DOCSLIB.ORG

Imjin Namhaeng Illok 壬辰南行日錄 (Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592)

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
Imjin Namhaeng Illok 壬辰南行日錄 (Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592) Imjin namhaeng illok (Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592) O Hŭimun ( 1539–1613), Michael C. E. Finch Acta Koreana, Volume 22, Number 2, December 2019, pp. 369-398 (Article) Published by Keimyung University, Academia Koreana For additional information about this article https://muse.jhu.edu/article/756395 [ Access provided at 25 Sep 2021 17:10 GMT with no institutional affiliation ] ACTA KOREANA Vol. 22, No. 2, December 2019: 369–398 Imjin namhaeng illok 壬辰南行日錄 (Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592) By O HŬIMUN (吳希文 1539–1613) Translated, annotated, and introduced by MICHAEL C. E. FINCH O Hŭimun (吳希文 1539–1613), the author of “Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592” (Imjin namhaeng illok 壬辰南行日錄), was a scion of the Haeju O ssi (descent group) and his gravesite can be found today at Osan-li, Mohyŏn-myŏn, Yongin, Kyŏnggi Province. Although O Hŭimun never rose to political prominence or even passed the civil service examination, he was the father of O Yun’gyŏm (吳允謙 1559–1636), who acted as Korea’s “communication envoy” (t’ongsinsa 通信使) to Japan in 1617 some twenty years after the conclusion of the Japanese invasions of Korea at the end of the sixteenth century. O Yun’gyŏm eventually rose to the position of chief state councilor (yŏngŭijŏng 領議政) in the reign of King Injo (r. 1623–1649). O Hŭimun was also the grandfather of O Talche (吳達濟1609–1637), who as one of the “three learned gentlemen” (samhaksa 三學士) was executed at the age of twenty-eight for his opposition to Chosŏn’s peace negotiations with the invading Manchu forces in 1636 (Pyŏngja horan 丙子胡亂).1 Although finally attaining the junior ninth rank post of supervisor in the office of carpentry and works (sŏn’gonggam kamyŏk 繕工監監役) through the influence of his son O Yun’gyŏm at court, O Hŭimun has earned his place in the history of the Chosŏn era as one of the pre-eminent diarists of the Imjin War (1592–1598) period. His diary Swaemirok (瑣尾錄 Record of a refugee), which was registered as Treasure No. 1096 by the government of the Republic of Korea in 1991, provides a vivid first-hand account of the experience of a civilian and his family during the war, thus complementing the better known Nanjung ilgi (亂中日記 War diary), a record of the naval campaigns of Yi Sunsin (舜臣 1545–1598) and Chingbirok (懲毖 錄 Book of corrections), political reflections on the same period by the chief state councilor Yu Sŏngnyong (柳成龍 1542–1607).2 MICHAEL C. E. FINCH ([email protected]) is a professor in the Department of Korean Studies, Keimyung University, Korea. 1 For a genealogy for O Hŭimun see Appendix A at the end of this translation. 2 English translations of these works are Yi Sunsin, Nanjung ilgi (The War Diaries of Admiral Yi), translated by Ha Tae-hung (Seoul: Yonsei University Press, 1977); Yu Sŏngnyong, The Book of Corrections: Reflections on the National Crisis during the Japanese Invasion of Korea: 1592–1598, translated by Choi Byonghyon (Berkeley: Institute of East Asian Studies, University of California, 2002). A recent valuable addition to these translations of materials relating to the Imjin War is JaHyun Kim Haboush and Kenneth R. Robinson eds. and trans., A Korean 370 Acta Koreana, Vol. 22, No. 2, December 2019 O Hŭimun began writing his diary several months before the onset of the Japanese invasion of 1592 (Imjin waeran) on the twenty-seventh day of the second lunar month of 1591 (Sinmyo) and continued until the twenty-seventh day of the second lunar month of 1601 (Sinch’uk). The diary comprises a total of seven books. The first book (121 pages) contains the “Imjin namhaeng illok” (Daily record of a journey south in 1592), which is translated in full here, and the “Imjin illok” (Daily record of the year 1592). The second and third books (113 and 121 pages) cover the lunar years 1593 (Kyesa) and 1594 (Kabo) respectively. The fourth book (194 pages) contains the records of the lunar years 1595 (Ŭlmi), 1596 (Pyŏngsa) and the first lunar month of 1597 (Chŏngyu). The fifth book (63 pages) covers the second month to the eighth lunar month of 1597, and the sixth book (86 pages) contains the records for the ninth to twelfth lunar month of 1597 and the lunar year 1598 (Musul). The seventh and final book (117 pages) contains the records for the lunar years 1599 (Kihae), 1600 (Kyŏngja), and from the first day of the first lunar month until the twenty-seventh day of the second lunar month of 1601 (Sinch’uk) when O Hŭimun and his family finally returned to their home in Seoul. The title O Hŭimun gave to the complete work Swaemirok 瑣尾錄 is a literary