DOCSLIB.ORG

© 2017 Jae Kyun Kim

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
© 2017 Jae Kyun Kim © 2017 JAE KYUN KIM YELLOW OVER BLACK: THE PRECOLONIAL AND COLONIAL HISTORY OF RACE IN KOREA, 1883-1945 BY JAE KYUN KIM DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate College of the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2017 Urbana, Illinois Doctoral Committee: Professor Moon-Kie Jung, Chair Associate Professor Behrooz Ghamari-Tabrizi Associate Professor Brian Dill Assistant Professor Jungwon Kim ABSTRACT This dissertation discloses that anti-Blackness and other deeply held notions of race in precolonial and colonial Korea (1883-1945) were pivotal in how Koreans made sense of their vulnerability and, later, subjection to colonization and of their supposed "temporary" backwardness on the path to civilization as well as independence. First, during the precolonial period (1883-1910), Koreans constructed imagined racial inferiors, especially Blacks and American Indians, without their corporeal presence, and in doing so centrally shaped Korean racial identity from its beginning. By proposing the concept of the colonially vulnerable to call attention to the positions and outlooks of peoples and states that were susceptible to foreign rule in the age of empire, as well as drawing on the insights of W.E.B. Du Bois, this dissertation thereby reveals how Koreans rendered Blacks and American Indians peoples without history, along with the subsequent relation to racial slavery and its afterlife. Second, under the militaristic rules (1910–1919) of the Japanese Empire, in contrast to the assumption that race was not significant in colonial Korea due to racial akin-ness between the colonizer and the colonized, the Japanese colonial regime was forced to embrace the racial similarity discourse, risking their imagined superiority, and to criticize anti-Blackness in the United States in order to establish the colonial legitimacy over the pro-U.S. sentiment of the colonized leading back to the precolonial period. Meanwhile, though colonization put Koreans on the same footing as their imagined racial inferiors who were destined to be enslaved or extinct per their imagined construction, Koreans’ anti-Blackness and racial hierarchy persisted as revealed, for instance, in the unnoticed racial subtext of the Declaration of Independence. Third, even though colonial Korea under the cultural rules (1919–1937) has often been regarded as a period of discursive shift since anti-racism ii discourse seemed to prevail on the surface, this dissertation further reveals that the period should be examined through the "deep schemas" of racism even without racial contestations and policies. As opposed to shallow anti-racism ideology, the deep schemas of anti-Blackness and racial hierarchy were transposed into different extra-racial schemas. From the most controversial discourse of national reconstruction to aspects of everyday life such as intimate desire and intra- Korean relationships, these schemas of anti-Blackness provided Koreans with the guidelines for perceiving and interacting with their perceived racial inferiors, especially Blacks, as well as the symbolic inferiority of Blackness. Fourth, during the wartime empire (1937-1945) which has often been characterized by the "polite racism" of the Japanese Empire mainly due to the wartime needs and the tenet of the Greater East Asian Co-Prosperity Sphere against white supremacy, Koreans, who would have internalized the colonial tenet, persistently relied on anti- Blackness. Furthermore, though the current racism against Southeast Asians in South Korea has been considered as something new independent of anti-Blackness, this dissertation further reveals how anti-Blackness in colonial Korea was transposed into racism against Southeast Asians as the Japanese Empire annexed the region by demonstrating how their imagined backwardness was constructed vis-à-vis that of Blacks by Koreans. Finally, this dissertation concludes with several post-independence stories of anti-Blackness leading up to contemporary Korea by implying the continuing significance of anti-Blackness beyond the precolonial and colonial eras. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .......................................................................................................................... 