable (Gottman 1963}-one ance mediates the comfort level of women's respondent noted that by wearing glasses relationships with other women (Orbach she was less likely to be miscast in the dumb 1978). As Brownmiller noted, the blonde role. Glasses metaphorically repre­ sent intelligence. Another form of passing struggle to approach the feminine ideal, to 68 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

match the femininity of other women and That's how a guy describes a nice-looking especially to outdo them, is the chief compe­ sexually attractive woman. Blonde is de­ titive arena .. .in which the American woman fined as the sexiest. It just seems like that's is wholeheartedly encouraged to contend. the norm, that's the way. Men say this. Wo­ (1984:70) men degrade blondes, they're jealous, they do the blonde jokes, say that they're not as This factor might be exacerbated by the find­ smart because they accept the societal ings of Jacobi and Cash (1992) that amongst standard. It often makes one feel better their sample of American white college stu­ when a guy describes a woman as attrac­ dents, women were significantly more likely tive that way. to think that men preferred blonde women than the men, in the same sample, reported As a 20-year-old commented, preferring blonde women. In this context, blonde women experience more difficult re­ Long blonde haired women are considered lationships with other women. As friendships attractive by men. They [non-blonde wo­ are very important in human life, this conse­ men) get a little jealous of them (blonde wo­ quence is surely negative. men). Blondes get a lot of attention from Various women described this scenario. men because they are society's little Barbie As one woman portrayed her understanding doll. .. perfect women. It's what men look for. of her life scenarios, One respondent, noting that other hair color I can remember getting venom from bru­ did not elicit as much attention as hers, nettes; plenty of nasty comments, you've pointed to a female friend who would not go got blonde hair, the package. Plenty of wo­ out with her because men were more com­ men let me know I had the package-petite monly drawn to her and stated, blonde woman. I don't have that much in common with other blondes, other than the It is easier to be friends with a blonde. There snide barbs we receive. I let them go. They isn't as much competition . We don't feel we [brunettes) see that men respond to them have to compete with each other. as not blonde. Another respondent suggested, Another woman reported that other women, who do not have blonde hair, consistently The competition between women is aw­ asked "Is it real?" which she interpreted as fui. .. Men have a tendency to like blondes negative commentary rooted in interpersonal better... it's the hair color that attracts a man jealousy. During her high school experience, .. .other women are jealous. a brunette adolescent had asked her, "Which box does it come from?" and simply would She further added that she was so delighted not believe the response that it was a natural to have recently become a best friend to an­ hair color. Also, an adolescent noted, other woman, because for many years all of her friends had been men and she felt it was Girls, have told me, I wish I had your hair out of necessity due to other women treating and ask, do blondes have more fun? her poorly. Finally, another woman assessed her negative adolescent relationships with Another woman suggested, other women-which she believed was link­ ed to her hair color- as follows: The better friends weren't jealous, but fe­ males were jealous. I was viewed as pretty. I did experience jealousy and competition for attention from A 21-year-old woman hypothesized, guys. It wasn't really evident at a younger age. As I got older, I didn't have friendships Women tend to be more jealous, but still see based on trust. They were always jealous. them [blondes) as more attractive. At cheerleader tryouts, another girt said she didn't care if she didn't make it just as long According to a 20-year-old female, as she beat me. It's sad that people are stereotyped on the basis of their hair color. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 69