reference to a line from the ode “Mao qiu” (K. Mogu: Banner Hill) in the Classic of Poetry (Shijing 詩 經), which is described by the translator James Legge as a “complaint of the ministers of Le against those of Wei for not assisting them.”3 The relevant line in the poem is “Fragments and a remnant, / Children of dispersion [are we].” (C. Suoxi weixi liuli zhi zi; K. Swaehye mihye yuri chi cha). “Swae” (C. suo 瑣) meaning “fragment” and “mi” (C. wei 尾) meaning “remnant” are combined to form “Swaemirok” (literally “Fragment, remnant record”), which I have translated based on its original context in the Classic of Poetry, as “Record of a refugee.” The first section of Swaemirok translated here is titled, “Imjin namhaeng illok” (Daily record of a journey south in 1592) and comprises a record of O Hŭimun’s journey from his home in Seoul southwards through Kyŏnggi, Ch’ungch’ŏng and Chŏlla Provinces and describes his experiences travelling, sightseeing, and visiting relatives, including his younger married sister’s family at Hwanggye on the south coast of Chŏlla Province and his brother- in-law Yi Pin in Changsu north of Namwŏn in the same province. It is during these travels that on the sixteenth day of the fourth lunar month of 1592 O Hŭimun first hears of the Japanese invasion force that had landed at Pusan three days earlier on the thirteenth day of the fourth lunar month. His leisurely travel itinerary is thrown into confusion as he receives news of the Japanese forces’ rapid progress northwards to Seoul and Pyŏngyang, making the usual routes of travel impassable.4 As a consequence, O Hŭimun is War Captive in Japan, 1597–1600: The Writings of Kang Hang (New York: Columbia University Press, 2013). Kang Hang (1567–1618), like O Hŭimun, was a non-combatant in the war, but he was less fortunate insofar as he was captured by the Japanese during the second invasion of 1597 and held captive in Japan until 1600. For the best overall account of the Imjin War in English, see Samuel Hawley, The Imjin War: Japan’s Sixteenth-Century Invasion of Korea and Attempt to Conquer China (Seoul: RAS-KB and IEAS University of California Berkeley, 2005). 3 See “Maou-k‘ew” (Mao qiu 旄丘) (Legge 1871, 59–60). 4 For a complete list of the places that O Hŭimun visited during his travels recorded in the “Imjin namhaeng illok,” see Appendix B at the end of this translation. Finch: Imjin namhaeng illok 371 separated from his elderly mother, wife and children, who he had left behind in Seoul, and is forced to stay at Changsu in Chŏlla Province under the protection of the local magistrate, his brother-in-law, Yi Pin, and later to flee to the nearby Mt. Yŏngch’wi 靈( 鷲山) as the Japanese forces encroach into the region. As a “diary of situation” “Imjin namhaeng illok” provides an invaluable insight into a civilian’s response to the onset of the Japanese invasion of 1592.5 O Hŭimun recounts his daily concerns for the safety of his own family and even for that of the memorial tablets of his ancestors. Due to his closeness to the local administration because of his family ties to the local magistrate Yi Pin, O Hŭimun is also relatively well-informed about the progress of the war. He records his feelings of indignation and humiliation at the news of the collapse of Chosŏn’s land forces in the face of the Japanese assaults, which were exacerbated by the ignominious flight of King Sŏnjo (宣祖 1552–1608) from Seoul to P’yŏngyang and then to Ŭiju on the southern bank of the Yalu River. He was somewhat assuaged, however, by reports of the naval victories of Yi Sunsin and the exploits of the righteous armies (ŭibyŏng 義兵). The diary is not primarily a political commentary on the progress of the war but rather is filled with intimate details of O’s personal life and interpersonal relations, especially his interactions with members of his own yangban (gentry) class. Throughout the diary we can clearly see the importance of the mutual support system of this class in Chosŏn, which became a vital means of survival in a time of crisis. This translation of the first section of the diary “Imjin namhaeng illok” is based on the printed version of the original text in classical Chinese that has been made available on-line by the Jangseogak Royal Archives at the Academy of Korean Studies.6 In carrying out this translation, I have been greatly assisted by the Korean translation of Swaemirok undertaken by Yi Minsu and published in two volumes by the Ch’ut’an kongp’a chongch’inhoe in 1990.7 Daily Record of a Journey South in 1592 At dawn on the twenty-seventh day of the eleventh lunar month (chiwŏl 至月) of 1591, I departed from the capital (Seoul) and spent the night at the village school (sŏdang 書堂) of Yi Kyŏngyŏ (李敬輿).8 On the following day I arrived at a farming village (nongch’on 農村) in Yangsan (陽山) in order to prepare provisions for the journey.