1 CHAPTER 1: THE PRECOLONIAL CONSTRUCTION OF RACIAL INFERIORS IN KOREA, 1883 – 1910 ................................................................................................................... 22 CHAPTER 2: RACE AND BLACKNESS IN COLONIAL KOREA, 1910-1919 ...................... 48 CHAPTER 3: THE DEEP SCHEMAS OF ANTI-BLACKNESS IN COLONIAL KOREA, 1919-1937 ..................................................................................................................................... 76 CHAPTER 4: TRANSPOSITION OF ANTI-BLACKNESS: RACISM AGAINST SOUTHEAST ASIANS IN LATE COLONIAL KOREA, 1937-1945 ...................................... 108 EPILOGUE ................................................................................................................................. 135 APPENDIX: METHODOLOGY................................................................................................ 147 NOTES ........................................................................................................................................ 160 REFERENCES ........................................................................................................................... 187 iv INTRODUCTION1 Among all the races, since whites are the most brilliant, diligent, and courageous, they have gradually defeated other inferior races all around the world and acquired land and forests. Therefore, some races among the inferior, who cannot learn whites’ knowledge and customs, should be gradually extinct.2 Once used to be the most used fuel for heating in the 1980s, only less than 0.5 percent of households, mostly poor, use heating coal in South Korea and delivering it to the poor has become one of the popular charities. In the middle of delivery, the chair of Korea’s ruling Saenuri Party made a racist joke at the expense of one of the volunteers. "Your face color is the same as the briquettes’ color." Kim Moo-sung, who led the poll at the time to succeed President Park Guen-hye, was addressing a Nigerian exchange student. Though many people were initially disturbed, public interest dissipated after a quick apology ("Rep. Kim Moo-sung" 2015; "S. Korean Presidential Frontrunner" 2015; Yoon 2015). Perhaps better-known, North Korea had also received an uncommonly public denouncement from Washington in May 2014 after a piece from a North Korean worker, Kang Hyeok, on Rodongsinmun (Workers’ Newspaper), the official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Workers Party of Korea, referred to Obama as "a wicked black monkey" and "a crossbreed with unclear blood." The Korean-language edition elaborated in even less restrained rhetoric—to roughly translate one sentence from the original, "Blackish body, bleary gray eyes, gaping nostrils, thickly swollen mouth, and pointed ears with rough hair, the more [you] look at [him], [he is] literally a monkey kind in the African primeval forest" (Kang 2014). Nevertheless, in its analysis of the rant, the Washington Post somehow found "some clear 1 contradictions in North Korea's stereotyping," noting that "the North maintains active ties with several African countries and just signed a cooperation agreement with Nigeria" (Fish 2014; Harlan and Goldfarb 2014; "North Korea Media" 2014; Saul 2014). Despite significant differences between the two Koreas, this dissertation focuses on something rarely noticed, the origin of an underlying parallel: anti-Black racism. In contemporary South Korea, racial expressions such as Kim’s remark do not seem to be isolated occurrences but something not difficult to be heard. According to a report from the National Human Rights Commission of Korea (NHRCK, hereafter): Migrants are avoided as they were "dirty," "noisy," and "smelly" and despised as "savage," "ignorant," "lazy," and "greedy." Migrants workers from less-developed countries are considered as a group "who come to a country they do not belong and steal works" thereby harming the Korean economy. Muslims are potential "terrorists" who are open to commit crimes. Marriage migrants are "sold to be a pathetic child bearer" as well as "prostitutes." Hate speeches toward migrants go beyond simply yelling "go back to your country" as they lead to the instigation of discrimination that urges to control and deport them for the sake of "protecting Koreans and preventing crimes" (2016: 108). A statement from the commission also lifts a racial remark toward Blacks. Titled "Have you smelled blacks," a post from the Internet goes on to rant "Two blacks