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On the Indigenization of English in Cameroon and New Englishisms

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On the Indigenization of English in Cameroon and New Englishisms Augustin Simo Bobda On the Indigenization of English in Cameroon and new Englishisms Series A: General & Theoretical Papers ISSN 1435-6473 Essen: LAUD 1998 (2., unveränderte Auflage 2006) Paper No. 441 Universität Duisburg-Essen Augustin Simo Bobda University of Yaoundel, Cameroon (West Africa) On the Indigenization of English in Cameroon and new Englishisms Copyright by the author Reproduced by LAUD 1998 (2., unveränderte Auflage 2006) Linguistic Agency Series A University of Duisburg-Essen General and Theoretical FB Geisteswissenschaften Paper No. 441 Universitätsstr. 12 D- 45117 Essen Order LAUD-papers online: http://www.linse.uni-due.de/linse/laud/index.html Or contact: [email protected] Augustin Simo Bobda On the Indigenization of English in Cameroon and new Englishisms Since its transportation and transplantation in the colonies, the English language has kept on distancing itself structurally from mother-tongue varieties. Depending on the causes and the manifestations of this divergence that writers have in mind, the phenomenon has in turn been termed indigenization (e.g. Moag 1982), localization (Strevens 1982, Kachru 1986), nativization (Kachru 1986), domestication (Odusina and Ikegelu 1990), adaptation (1991), or evidence of ownership of the “other tongue” (Chisanga and Kamwangamalu 1997). The common suggestion in all these labels is that, in former British and American colonies, English has, through fossilized deviations, irreversibly taken on new identities. The present paper gives further evidence of this acquisition of new identities, based on the Corpus of Cameroon English, of which it is one of the pioneer analyses. It then discusses striking similarities in all New Englishes across national and continental borders, and discusses the strategies underlying features which, it is argued, should henceforth be called New Englishisms. Corpus-Based Evidence There is abundant evidence of indigenization of English in the Corpus of Cameroon English (CCE). The CCE is part of the International Corpus of English (ICE). Still relatively 1 limited, it is a corpus of one million words from written texts compiled between 1992 and 1995 at the University of Yaounde I. It has nine text categories: official press, private letters, novels and short stories, religion, tourism, official letters, personal letters, students’essays, government documents and memoranda, advertisements, and miscellaneous. For further information on this corpus, see Tiomajou 1995. Below (Table 1)is a sample of deviations from Standard British English (BrE) at different levels of analysis. Frequencies and percentages are shown for features which have established British equivalents(eg CamE balance vs BrE change); but only frequencies of occurrence in the data are shown for terms designating local sociocultural referents (eg achu), which have no neat English equivalents Table 1: Some deviations elicited by the Corpus of Cameroon English. Lexis N % achu (local dish) 9 fufu (local dish) 8 njangi (traditional meeting with money transaction) 8 Convocation 2 100% Summons 0 gate fee 5 100 admission fee 0 Balance 4 75 Change 1 25 mandat 3 75 money order 1 25 workmanship 2 100 labour 0 academician (noun) 7 100 academic 0 0 2 offhead 4 100 offhand 0 0 of recent 3 100 of late 0 0 Syntax Articles: the both (+noun) 2 33 both 4 66 (make) noise 4 100 a noise 0 0 Other determiners: some few (for a few) 9 66 few ( for a few) 3 18 a few 3 18 That + possessive adj. (e.g. this our city) 7 100 That--- of --- (e.g. this city of yours) 0 0 Prepositions and postpositions: fill (a form) 4 75 fill in/out 1 25 pick sb 4 80 pick sb up 1 20 stress on sth 7 100 stress sth 0 0 voice out (an opinion) 2 100 voice 0 0 accuse sb for 7 70 accuse sb of 3 30 advocate for sth 5 10 advocate sth 0 cope up with 4 cope with 2 3 meet up with (e.g. a requirement) 3 75 meet 1 25 comprise of --- 5 83 comprise 1 17 to request for sth 3 100 to request sth 0 0 to demand for sth 7 100 to demand sth 0 0 succeed to do sth 3 100 succeed in doing sth 0 Verbs: would (for will) 6 75 will 2 25 allow sb do sth 4 100 allow sb to do sth 0 0 enable sb do sth 8 1000 enable sb to do sth 0 0 permit sb do sth 7 100 permit sb to do 0 0 make sb do sth 10 make sb to do 2 succeed to do sth 6 6.66 succeed in doing sth 3 3.33 Nouns: Deviant plural marker advices( in a context like “ a lot of ...”) 