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Bridled Tigers: the Military at Korea's Northern Border, 1800–1863
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2019 Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863 Alexander Thomas Martin University of Pennsylvania, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Martin, Alexander Thomas, "Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863" (2019). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3499. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3499 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3499 For more information, please contact [email protected]. Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863 Abstract The border, in late Chosŏn rhetoric, was an area of pernicious wickedness; living near the border made the people susceptible to corruption and violence. For Chosŏn ministers in the nineteenth century, despite two hundred years of peace, the threat remained. At the same time, the military institutions created to contain it were failing. For much of the late Chosŏn the site of greatest concern was the northern border in P’yŏngan and Hamgyŏng provinces, as this area was the site of the largest rebellion and most foreign incursions in the first half of the nineteenth century. This study takes the northern border as the most fruitful area for an inquiry into the Chosŏn dynasty’s conceptions of and efforts at border defense. Using government records, reports from local officials, literati writings, and local gazetteers, this study provides a multifaceted image of the border and Chosŏn policies to control it. This study reveals that Chosŏn Korea’s concept of border defense prioritized containment over confrontation, and that their policies were successful in managing the border until the arrival of Western imperial powers whose invasions upended Chosŏn leaders’ notions of national defense.
    [Show full text]
  • Hangeul As a Tool of Resistance Aganst Forced Assimiliation: Making Sense of the Framework Act on Korean Language
    Washington International Law Journal Volume 27 Number 3 6-1-2018 Hangeul as a Tool of Resistance Aganst Forced Assimiliation: Making Sense of the Framework Act on Korean Language Minjung (Michelle) Hur Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj Part of the Comparative and Foreign Law Commons Recommended Citation Minjung (Michelle) Hur, Comment, Hangeul as a Tool of Resistance Aganst Forced Assimiliation: Making Sense of the Framework Act on Korean Language, 27 Wash. L. Rev. 715 (2018). Available at: https://digitalcommons.law.uw.edu/wilj/vol27/iss3/6 This Comment is brought to you for free and open access by the Law Reviews and Journals at UW Law Digital Commons. It has been accepted for inclusion in Washington International Law Journal by an authorized editor of UW Law Digital Commons. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Compilation © 2018 Washington International Law Journal Association HANGEUL AS A TOOL OF RESISTANCE AGAINST FORCED ASSIMILATION: MAKING SENSE OF THE FRAMEWORK ACT ON KOREAN LANGUAGE Minjung (Michelle) Hur† Abstract: Language policies that mandate a government use a single language may seem controversial and unconstitutional. English-only policies are often seen as xenophobic and discriminatory. However, that may not be the case for South Korea’s Framework Act on Korean Language, which mandates the use of the Korean alphabet, Hangeul, for official documents by government institutions. Despite the resemblance between the Framework Act on Korean Language and English-only policies, the Framework Act should be understood differently than English-only policies because the Hangeul-only movement has an inverse history to English-only movements.