from Sudan in our dorm smell ewe the **** (laughter)" (NHRCK 2011). To Blacks in Korea, anti-Blackness even seems to be extremely overt. When a young African American man, Ashanti Lee, shows up as a substitute teacher at a kindergarten, in contrast to the prior amicable phone interview, the owner stutters and then says, "Oh, no, no. Black ugly, white okay" (Hazzan 2014). Meanwhile, along with the racial remarks about Obama, mob attacks on Black Cuban diplomats in North Korea 2 reveal similar anti-Black racism that resonates with its populace (Myers 2010). A following question would be, then, in what context do the two Koreas’ racisms share a common genealogy. Granted that foreign population in South Korea has
Load more

Recommended publications
  • U.S. PODCAST REPORT TOP 100 PODCASTS by DOWNLOADS Podcasts Ranked by Average Weekly Downloads in the United States Reporting Period: March 16 - April 12, 2020
    U.S. PODCAST REPORT TOP 100 PODCASTS BY DOWNLOADS Podcasts Ranked by Average Weekly Downloads in the United States Reporting Period: March 16 - April 12, 2020 # OF NEW RANK PODCAST PODCAST NETWORK SALES REPRESENTATION EPISODES CHANGE 1 NPR News Now NPR National Public Media 672 0 2 Up First NPR National Public Media 30 h2 3 The Ben Shapiro Show Cumulus Media/Westwood One Cumulus Media/Westwood One 22 0 4 My Favorite Murder with Karen Kilgariff Stitcher Midroll 9 i2 and Georgia Hardstark 5 Planet Money NPR National Public Media 11 h3 6 NPR Politics NPR National Public Media 21 h1 7 Fresh Air NPR National Public Media 24 i1 8 Pod Save America RADIO.COM/Cadence13 Cadence 13 8 h1 9 Dateline NBC NBC News Wondery Brand Partnerships 13 i4 10 Indicator from Planet Money NPR National Public Media 20 h3 11 Hidden Brain NPR National Public Media 4 i1 12 Fox News Radio Newscast FOX News Podcasts FOX News Podcasts 672 h4 13 TED Radio Hour NPR National Public Media 5 h1 14 Office Ladies Stitcher Midroll 4 i3 15 How I Built This NPR National Public Media 6 0 16 Wait Wait... Don't Tell Me! NPR National Public Media 5 h5 17 The Dan Bongino Show Cumulus Media/Westwood One Cumulus Media/Westwood One 21 i5 18 Freakonomics Radio Stitcher Midroll 5 h1 19 The Rachel Maddow Show NBC News Wondery Brand Partnerships 21 h1 20 Unlocking Us with Brené Brown RADIO.COM/Cadence13 Cadence13 7 New 21 Conan O’Brien Needs A Friend Stitcher Midroll 4 i3 22 Oprah’s SuperSoul Conversations Stitcher Midroll 4 i5 23 VIEWS with David Dobrik and Jason RADIO.COM/Cadence13 Cadence13
    [Show full text]
  • RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL at PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; and REASONS for REJECTION by Shizuka
    RACIAL EQUALITY BILL: JAPANESE PROPOSAL AT PARIS PEACE CONFERENCE: DIPLOMATIC MANOEUVRES; AND REASONS FOR REJECTION By Shizuka Imamoto B.A. (Hiroshima Jogakuin University, Japan), Graduate Diploma in Language Teaching (University of Technology Sydney, Australia) A thesis submitted for the degree of Master of Arts (Honours) at Macquarie University. Japanese Studies, Department of Asian Languages, Division of Humanities, College of Humanities and Social Sciences, Macquarie University, Sydney Australia. 2006 DECLARATION I declare that the present research work embodied in the thesis entitled, Racial Equality Bill: Japanese Proposal At Paris Peace Conference: Diplomatic Manoeuvres; And Reasons For Rejection was carried out by the author at Macquarie Japanese Studies Centre of Macquarie University of Sydney, Australia during the period February 2003 to February 2006. This work has not been submitted for a higher degree to any other university or institution. Any published and unpublished materials of other writers and researchers have been given full acknowledgement in the text. Shizuka Imamoto ii TABLE OF CONTENTS DECLARATION ii TABLE OF CONTENTS iii SUMMARY ix DEDICATION x ACKNOWLEDGEMENT xi INTRODUCTION 1 1. Area Of Study 1 2. Theme, Principal Question, And Objective Of Research 5 3. Methodology For Research 5 4. Preview Of The Results Presented In The Thesis 6 End Notes 9 CHAPTER ONE ANGLO-JAPANESE RELATIONS AND WORLD WAR ONE 11 Section One: Anglo-Japanese Alliance 12 1. Role Of Favourable Public Opinion In Britain And Japan 13 2. Background Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 15 3. Negotiations And Signing Of Anglo-Japanese Alliance 16 4. Second Anglo-Japanese Alliance 17 5. Third Anglo-Japanese Alliance 18 Section Two: Japan’s Involvement In World War One 19 1.