It's harder to have female friends . I have a might focus on the case of gifted children lot more male friends. Blonde females are and their experience of simultaneously be­ generally treated better by males. I can re­ ing considered positive deviants by adults late more closely with a blonde. Brunettes and rate-busters by peers. How does this are more likely to be jealous. dual response impact their shared reality? In relation to sports, successful athletes (es­ Clearly, many respondents perceived that pecially football players) are both positive de­ their relationships with other women had viants and rate-busters. They over conform been hampered by their hair color. to athletic accomplishment and are positively All in all, blonde women are also nega­ evaluated and lauded by society. At the same tively evaluated and treated. Various stereo­ time, the portrayal of the "dumb jock" is ubiq­ types create a cultural image packaging of uitous in this society. How do accomplished blondes as innocent, easy, sexy, and dumb. athletes deal with these competing images? Blondes experience the negative situation of As a side note, many people (based on having to construct coping mechanisms to categories) are not assumed to be less intel­ deal with the last stereotype. Further, many lectually gifted by others, unless they prove of the blondes interviewed felt that other wo­ themselves to be less intellectually gifted. men treated them poorly. Yet, in the case of some categories, includ­ ing athletic ability (especially football play­ CONCLUSIONS ers), blonde hair color, minority status and A 16-year-old blonde observed, Appalachian origin, this is not the case. On the basis of these statuses, attributions of a I'd rather be looked at as what I am . lessened mental ability have been culturally created and sustained. Thus, individuals Nevertheless, the imagery of blondes is pow­ within these categories are faced with the erful and blondes are clearly molded by so­ daunting task of proving their intelligence in cietal/cultural imagery. A qualitative study of the context of a society that is all too willing to blonde women highlights the complexity of dismiss their intelligence. The overwhelm­ reactions to the same attribute. Blonde wo­ ing inability of society-and many people so­ men surpass culturally created appearance cialized within that society-to eradicate norms and are both positively and negatively these stereotypes is all too consequential to evaluated. As positive deviants, blonde wo­ individuals who occupy one of those sta­ men interviewed for this study felt that soci­ tuses. Further research on how stereotyped ety and culture had bestowed upon them an individuals cope with this intellectual mar­ advantage in relation to definitions of attrac­ ginalization, would be very beneficial, indeed. tiveness. Thus, they received much positive All in all , blonde women receive mixed attention and positive treatment. At the same blessings from society. time, blonde women are also stigmatized. The blondes interviewed for this study felt REFERENCES that the various stereotypes of blondes-as Alexander J M & JW Schouten 1989 Hair style they had experienced them-included the fol­ changes and transition markers Sociol­ lowing: innocence, sexy/more fun, easy, and ogy Social Res 74 :58-62. stupid. A negative experience emerged in that Armentor J 2003 Forming the disciplined as a reaction to the stereotype of the "dumb body of desire: a report on virtual romance. blonde" they felt the need to develop coping Eastern Sociological Society Annual Meet­ mechanisms (including ignoring/joking, ful­ ings, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. filling the prophecy, overcompensating, fight­ Babbie E 1995 The Practice of Social Re­ ing back, and passing). Many felt that their search 7rn ed Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. relationships with women were negatively Banks I 2000 Hair Matters: Beauty, Power and impacted by their blonde hair. Clearly, blonde Black Women 's Consciousness NY: New women receive contradictory evaluations. York U Press. Future research may highlight complex Becker G 1978 The Mad Genius Controversy reactions. Do other forms of deviance simul­ Beverly Hills: Sage. taneously receive both positive and negative Berscheid E & E Walster 1964 Physical at­ evaluations? If so, why are they subjected to tractiveness. Pp. 157-215 in Advances in varying reactions? For example, future study Experimental Social Psychology Vol. VII. NY: Academic Press. 70 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