    [Show full text]
  • Lunar New Year Macarthur, General Douglas
    894 Lunar New Year The lunar New Year, known as 561, W6ndan, W6ni! or Cbongch '0, is one of the most important holidays in Korea. During this holiday, there are traffic jams throughout the country as people rush to see their family and relatives. On the morning of Lunar New Year, people don traditional dress (hanbok). Various foods and wine are prepared, and then set in front of an ancestral tablet. The table is meticulously arranged according to Confucian tradition; however, many families also have their own traditions governing details of the arrangement. In general, fish is put on the east, meat on the west, fruit in front, rice and soup behind and liquor on the front table. A ceremony is then held during which the male family members pay respect to their deceased ancestors up to the fourth generation by making three full bows. Family members also visit the graves of their deceased ancestors. On this holiday, after cutting the grass from around the grave, they make a simple offering and then bow three times. In addition to paying respect to the deceased, each family member is expected to make two formal bows to his or her elders. According to custom, the elders then give the person a gift of money, particularly if the person is a child. Special foods are prepared for this holiday. In particular, rice-cake soup is typically served instead ofrice. For this reason, the question 'How many bowls of rice-cake soup have you eaten?' is sometimes used to ask one's age. In North Korea and China, mandu (dumpling) soup is often eaten instead.
    [Show full text]
  • Beyond Yi Sun-Shin and the Ming 45 the Weak Korean Army
    44 Lee Beyond Yi Sun-Shin and the Ming 45 the weak Korean Army. 2 Another major perspective, which is often found in Korean historical records, is that the Ming army played a major role in defeating the Japanese, because the Ming had more advanced weapons, especially large firearms. The best example can be found from the record of the Korean King Sonjo, who rnled Korea during the entire war period. After the war, while discussing the distribution of awards of the Korean generals, the king said, "This war was mostly led by the Ming mmy. Our troops KYEONG-BOK LEE were just following after the Ming army, and we won the battle by a fluke. In our own strength, we could not solely kill or capture one single Japanese soldier and their base." 3 Internationally, American On April 13th, 1592, about 20,000 Japanese soldiers came historian, Kenneth M. Swope, also overemphasizes the ashore at the southeastern region of Korea, hoping to conquer the contribution of the Ming army in his book, A Dragon 's head and a new land for the Japanese warlord Toyotomi Hideyoshi. This was Serpent's Tail, although it provides fairly accurate descriptions of the beginning of the brutal warfare betvveen the Joseon Dynasty in the Korean army in the early war period. In the book, the author Korea and Hideyoshi Japan, which was later named as the "Imjin says "the Koreans thanked the Ming profusely by defeating the War" in Korea. Later, Ming China also joined in the skirmish by Japanese, and in acknowledgement of their services, living shrines sending troops to support Korea.
    [Show full text]
  • Essays in Honor of John Defrancis on His Eightieth Birthday
    SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS Number 27 August 3 1, 1991 $35.00 Schriftfestschrift: Essays on Writing and Language in Honor of John DeFrancis on His Eightieth Birthday edited by Victor H. Mair Order froni: Department of Oriental Studies University of Pennsylvania Phdadelphia, PA 19 104-6305 USA SINO-PLATONIC PAPERS is an occasional series edited by Victor H. Mair. The purpose of the series is to make available to specialists and the interested public the results of research that, because of its unconventional or controversial nature, might otherwise go unpublished. The editor actively encourages younger, not yet well established, scholars and independent authors to submit manuscripts for consideration. Contributions in any of the major scholarly languages of the world, including Romanized Modern Standard Mandarin (MSM) and Japanese, are acceptable. In special circumstances, papers written in one of the Sinitic topolects (fangyan) may be considered for publication. Although the chief focus of Sino-Platonic Papers is on the intercultural relations of China with other peoples, challenging and creative studies on a wide variety of philological subjects will be entertained. This series is not the place for safe, sober, and stodgy presentations. Sino-Platonic Papers prefers lively work that, while taking reasonable risks to advance the field, capitalizes on brilliant new insights into the development of civilization. The only style-sheet we honor is that of consistency. Where possible, we prefer the usages of the Journal of Asian Studies. Sinographs (hanzi, also called tetragraphs [fangkuaizi]) and other unusual symbols should be kept to an absolute minimum. Sino-Platonic Papers emphasizes substance over form.