    [Show full text]
  • Jun'ichiro Shojithe Racial Equality Issue and Konoe Fumimaro
    The Racial Equality Issue and Konoe Fumimaro The Racial Equality Issue and Konoe Fumimaro* Jun’ichiro Shoji** Abstract Konoe Fumimaro served three times as Japan’s prime minister in the crucial years before World War II. At the end of World War I, as Japan was preparing to take part in the Paris Peace Conference at Versailles of 1919, Konoe Fumimaro published his famous article titled “Eibei hon’i no heiwashugi o haisu [A Rejection of the Anglo- American-Centered Peace Ideology].” In this article and his observations on post- WWI Europe and the United States, he often praises U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. Konoe clearly was fascinated by and attracted to the American President, and felt a closeness and sympathy with his views. It seems that in some ways the two men had some things in common. The arguments and world views of both men were extremely idealistic. But even Wilson’s ideals, in the world of 1919, where the lingering influence of the old regime remained strong, ultimately did not become a reality at that time. Wilson died before he could complete his dream. Similarly, Konoe’s ideals stood no chance of being realized, given the changes of the times and the development of Japan’s militaristic foreign policy. For both Konoe and Wilson, racial equality in 1919 was a distant ideal. Focusing on Konoe Fumimaro, this article discusses the issues surrounding Japan’s racial equality proposal of 1919. oday I want to discuss some of my own views of the issues surrounding Japan’s racial equality proposal of 1919 by focusing on one individual, Konoe Fumimaro.
    [Show full text]
  • Soh-Joseon-Kingdom.Pdf
    Asia-Pacific Economic and Business History Conference, Berkeley, 2011 (Feb. 18-20): Preliminary Draft Institutional Differences and the Great Divergence:* Comparison of Joseon Kingdom with the Great Britain Soh, ByungHee Professor of Economics Kookmin University, Seoul, Korea e-mail: sooam@kookmin.ac.kr Abstract If modern Koreans in the 20th century could achieve a remarkable economic growth through industrialization, why couldn’t their ancestors in Joseon Kingdom in early modern period achieve an industrial revolution at that time? This is the fundamental question of this paper. There existed several social and institutional constraints in Joseon Kingdom (1392-1897 A.D.) in the 17th through 19th centuries that made her industrial development impossible. The strictly defined social classes and the ideology of the ruling class deprived Joseon Kingdom of the entrepreneurial spirit and the incentives to invent new technology necessary for industrial development. Markets and foreign trades were limited and money was not used in transaction until late 17th century. Technicians and engineers were held in low social esteem and there was no patent to protect an inventor’s right. The education of Confucian ethical codes was intended to inculcate loyalty to the ruling class Yangban and the King. The only way to get out of the hard commoner’s life was to pass the national civil service examination to become a scholar-bureaucrat. Joseon Kingdom was a tributary country to Qing Dynasty and as such it had to be careful about technological and industrial development not to arouse suspicion from Qing. Joseon was not an incentivized society while the Great Britain was an incentivized society that was conducive to Industrial Revolution.
    [Show full text]
  • Elite Ethnic Koreans in Japanese-Dominated Manchukuo: a Case Study Based on the Thomas Gregory Song Papers Research Thesis Pres
    Elite Ethnic Koreans in Japanese-Dominated Manchukuo: A Case Study Based on the Thomas Gregory Song Papers Research Thesis Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the requirements for graduation with research distinction in History in the undergraduate college of The Ohio State University By Yasuhiro Aihara aihara.2@osu.edu Undergraduate Program in History The Ohio State University July 2020 Thesis Advisor: Christopher A. Reed, Department of History Copyright by Yasuhiro Aihara 2020 ii Table of Contents Vita…………………………………………………………………………………..iv Acknowledgements…………………………………………………………………..v I. Introduction………………………………………………………………………...1 II. The Song Family’s Elite Status……………………………………………………3 III. The Song Family’s Interaction with Empire……………………………………..11 IV. Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….....27 Bibliography…………………………………………………………………………29 iii Vita September 24, 1997: Born, Tokyo, Japan June 2016: H.S. Diploma (equivalent), Chongqing No.1 International Studies School in Chongqing, PRC August 2020: Bachelor of Arts, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA. Fields of Study Main Field: History and International Relation (East Asian) iv Acknowledgement I would like to express my sincerest appreciation to Professors Christopher A. Reed, Philip C. Brown, and Ann Marie L. Davis for their helpful suggestions, criticism, and patience throughout the writing process. I would also like to extend my deepest gratitude to Anastasia Song, who donated Thomas Gregory Song’s Papers to The Ohio State University Libraries, and to Thomas Song, whose story not only provided the inspiration for this thesis, but also prompted me to rethink my own experience of transnational migration. Furthermore, I am grateful to Joseph Henares, Dr. Jing Zhao, and Patrick Nash who proofread multiple drafts of this project and offered encouragement. Of course, any remaining errors are my own.