Brownmiller S 1984 Femininity NY: Fawcett­ Feinman S & GW Gill 1978 Sex differences Columbine. in physical attractiveness preferences J Buffalo MD & JW Rodgers 1971 Behavioral Social Psycho/ 105:43-52. norms, moral norms, and attachment: Flagg B 1993 Was blind but now I see: white problems of deviance and conformity So­ race consciousness and the requirement cial Problems 19:101-113. of discriminatory intent Michigan Law Rev Bull E & N Rumsey 1988 The Social Psy­ 91:953-1017. chology of Facial Appearance NY: Spring­ Fong TO 2002 The Contemporary Asian er-Verlag. American Experience: Beyond the Melt­ Byrne D 1971 The Attraction Paradigm NY: ing Pot, 200 ed. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Academic Press. Prentice-Hall. Cahill SE 1989 Fashioning males and fe­ Freedman JL & AN Doob 1968 Deviancy: The males: appearance management and the Psychology of Being Different NY: Aca­ social reproduction of gender Symbolic demic Press. Interaction 12:281-298. Funny Jokes.Com. 2002. Blonde Jokes. Re­ Cahnman W 1968 The stigma of obesity So­ trieved January 9, 2002 from http:// ciological Qrtrly 9:283-299. www.comedyzone. net/jokes/laugh/ Chapkis W 1986 Beauty Secrets Boston: blondes/blondes4. htm South End Press. Goethe JW 1912 Faust NY: Modern Library. Clayson D & ML Klassen 1989 Perceptions Gottman E 1963 Stigma: Notes on the Man­ of attractiveness by obesity and hair color agement of Spoiled Identity Englewood Perceptual Motor Skills 68:199-202. Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall. Clayson DE & MRC Maughan 1986 Red­ Griscom J 1992 Women and power: defini­ heads and blondes: stereotypic images tion, dualism, and difference Psycho/ Wo­ Psychological Rep 59:811-816. men Qrtrly 16:398-414. Cooley CH 1902 Human Nature and the So­ Hawkins R & G Tiedeman 1975 The Cre­ cial Order NY: Charles Scribner's Sons. ation of Deviance Columbus, OH : Charles Cooper W 1971 Hair: Sex, Society and Sym­ E. Merrill Publishing Company. bolism NY: Stein and Day. Heckert A & D Heckert 2002 A new typology of Coser LA 1967 Continuities in the Study of deviance: integrating normative and re­ Social Conflict NY: The Free Press. activist definitions of deviance Deviant Crandall C & M Biernat 1990 The ideology of Behavior 23:449-479. anti-fat attitudes J Applied Social Psycho/ Heckert D 1989 The relativity of positive devi­ 20:227-243. ance: the case of the French Impression­ Degher D & G Hughes 2003 The adoption ists Deviant Behavior 10: 131-144. and management of a 'fat' identity. Pp. 211- ----:- 1998 Positive deviance: a classifi­ 221 in P Adler & P Adler eds Construc­ catory model F/CS 26:23-30. tions of Deviance: Social Power, Context, Heckert D & A Best 1997 Ugly duckling to and Interaction 4th ed. Belmont, CA: Wads­ swan: labeling theory and the stigmatiza­ worth. tion of Symbolic lnteractionism DeJong W 1980 The stigma of obesity: the 20:365-384. consequences of naive assumptions con­ Heckert J, D Heckert & A Heckert 2003 Rep­ cerning the causes of physical deviance resentations of hair color: a content analy­ J Health Social Behavior 2:75-87. sis. Eastern Sociological Society Annual Dion KK 1972 Physical attractiveness and Meetings, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. evaluation of children's transgressions J Hughes E 1945 Dilemmas and contradic­ Personality Social Psycho/105:207-213. tions of status American J Social 50:353- Erikson KT 1964 Notes on the sociology of 359. deviance. Pp. 9-20 in H Becker ed The Huryn JS 1986 Giftedness as deviance: a Other Side NY: The Free Press. test of interaction theories Deviant Behav­ Ewald K & RM Jiobu 1985 Explaining posi­ ior 7:175-186. tive deviance: Becker's model and the llyin N 2000 Blonde Like Me NY: Touchstone. case of runners and bodybuilders Sociol­ Irwin K 2003 Saints and sinners: elite tattoo ogy Sport J 2:144-156. collectors and tattooists as positive and negative deviants Sociological Spectrum 23:27-57. Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 71