    [Show full text]
  • 887 © the Author(S) 2019 Kim Dae-Jung, Conscience in Action, NUMBERS and SYMBOLS
    INDEX1 NUMBERS AND SYMBOLS 1987 Revolution, 329–340, 862 2nd Marine Division, 98 June Uprising, 329–340 See also Blue Dragon Division See also June 29 Declaration, 862 3-step reunification plan, 166, 381, 1992 Agreed Framework, 661 408, 426, 612 See also Agreement on 3-term constitutional amendment, Reconciliation, Non-­ 144, 158, 741 Aggression, and Exchanges 3-way South Korea-United States-­ and Cooperation Between Japan cooperation, 634 South and North 5-year Economic Development Plan, 1992 Agreement, 637–639, 643 78, 80, 85, 238, 239 1993 U.S.-DPRK Joint Communiqué, 9th Infantry Division (White Horse 543, 640, 662 Division), 98 1994 Agreed Framework, 9/11 terrorist attack, 710 541, 735, 837 See also September 11 Attack See also 1994 Geneva Agreed The 21st Century and East Asia, 826 Framework Between the 21st Century Committee, The, 600 United States of America 38th Parallel, 19, 26, and the Democratic People’s 627, 664 Republic of Korea; 1994 55th UN Plenary Session, 660 U.S.-North Korean Agreed 100 Most Influential People, 863 Framework 1Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ denote notes. © The Author(s) 2019 887 Kim Dae-jung, Conscience in Action, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7623-7 888 INDEX 1994 Geneva Agreed Framework Agreement on Reconciliation, Between the United States of Non-Aggression, and Exchanges America and the Democratic and Cooperation Between South People’s Republic of Korea, 637 and North, 632 See also 1994 Agreed Framework; See also 1992 Agreed Framework 1994 U.S.-North Korean Ahn, Byung Mu, 219, 220, 287, Agreed
    [Show full text]
  • Il Tè in Corea
    STORIA E SCIENZA Fig. 2 Fig. 4 Fig. 3 Fig. 5 Fig. 1 compare nel 2333 a.C. quando T’an-gun, Fig. 1 cui derivarono durante il venticinquesimo anno di regno Mappa della Corea odierna le tribù Ainu Giapponesi. dell’Imperatore cinese Yao, unificò 6 tribù che vive- con la suddivi- Sembra che gli antichi nomadi Dongyi (cultura vano nella parte più a nord della penisola coreana. sione in province Loshang), fondatori dell’Han Guk (Fig. 3), siano Nel 2000 a.C. la Cina esportò in Corea la sua cultu- (2001) ra tardo-neolitica (ceramiche con disegni di saette) stati, se non dominanti, almeno componenti impor- Fig. 2 tanti della dinastia cinese Yin (1600- 1046 a.C.). Il che si diffuse in tutta la penisola. Fu però nel 1122 Korea (NASA) sospetto nasce sia da studi archeologici che linguisti- a.C., con l’avvento della dinastia cinese degli Zhu, ci di cui diamo qualche esempio. L’invenzione del che Ki-jo o Chi-tsu, ex principe della dinastia Shang, Fig. 3 Baidal nella L’hangul moderno pittogramma ‘gab-gol’ (osso e conchiglia) cinese nominato marchese dagli Zhou, accompagnato da nei giornali coreani Corea preistori- identico al pittogramma ‘bok-sa’ coreano, avente lo altri 5000 cinesi (secondo la tradizione), rifugiatosi ca, la migrazio- stesso significato, avvenne durante il regno della nelle terre del nord-ovest della Corea e del sud-est ne della civiltà dinastia Yin (prevalenza di Dongyi). Ancora, il carat- della Manciuria, fondò ciò che è noto come Antico coreana Il tè tere che indica la parola casa (ga) contiene nella Choson, una vasta confederazione di città munite di Fig.