    [Show full text]
  • The State and Racialization: the Case of Koreans in Japan
    The Center for Comparative Immigration Studies CCIS University of California, San Diego The State and Racialization: The Case of Koreans in Japan By Kazuko Suzuki Visiting Fellow, Center for Comparative Immigration Studies Working Paper 69 February 2003 The State and Racialization: The Case of Koreans in Japan Kazuko Suzuki1 Center for Comparative Immigration Studies ********** Abstract. It is frequently acknowledged that the notion of ‘race’ is a socio-political construct that requires constant refurbishment. However, the process and consequences of racialization are less carefully explored. By examining the ideology about nationhood and colonial policies of the Japanese state in relation to Koreans, I will attempt to demonstrate why and how the Japanese state racialized its population. By so doing, I will argue that the state is deeply involved in racialization by fabricating and authorizing ‘differences’ and ‘similarities’ between the dominant and minority groups. Introduction The last decade has seen a growing interest in the state within the field of sociology and political science. While the main contributors of the study have been scholars in comparative and historical sociology and researchers in the economics of development, student of race and ethnicity have gradually paid attention to the role of the state in forming racial/ethnic communities, ethnic identity, and ethnic mobilization (Barkey and Parikh 1991; Marx 1998). State policies clearly constitute one of the major determinants of immigrant adaptation and shifting identity patterns (Hein 1993; Olzak 1983; Nagel 1986). However, the study of the state’s role in race and ethnic studies is still underdeveloped, and many important questions remain to be answered.
    [Show full text]
  • Bridled Tigers: the Military at Korea's Northern Border, 1800–1863
    University of Pennsylvania ScholarlyCommons Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations 2019 Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863 Alexander Thomas Martin University of Pennsylvania, alextmartin@gmail.com Follow this and additional works at: https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations Part of the Asian History Commons Recommended Citation Martin, Alexander Thomas, "Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863" (2019). Publicly Accessible Penn Dissertations. 3499. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3499 This paper is posted at ScholarlyCommons. https://repository.upenn.edu/edissertations/3499 For more information, please contact repository@pobox.upenn.edu. Bridled Tigers: The Military At Korea’s Northern Border, 1800–1863 Abstract The border, in late Chosŏn rhetoric, was an area of pernicious wickedness; living near the border made the people susceptible to corruption and violence. For Chosŏn ministers in the nineteenth century, despite two hundred years of peace, the threat remained. At the same time, the military institutions created to contain it were failing. For much of the late Chosŏn the site of greatest concern was the northern border in P’yŏngan and Hamgyŏng provinces, as this area was the site of the largest rebellion and most foreign incursions in the first half of the nineteenth century. This study takes the northern border as the most fruitful area for an inquiry into the Chosŏn dynasty’s conceptions of and efforts at border defense. Using government records, reports from local officials, literati writings, and local gazetteers, this study provides a multifaceted image of the border and Chosŏn policies to control it. This study reveals that Chosŏn Korea’s concept of border defense prioritized containment over confrontation, and that their policies were successful in managing the border until the arrival of Western imperial powers whose invasions upended Chosŏn leaders’ notions of national defense.
