Notes Sur La Sociologie Politique Du Tchad

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Notes Sur La Sociologie Politique Du Tchad La Dynamique D’Integration Nationale : Ladiba Gondeu Working Paper No. 006 (Version Française) LA DYNAMIQUE D’INTEGRATION NATIONAL: DEPASSER LA CONFLICTUALITIE ETHNIQUE D’UN ETAT ENTRE PARENTHESES LADIBA GONDEU October 2013 The Sahel Research Group, of the University of Florida’s Center for African Studies, is a collaborative effort to understand the political, social, economic, and cultural dynamics of the countries which comprise the West African Sahel. It focuses primarily on the six Francophone countries of the region—Senegal, Mauritania, Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, and Chad—but also on in developments in neighboring countries, to the north and south, whose dy- namics frequently intersect with those of the Sahel. The Sahel Research Group brings together faculty and gradu- ate students from various disciplines at the University of Florida, in collaboration with colleagues from the region. Remerciements: Ce travail est le fruit d’un séjour académique à l’Université de Floride, au sein du Center for African Studies. Ce séjour de quatre mois en tant que Visiting Scholar a été rendu possible grâce à l’aimable invitation du Pr Leonardo A. Villalon directeur de Sahel Research Group. Je tiens ici à lui exprimer toute ma reconnaissance et ma gratitude ainsi que toute son équipe. Les idées émises dans ce document sont de moi et j’en assume l’entière responsabilité. l’auteur: Ladiba Gondeu, Enseignant-Vacataire à l’Université de N’Djaména, Doctorant à l’Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales de Paris en Ethnologie et Anthropologie Sociale Ladiba Gondeu is a Chadian social anthropologist specializing in civil society, religious dynamics, and project planning and analysis. He is also very active in the Chadian Peace and Reconciliation Initiative. From 2008- 2012 he taught in the Sociology department at the University of Ndjamena. In the Spring 2013 semester he was a visiting scholar at the University of Florida, hosted by the Sahel Research Group as part of the Minerva Initia- tive project. He is the author of numerous works, including a book on the emergence of Islamic associations in Chad, published by L’Harmattan in 2011: L’émergence des organisations islamiques au Tchad. Enjeux, acteurs et territoires He is currently completing a doctoral thesis at the Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales (EHESS) in Paris, on The promotion of Republican values in the management of communal land in the Chadian portion of the Niger basin « La société n’est pas une chose fixée dès le temps de sa création ; elle est constamment en train de se faire et ne peut se définir qu’en action » Balandier (1997) Introduction* Aujourd’hui, l’attention de la communauté internationale se trouve canalisée sur la situation catastrophique que vivent les pays du sahel, avec la montée en puissance du terrorisme islamiste. Le terrorisme international trouve dans ces pays des institutions faibles, sinon affaiblies et les appétits de pouvoir ou de richesse des uns et des autres en font le reste. L’on peut espérer cette situation de déstabilisation généralisée dans des pays comme le Mali pourrait leur permettre d’entamer un travail sur eux-mêmes, une sorte de mue sociétale indispensable à leur être-en- commun. La communauté internationale s’est souvent contentée des régimes autoritaires dans ces pays, pour parfois de mauvais prétextes : une plus grande liberté de pouvoir mettre à mal l’unité nationale. Alors, la mode s’est déclinée dans la fabrique des leaders autocratiques ou des chefs de guerre. Le Tchad a connu des guerres civiles, des cycles révolutionnaires, des pseudo-démocraties, des régimes forts qui avaient tout à gagner dans l’enlisement du jeu politique. Les marqueurs identitaires ont été mobilisés très tôt (Ahmed Kotoko, 1989) et les rebellions en tireront grandement partie. L’intelligence de rébellions tchadiennes, ayant réussi à investir l’État voilà plus de trente ans, a résidé dans cette capacité à présenter son combat pour le pouvoir sous un angle civilisationnel, comme une oppression du Sud sur le Nord, des Chrétiens sur les Musulmans. Leur installation au pouvoir n’a pourtant pas considérablement amélioré la situation. La dynamique Nord-Sud, Chrétiens-Musulmans qui a longtemps servi de grille explicative des crises tchadiennes est ainsi tombée en désuétude. Les termes du débat sont certainement ailleurs, dans la construction d’une nouvelle citoyenneté. En même temps que l’on constate l’échec d’un pays, en même l’on s’est interrogé sur les conditions de sa faillite. Donner à voir ou faire croire aux Tchadiens qu’ils sont condamnés à un éternel recommencement participe à une stratégie de lessivage moral et de dépersonnalisation savamment orchestrée. C’est ce que cet article espère contribuer à déconstruire. Je n’affirme pas que le pays soit sorti du cycle de la violence, je souhaite montrer comment cela est possible si un travail honnête de transformation sociale est entamé. Dans