    [Show full text]
  • Korean Romanization and Word Division
    Korean Romanization and Word Division Romanization 1. General Practice The Library of Congress will continue to follow the McCune-Reischauer system to romanize Korean with the exceptions noted in this document. See: Romanization of the Korean Language: Based upon its Phonetic Structure by G.M. McCune and E.O. Reischauer ([S.l.: s.n., 1939?), reprinted from the Transactions of the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. Full text of the original document is available online from the National Library of Australia Web site: http://www.nla.gov.au/librariesaustralia/cjk/download/ras_1939.pdf Note: A romanization table appears as Appendix 7, at the end of this document. 2. Authorities The Library of Congress will designate certain standard dictionaries [see Appendix 1] as final authorities to resolve questions of contemporary pronunciation. A word will be considered to be pronounced as indicated in those dictionaries, and romanized in such a way as to represent its pronunciation most accurately. 3. Conflict between Romanization Rule and Pronunciation When romanization rules conflict with the pronunciation of a word, prefer to represent the pronunciation. 1 라면 ramyŏn 漢字 Hancha 令狀 yŏngchang 서울대 Sŏuldae 월드컵 Wǒldŭk’ŏp 길잡이 kiljabi 말갈족 Malgaljok 값어치 kabŏch’i 싫증 silchŭng Note: Some dictionaries represent a reinforced medial consonant with a double consonant: 의과 [_꽈], 실시 [_씨]. However, the romanization would not necessarily show a double consonant: ǔikwa, silsi. 평가 p’yŏngka 문법 munpŏp 4. Hyphens (a) When sounds would normally change, according to McCune-Reischauer rules, sound change is indicated preceding or following a hyphen in forenames or pseudonyms that are preceded by family names, and in generic terms used as jurisdictions.
    [Show full text]
  • Leading Maritime Figures
    Leading Maritime Figures As history has shown, the world was dominated by countries which controlled the sea. The Roman Empire, Spain and Great Britain were such countries. Korea had Jang Bogo, who built a g.. ■ Chungmugong Yi Sunsin Chungmugong Yi Sunsin Under the bright moon of Hansan Sitting alone on the watch tower I am so distressed, that I cannot put the big sword aside But the tune of a flute Does not heed my heart. 1. His Life Birth Yi Sunsin was born as the third son of Yi Jeong in Seoul in 1545. Yi Jeong named his sons after the wise emperors of China. Boyhood Yi Sunsin is said to have enjoyed playing soldiers with his friends and being the leader in the games of his boyhood. When an adult tried to pass their playground, Yi is said to have interfered him, saying, "No one is allowed to trespass on the front." . Falling from a Horse When Yi Sunsin first time took an exam for military official selection at the age of 28, he fell from a horse while shooting arrows on horseback. He broke his left leg, but he dressed his leg with the bark of a willow tree and continued the exam. The Building of the Turtle Ship The turtle ship, clad with iron and steel spikes, was strong and safe enough to clash against other ships. The ship was first used in the battle of Sacheonpo, and in the following battles against the Japanese navy it played a key role and led to the victories of Yi Sunsin.
    [Show full text]
  • Cataloging Service Bulletin 125, Fall 2009
    ISSN 0160-8029 • Number 125, Fall 2009 • Editor: Robert M. Hiatt DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGING Library of Congress Rule Interpretations 3 Romanization 56 SUBJECT CATALOGING Subject Headings of Current Interest 56 Revised LC Subject Headings 57 Subject Headings Replaced by Name Headings 65 ROMANIZATION Korean 67 Editorial postal address: Policy and Standards Division, Library Services Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540-4260 Editorial electronic mail address: [email protected] Editorial fax number: (202) 707-6629 Subscription address: Customer Support Team, Cataloging Distribution Service Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20541-4912 Subscription electronic mail address: [email protected] Library of Congress Control Number: 78-51400 ISSN 0160-8029 Key title: Cataloging service bulletin Copyright ©2009 the Library of Congress, except within the U.S.A. THIS PAGE INTENTIONALLY LEFT BLANK 2 Cataloging Service Bulletin, no. 125 (Fall 2009) DESCRIPTIVE CATALOGING LIBRARY OF CONGRESS RULE INTERPRETATIONS (LCRI) Cumulative index of LCRI to the Anglo-American Cataloguing Rules, second edition, 2002 revision, that have appeared in issues of Cataloging Service Bulletin. Any LCRI previously published but not listed below is no longer applicable and has been cancelled. Lines in the margins of revised interpretations indicate where changes have been made. Rule Number Page 1.0 113 16 1.0A3 105 14 1.0C 112 16 1.0E 117 16 1.0G 111 16 1.1B1 100 17 1.1C 94 11 1.1D2 84 11 1.1E 44 10 1.1E5 98 17 1.1F1 13 4 1.1F4 14 6 1.1F6 44 11 1.1F7 44 11 1.1F11 84 11 1.1F15 17 6 1.1G1 48 10 1.1G2 97 13 1.1G3 44 11 1.2B4 102 17 1.2B5 84 11 1.2C4 84 11 1.2C5 84 11 1.2E3 84 12 1.4 125 14 1.4 Appendix 125 14 1.4A2 67 14 1.4C7 15 3 1.4D1 44 12 1.4D2 84 12 1.4D3 89 10 1.4D4 100 18 1.4D5 97 17 1.4D6 66 11 1.4E 12 11 1.4E1 11 9 1.4F1 102 17 1.4F2 92 10 1.4F5 112 46 1.4F6 102 18 1.4F7 47 17 1.4F8 103 42 1.4G 14 9 Cataloging Service Bulletin, no.