    [Show full text]
  • The Marriage Market for Immigrant Families in Chos˘Onkorea After the Imjin War: Women, Integration, and Cultural Capital»
    This is the accepted version of the article: Han, Sang Woo. «The marriage market for immigrant families in Chos˘onKorea after the Imjin War: women, integration, and cultural capital». International Journal of Asian Studies, 2021, p. 1. DOI 10.1017/S1479591420000558 This version is available at https://ddd.uab.cat/record/236500 under the terms of the license THE MARRIAGE MARKET FOR IMMIGRANT FAMILIES IN CHOSŎN KOREA AFTER THE IMJIN WAR: WOMEN, INTEGRATION, AND CULTURAL CAPITAL Sangwoo Han hansw@ajou.ac.kr Acknowledgments This work received funding from the European Research Council (ERC) under the European Union’s Horizon 2020 research and innovation program (No 758347). 1 Abstract Challenging the myth of premodern Korea as ethnically homogenous, this study focuses on immigrant marriages in Chosŏn Korea following Japanese invasions (Imjin War, 1592-1598). By examining household registers and genealogies, I investigate the status of women who married into the families of Japanese and Ming Chinese immigrants and the social consequences of such marriages. The results unexpectedly indicate that immigrant families rarely intermarried, preferring integration with local families. As a means of acquiring social and cultural capital, Korean brides from elite families were vital to the success of immigrant families in forming social networks and in producing candidates for the civil service examinations, with failure to obtain such a bride proving a potential long-term obstacle to social advancement. There is a noticeable difference between families of Chinese and Japanese origin in this context due to the preference shown by Korean families for the descendants of Ming generals over Japanese defectors.
    [Show full text]
  • United States District Court Northern District Of
    Case 3:07-cv-06076-SI Document 1 Filed 12/03/2007 Page 1 of 24 1 DANIEL A. HOROWITZ State Bar No. 92400 Attorney at Law 2 P.O. Box 1547 3 Lafayette, California 94549 4 bdega@earthlink.net 5 6 Attorney for Plaintiff 7 8 9 10 UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT 11 NORTHERN DISTRICT OF CALIFORNIA 12 13 14 MICHAEL SAVAGE, 15 No. 16 3:07-cv-06076-JCS Plaintiff, 17 18 vs. 19 Council on American-Islamic 20 Relations, Inc. and Does 1-100 21 22 Defendants. _____________________________/ 23 24 25 COMPLAINT FOR DAMAGES 26 27 28 Case 3:07-cv-06076-SI Document 1 Filed 12/03/2007 Page 2 of 24 1 FIRST CAUSE OF ACTION 2 (Copyright Infringement) 3 4 JURISDICTION 5 1. 6 Michael Savage is the radio show star of “The Michael Savage Show”. “Michael 7 Savage”. Michael Savage is the owner of copyright interests in his show, “The Michael 8 Savage Show” also known as “The Savage Nation”. Savage broadcasts and creates his 9 content in the Northern District of California with his radio station located in San 10 Francisco, California. The content infringed upon was created in this district and 11 broadcast from this district. This cause of action arises from federal statute. 12 2. 13 14 “The Savage Nation” is a nationally syndicated radio show that reaches over eight 15 million listeners per week. Related to that show is the website www.MichaelSavage.com 16 which receives 2.3 million page views per month. The radio show originates in San 17 Francisco, California.
    [Show full text]
  • UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations
    UC Riverside UC Riverside Electronic Theses and Dissertations Title Embodiments of Korean Mask Dance (T'alch'um) from the 1960s to the 1980s: Traversing National Identity, Subjectivity, Gender Binary Permalink https://escholarship.org/uc/item/9vj4q8r2 Author Ha, Sangwoo Publication Date 2015 Peer reviewed|Thesis/dissertation eScholarship.org Powered by the California Digital Library University of California UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA RIVERSIDE Embodiments of Korean Mask Dance (T’alch’um) from the 1960s to the 1980s: Traversing National Identity, Subjectivity, Gender Binary A Dissertation submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Critical Dance Studies by Sangwoo Ha June 2015 Dissertation Committee: Dr. Linda J. Tomko, Chairperson Dr. Anthea Kraut Dr. Jennifer Doyle Copyright by Sangwoo Ha 2015 The Dissertation of Sangwoo Ha is approved: Committee Chairperson University of California, Riverside Acknowledgments I would like to take this opportunity to thank several people who shared their wisdom and kindness with me during my journey. First, Dr. Linda J. Tomko, who offered to be my advisor, introduced me to notions about embodying dances past, critical thinking, and historical research approaches. Not only did she help guide me through this rigorous process, she also supported me emotionally when I felt overwhelmed and insecure about my abilities as a scholar. Her edits and comments were invaluable, and her enthusiasm for learning will continue to influence my future endeavors. I offer my sincere gratitude to my committee members, Dr. Anthea Kraut, Dr. Priya Srinivasan, and Dr. Jennifer Doyle. They all supported me academically throughout my career at the University of California, Riverside.