Jacobi L & TF Cash 1992 The Description Miller J 2003 Gender and victimization risk and Prediction of Self-Precepts and Ideal­ among young women in gangs. Pp. 353- Precepts of Body Image for Multiple Physi­ 366 in P Adler & P Adler eds Construc­ cal Attributes. Unpublished Manuscript: tions of Deviance: Social Power, Context, Old Dominion University. and Interaction 4th ed Belmont, CA: Wads­ Juni S & MM Roth 1985 The influence of hair worth. color on eliciting help: do blondes have Nachmias CF & D Nachmias 1996 Research more fun? Social Behavior Personality Methods in the Social Sciences, 6th ed NY: 13:11-14. St. Martin's Press. King KP & DE Clayson 1988 The differential Nack A 2003 Identity and stigma of women perceptions of male and female deviants with STDs. Pp. 277-285 in P Adler & P Sociological Focus 21 :153-164. Adler eds Constructions of Deviance: So­ Krebs D & AA Adinolfi 1975 Physical attrac­ cial Power, Context and Interaction, 4th ed tiveness, social relations, and personal­ Belmont, CA: Wadsworth. ity style J Personality Social Psycho/ 31 : Norland S, JR Hepburn & D Monette 1976 245-253. The effects of labeling and consistent dif­ Kyle DJ & HIM Mahler 1996 The effects of ferentiation in the construction of positive hair color and cosmetic use on percep­ deviance Sociology Social Res 61 :83-95. tions of a female's ability Psychology Wo­ Orbach S 1978 Fat is a Feminist Issue NY: men Qrtrly 20:477-55. Berkeley Books. Landy D & H Sigall 1974 Beauty as talent: Palmer S & JA Humphrey 1990 Deviant Be­ task evaluation as a function of the per­ havior NY: Plenum Press. former's physical attractiveness J Person­ Posner J 1976 The stigma of excellence: on ality Social Psycho/ 29 :299-304. being just right Sociological Inquiry 46: Lawson ED 1971 Hair color, personality, and 141-144. the observer Psychological Rep 28 :311- Reis HT, L Wheeler & J Nezlik 1980 Physical 322. attractiveness in social interaction J Per­ Lemert EM 1951 Social Pathology NY: sonality Social Psychology 38:604-617. McGraw-Hill. Reis HT, L Wheeler, N Spiegel, MH Kerns, J -~- 1972 Human Deviance, Social Nezlik & M Perry 1982 Physical attractive­ Problems, and Social Control Englewood ness in social interaction II : why does ap­ Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall. pearance affect social experience? J Per­ Loftus M 2000 The roots of being blonde U.S. sonality Social Psycho/ 43:979-996. News & World Report 128:52. Rich MK & TF Cash 1993 The American im­ Lovaglia MJ, JW Lucas, JA Houser, SR Thye age of beauty: media representations of & B Markovsky 1998 Status processes hair color for four decades Sex Roles 29: and mental ability test scores American J 113-124. Social 104:195-228. Rosenthal R & L Jacobsen 1992 Pygmalion Maclachlan P 1985 Sarah, Plain and Tall in the Classroom NY: Irvington. NY: Harper Collins Juvenile Books. Sandstrom KL 2003 Confronting deadly dis­ Mazur A 1986 U.S. trends in feminine beauty ease: the drama of identity construction and over adaptation J Sex Res 22 :281- among gay men with AIDS. Pp. 550-564 303. in DH Kelly & EJ Clarke eds Deviant Be­ Mcintyre A 1997 Making Meaning of White­ havior. A Text-Reader in the Sociology of ness: Exploring Racial Identity with White Deviance 6th ed NY: Worth Publishers. Teachers Albany: SUNY-Albany Press. Scarpitti FR & PT McFarlane 1975 Deviance: Merton RK 1968 Social Theory and Social Action, Reaction, Interaction Reading, MA: Structure NY: The Free Press. Addison-Wesley Publishing. Meyerowitz J 1991 Redheads NY: Rizzoli In­ Schneider JW & P Conrad 1993 In the closet ternational Publications. with illness: epilepsy, stigma potential and Miller E 1986 Street Women Philadelphia: information control. Pp. 205-221 in DH Temple U Press. Kelly ed Deviant Behavior: A Text Reader 4th ed NY: St. Martin's Press. Schur EM 1971 Labeling Deviant Behavior NY: Harper and Row. 72 Volume 31 No. 1 May 2003 Free Inquiry In Creative Sociology

-.,....,---· 1983 Labeling Women Deviant NY: Weitz R 1993 Living with the stigma of AIDS. Harper and Row. Pp. 222-236 in DH Kelly ed Deviant Be­ Sorokin PA 1950 Altruistic Love Boston: The havior: A Text Reader 4111 ed NY: St. Mar­ Beacon Press. tin's Press. Steffensmeier OJ & RM Terry 1975 Examin­ Wilkins LT 1965 Social Deviance Englewood ing Deviance Experimentally Port Wash­ Cliffs, NJ : Prentice-Hall. ington, NY: Alfred Publishing Company. Winslow RW 1970 Society in Transition: A Stone GP 1962 Appearance and the self Pp. Social Approach to Deviance NY: The Free 86-118 in AM Rose ed Human Behavior Press. and Social Processes Boston: Houghton Zebrowitz L, MA Collins & R Dutta 1998 The Mifflin. relationship between appearance and Synott A 1987 Shame and glory: a sociology personality across the life span Person­ of hair British J Social 38 :381-413. ality Social Psycho/ Bu/124:736-749. Tannenbaum F 1980 The dramatization of evil. Pp. 244-248 in SH Traub, Craig & Little eds Theories of Deviance ltsaca, IL: F.E. Peacock Publishers.