    [Show full text]
  • Migrant and Border Subjects in Late Chosŏn Korea
    Migrant and Border Subjects in Late Chosŏn Korea by Adam Clarence Immanuel Bohnet A thesis submitted in conformity with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Department of East Asian Studies University of Toronto @ Copyright by Adam Clarence Immanuel Bohnet ABSTRACT Migrant and Border Subjects in Late Chosŏn Korea Doctor of Philosophy, 2008 Adam Clarence Immanuel Bohnet East Asian Studies University of Toronto This thesis explores the changing approach of the Chosŏn state to subjects with foreign lineages in the period between the Imjin War (1592-98) and the early nineteenth century. Chosŏn Korea underwent considerable upheaval during the Imjin War and the wars of the Ming-Qing transition. Many Jurchen subjects of the Chosŏn court were forced from their homes in the Tumen Valley into the banner armies of the rising Qing state, with only a remnant persisting in Chosŏn. Additionally, large numbers of Ming Chinese entered Chosŏn either with the Ming army or as refugees from war in Liaodong. Initially, the Chosŏn state responded to its Jurchen and Ming Chinese subjects primarily through pragmatic concern about the loyalty of these subjects to the Chosŏn and the burden they imposed on the agricultural economy. As a result, the Chosŏn court welcomed and even defended the Jurchen as established Chosŏn subjects but was cautious of the more alien Ming deserters and refugees. Ming migrant status did not improve during the remainder of the seventeenth century. Ming Chinese lineages were considered, along with Jurchen and Japanese, within the same invidious submitting foreigner tax category. During the same period fraudulent Ming migrants became a focus for sedition among non-elites.
    [Show full text]
  • © 2017 Jae Kyun Kim
    © 2017 JAE KYUN KIM YELLOW OVER BLACK: THE PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL HISTORY OF RACE IN KOREA, 1883-1945 BY JAE KYUN KIM DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2017 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Moon-Kie Jung, Chair Associate Professor Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi Associate Professor Brian Dill Assistant Professor Jungwon Kim ABSTRACT This dissertation discloses that anti-Blackness and other deeply held notions of race in precolonial and colonial Korea (1883-1945) were pivotal in how Koreans made sense of their vulnerability and, later, subjection to colonization and of their supposed "temporary" backwardness on the path to civilization as well as independence. First, during the precolonial period (1883-1910), Koreans constructed imagined racial inferiors, especially Blacks and American Indians, without their corporeal presence, and in doing so centrally shaped Korean racial identity from its beginning. By proposing the concept of the colonially vulnerable to call attention to the positions and outlooks of peoples and states that were susceptible to foreign rule in the age of empire, as well as drawing on the insights of W.E.B. Du Bois, this dissertation thereby reveals how Koreans rendered Blacks and American Indians peoples without history, along with the subsequent relation to racial slavery and its afterlife. Second, under the militaristic rules (1910–1919) of the Japanese Empire, in contrast to the assumption that race was not significant in colonial Korea due to racial akin-ness between the colonizer and the colonized, the Japanese colonial regime was forced to embrace the racial similarity discourse, risking their imagined superiority, and to criticize anti-Blackness in the United States in order to establish the colonial legitimacy over the pro-U.S.
    [Show full text]