    [Show full text]
  • The Paekchong: "Untouchables" of Korea
    THE PAEKCHONG: "UNTOUCHABLES" OF KOREA. SooN MAN RHIM Introduction The most outcast group in Korean society was the Paekchong.1 Their origins, their social treatment and their occupations are described in this paper. In addition, considerable coverage is given to the' steps by which they were elevated to the common level of Korean society. Until the recent past, the Paekchong had no social status to speak o£.2 They were subjected to the cruelest treatment and persecution, just like the untouchables of India or the Eta (out castes) of Japan. 1. The Origins of the Paek_chong There were various legends regarding the origins of the Paekchong. According to one legend, when Prince Hau of Tan'gun, who reputed- ly set up Korea's first kingdom in 233 B. C., attended the assembly of all nations, he assigned a temporary duty to each attendant. The des- cendants of those who were appointed to slaughter cattle became the Paekchong. Another mythology relates that when Kija of the Un Dynasty fled to Korea and set up capital of Pyongyang, he handed all the criminals over to the despised classes, or ch'onmin. After aperiod of time these classes· became the Paekchong. 1 Since the Koryo Period (918-1392) the term Paekchong simply meant "common people," as in T'ang China. .Because of the assimilation policy of the early kings of the Yi Period (1392-1910), th(;) :term b_ecame associated with the despised outcastes. Consequently, this derogatory notation has been reserved for them ever since. See Herbert Passin, "The Paekchong of Korea," Monumenta Nipponica, XII (Tokyo, 1956), pp.
    [Show full text]
  • Matt2 — "Michaelsavage.Com
    MichaelSavage.Com - HomeCase of The 3:07-cv-06076-SI Savage Nation Document 42-7 Filed 08/29/2008 Page 1 of 3 3/7/08 6:03:47 PM March 7, 2008 MUSLIM FRONT GROUP WANTS FULL-TIME ASSISTANT POSITION, SAN FRANCISCO AREA LIBERAL SAN FRAN JUDGE Must be computer literate, Detail oriented, Willing to work alone, Archiving CD's and DVD's; Some driving & personal assistant duties. Must currently live in the bay area APPOINTED BY CLINTON TO THROW Respond here OUT SAVAGE'S LAWSUIT UN Security Council fails to (jpost.com) (ktvu.com) A Muslim civil rights group's bid for dismissal condemn J'lem shooting of a lawsuit filed by conservative radio talk show host Hamas hails 'heroic' Jerusalem Michael Savage is due to go before a federal judge in San Francisco on Friday.... attack (africasia.com) Peace Talks to Continue Despite Liberal Attorneys join CAIR to fight Savage Religious School Shooting Savage vs. CAIR (Newsmax.com) (voanews.com) These Muslims see CAI as a New CAIR admits their plea for front for dangerous Islamists! Video donations for 9/11 victims linked to Thank God this traitor was Donations Are Not Tax convicted Terrorist Group Hamas (Para. 91) Deductible (familysecuritymatters.org) Wednesday's conviction of Hassan Abujihaad should serve Donate as a warning sign to the lethality and danger to Here our security from political Islam (Islamism)... 8 murdered by terrorist at J'lem yeshiva PROTECT FREEDOM OF SPEECH! (jpost.com) Yohai Lifshitz, 18, from Jerusalem; CLICK TO SUPPORT THE MICHAEL SAVAGE LEGAL DEFENSE FUND Yonatan Yitzhak Eldar, 16, from Shilo; Yonadav Send Checks to: Haim Hirschfeld, 19, from Kohav Hashahar, Today we go "MICHAEL SAVAGE LEGAL Neria Cohen, 15, from Jerusalem, Segev Peniel before the FUND" Avihail, 15, from Neve Daniel, Avraham David judge; Mail to: Moses, 16, from Efrat, Roee Roth, 18, from Please Donations Are Not Michael Savage Legal Fund Elkana and Doron Meherete, 26, from Ashdod..
    [Show full text]