la société tchadienne aujourd’hui, le sentiment de différence communautaire est resté entier. Les terminologies réductrices, socialement construites pour désigner l’autre existent encore (sara, kirdi, doum, habit). Ce marquage historique, il s’agit de le dépasser, du moins de l’enjamber pour offrir aux Tchadiens des perspectives plus favorables à leur développement ; ce que leur donne droit la mise en exploitation de leurs ressources minières. Page | 1!! ! Le mot Tchad doit beaucoup à l’effort des Européens du XIXème siècle de vouloir marquer ou matérialiser le tracé de leurs pérégrinations : « Le Tchad est un lac (…). Le nom du Lac Tzad ou Tchadou est d’origine bornouane ou plutôt Kanouri, la langue des Bornouans. Il signifie grande étendue d’eau, c’est-à-dire lac » (B. Lanne, 1998 : 9). C’est autour de ce lac, noyau central du Bassin Tchadien que va se dérouler l’histoire de l’installation humaine. D’après les découvertes archéologiques et paléontologiques actuelles, notamment en ce qui concerne les mises à jour du Tchadanthrope dans les années 60, de Abel ou Australopithecus Bahr El Ghazelis dans les années 90 et de Toumaï ou Sahelanthropus tchadensis en 2003, il serait infructueux de faire venir ces populations d’ailleurs. Le Lac Tchad est le lieu de rencontre des peuples. Il est au centre d’une dynamique d’intégration et de désintégration tant politique, économique que culturelle et religieuse. Le Bassin Tchadien étant le centre d’érection de l’homme, c’est de là qu’auraient irradié les premiers foyers de peuplement. Pour comprendre cela, il est important de comprendre la relation de l’homme à l’eau. Les peuples se situant aux abords du Lac Tchad, qu’ils soient Nigériens, Nigérians, Camerounais ou Tchadiens, y tirent le principal de leurs ressources, notamment la pêche, l’agriculture et l’élevage. Ce sont eux qui auraient été à l’origine de la fondation de l’empire du Kanem-Bornou au IXème, qui s’étendait au Nord-Est de l’actuelle République Fédérale du Nigeria et ayant pour capitale Ndjimi. Ils créèrent ainsi la dynastie des Sefawas dont les rois portaient le nom de Maï. Les parois rocheuses sahariennes conservent encore les peintures rupestres de ces peuples qui, par migrations successives, forment les populations du Tchad actuel. Ces peuples auraient été ouverts sur le monde, notamment à travers les dynastiques nilotiques, le royaume hittite d’Anatolie dans l’Asie Mineure mais aussi les Romains, à travers les comptoirs phéniciens dès le Ier siècle de notre ère (Zeltner, 1992). Ces contacts permirent progressivement l’intensification des échanges dans le Bassin Tchadien où ces peuples jouèrent un rôle prépondérant dans le contrôle de commerce et de la route transsaharienne. Pour celui qui entame une étude sur le Tchad, la première difficulté qu’il rencontre est liée aux sources écrites, aux conditions de leur production, de leur qualité heuristique et de leur insuffisance de généralisation. La plupart des documents sont portés sur des communautés bien identifiées, sur des faits de pouvoir ou des pratiques rituelles, sur des époques lointaines ou proches, le tout dans une division spatiale s’allongeant à ne plus finir. Le pays fait ainsi l’objet d’une dissection minutieuse, comme si l’on cherchait forcément à établir les différences pour opposer absolument les communautés les unes aux autres. Dans la plupart des documents issus de la période coloniale ou provenant des administrateurs coloniaux (à part ceux de Chapelle, Lanne, Magnant entre autres), les auteurs rendent comptent souvent de leurs mémoires, répondent à de commandes administratives ou alors s’exercent à leurs immersions aux réalités africaines dans le cadre d’une thèse par exemple ou simplement « pour tuer le temps ». Dans tous les cas ils se concentrent sur des particularités des communautés étudiées, distinguées de leurs voisines et cherchent rarement à nourrir les soubassements socioculturels de leur ressemblance et de leur similitude. Leurs regards étaient influencés par les récits partiels qu’ils pouvaient trouver, Page | 2!! ! et leur imagination, au contact des populations étudiées, en faisait le reste. Les sources dont on pouvait disposer alors, en dehors des écrits des explorateurs du XIXème siècle, proviennent essentiellement des témoignages laissés par les écrivains arabes (Ibn Khaldun, Ibn Furtu, Ibn Batuta ou Léon L’Africain)1. Ces auteurs arabes n’ont été en contact qu’avec les royaumes se situant dans la partie septentrionale du Tchad actuel ; le plus souvent ils n’ont évoqué les États méridionaux de manière évasive, au moment des conflits hégémoniques avec l’empire du Bornou vers la fin du XVIème siècle. C’est le cas justement des témoignages de Vincenzo Matteo ou de Giovanni di Vesti recueillis par Giovanni Lorenzo Anania (Zeltner, 1992 : 129-150) qui donne à voir ces royaumes « noyés au sein des populations païennes ». D’autres sources plus récentes sont d’origine peule, surtout au moment de leur confrontation avec les populations se trouvant dans la partie ouest et sud-ouest du bassin tchadien (Martin, 1973).
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