3 100 advice 0 0 equipments 3 100 Equipment 0 on holidays 4 100 on holiday 0 0 4 an advice 1 50 a piece of/some advice 1 50 Pronouns: verb + themselves (for each other) 3 75 each other/one another 1 25 all what 5 100 all that 0 0 Connectors and conjunctions: as such (for therefore, consequently ---) 9 81.81 therefore, consequently --- 2 18.18 meanwhile (for while, whereas) 8 80 while, whereas 2 20 The above survey shows a very noticeable divergence between BrE and Cameroon English (CamE). This kind of data is important for the eventual recognition of a Cameroonian standard for English for two main reasons. First, the corpus is a written corpus, where language is generally known to be very careful. Secondly, the texts that make up the corpus are produced by users who have attained the highest levels of education: they are renowned journalists, writers, university teachers of English (significantly), etc. Indeed, the 100% or so of Cameroonians who say on holidays, all what, enable sb do sth, balance for change are not learners of English in the traditional sense of the term. The usages exemplied are not, as McKay (1992:91) thinks, produced by people who are in the process of learning English, speakers of a type of interlanguage, who are still to develop full competence. If linguists -- whom McKay 1992:91) refers to-- agree that the English spoken by people who have reached the highest possible levels of education in their countries is legitimate and acceptable, then usages like the ones above, which are numerous in the CCE, are fully legitimate, acceptable and recommendable. New Englishisms A number of descriptive studies of New Englishes are now available at world, continental, regional and national levels. At world level, Swan and Smith’s (1987) Learner English analyses the English mistakes of speakers from a wide range of backgrounds; “learner English” is meant to incorporate both EFL and ESL varieties of English. Pride’s (1982) New Englishes provides a sociolinguistic and historical overview of New Englishes, but also dwells on their forms. Platt et al’s (1984) The New Englishes is probably the most 5 comprehensive statement on features of New Englishes. Shorter (journal articles) descriptive studies which highlight similarities between the New Englishes include Ahulu (1994a, b). In fact, Ahulu’s (1994a) paper is very suggestive in this regard: “How Ghanaian is Ghanaian English?” Descriptive studies with a continental scope include Schmied’s (1991) English in Africa Regional (within a continent) studies include Spencer’s (1991) The English Language in West Africa, Schmied’s (1989, 1991) English in East and Central Africa, and De Klerk’s (1996) Focus on South Africa Notable descriptions of national varieties in Africa include (Sey (1973), Tingley(1981), Adjaye (1987) and Gyasi (1991) on Ghanaian English, Jibril (1982), Kujore (1985) and Jowitt (1991) on Nigerian English, Mbangwana (1989) and Simo Bobda (1994a, b, c) on Cameroon English, Pemagbi (1995) on Sierra Leonean English, De Klerk (1996) on South African English, Tripathi(1990) on Zambian English, Hocking’s (1978) on Kenyan English. In Asia, they include Nihalani et al.(1979) on Indian English, Platt and Weber (1980) on Singapore and on Malaysian Englishes, Lowenberg (1991) on Malaysian English. Apart from a few cases (e.g. Platt et al 1984, Ahulu 1994a,b, 1995) where the internatinonal nature of some features described is acknowledged, studies usually stress the national nature of the features. Thus, terms like Indianisms, Nigerianisms, Ghanaianisms, Cameroonianisms are common in the literature, often for features shared by almost all New Englishes. National and regional specificities manifest themselves mostly at the phonetic and phonological levels, due mostly to the influence of background languages. In lexis, various forms of borrowings are also, predictably, geographically bound, as English adapts itselfs to the sociocultural environments of the various recipient communities. But the other deviations from lexis, semantics, and from other levels of analysis generally cut astonishingly across large territories of the globe. The following is a representative sample of lexical and syntactic features found in almost all New Englishes on the planet. 6 Morphology • Deviant or unnecessary affix; a matured woman to fill this position (BrE mature) Everybody is welcomed pregnanted instalmental(ly) Lexis In lexis, all New Englishes tend to have the same types of semantic shift, collectional extension, and derivation. In this regard, the data discussed in an earlier study (Simo Bobda 1994b) have been found to be reported almost everywhere else in former British colonies. But semantic extension is probably the most common and the most productive innovation process. Examples: • balance: → (also means) change • stay: → live e.g. I stay with my parents (Platt et al 1984:103) • to travel: → be away e.g. My father has travelled (Platt et al 1984:112). Semantics and style Common semantic and stylistic features of New Englishes include the use of tautological terms, and reduplication. Return back, repeat again, walk on foot, just a mere / simple ---, can be able to, include ---- and so on, near at hand, only ---- alone (e.g.
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