The Interpretatio Romana and Tacitus' Germania, XL Revisited
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NERTHUS AS A FEMALE DEITY The interpretatio romana and Tacitus' Germania, XL revisited by Marco Battaglia - University of Basilicata It is well known that the information Tacitus required to compile his 'Germani a' [= G.] was based on a fragmentary bulk of direct and in direct sources, both contemporary and older. Amongst these, one of the most striking is the e silentio testimony provided by Aufidius Bas sus' and Pliny the Elder's lost commentaries on the early 1st century AD Germanic wars, which would probably have constituted (the con ditional is compulsory) an invaluable instrument in the interpretation of Tacitus' affirmations and allusions. In addition, considering the author's indirect experience and knowledge of the territory known as Germania libera, the 'uncomfortable' family relationship which con nected him to general Agricola, his father-in-law, and the enmity be tween him and emperor Domitian and, consequently, the troubled gestation of the work, Tacitus' text perhaps demands a more accurate investigation, especially in those parts, such as the one dealing with religion, which have often been accorded a cursory and generic Indo European label. An equally well-known problem arises from one of a rare ritual description (G., ch. 40), where he gives an account of a Germanic dei ty, whose name is Nerthus [sci!.: *Nerpuz]. Next come the Reudigni, the A viones, the Anglii, the Varini, the Eudoses, the Suardones, and Nuithones, who are sheltered by rivers and forests. None of these tribes has any remarkable feature, except their common worship of Nerthus, the Mother Earth, and the belief that she interferes in human affairs, when she is carried through the nations in her chariot. In an island of the ocean there is a holy in violable grove, and within it a hallowed chariot, covered with a garment, that only one priest is allowed to touch. When he is aware of the presence of the goddess in the sacred innermost shrine, he walks by her side with the utmost reverence as she is drawn along by heifers. It is a time of rejoicing, and feasting in those places where she deigns to go: no war is started and no weapon handled, every tool is under lock; peace and quiet are known and welcomed only at these times, till the goddess, weary of human intercourse, is at length restored to her temple by the same priest. Afterwards the chariot, the garment, and, if you like to believe it, the divinity her- 2 self are purified in a secluded lake. Slaves perform the rite, who are instantly swallowed up by its waters. Hence arises a mysterious terror and a sacred ignorance concerning the nature of that which is seen only by men doomed to die. [ ... ].1 Tacitus' words suggest that this is a female deity connected with cer tain fertility rites, known in many areas of ancient Europe. This goddess might be associated, although with some difficulty, with a si milar deity of the Aestii, called the "mother of the gods" (G., ch. 45f!·, whose representation was that of a wild boar, an animal which feeds on carrion and which is connected with death in the Near East and in the Egyptian, Celtic and perhaps even in the Scandinavian worlds 3 . Tacitus image suggests a rite in which typical features are present such as a sacred woord, a priest, a procession with a sacred chariot contain ing a simulacrum of the deity4 as well as a finallustratio. In addition to these elements, the author reports the prohibition against any war ring or working activity during the celebrations. The ways in which people participated in the rite are not clear: the passage does not speci fy whether the rite took place before representatives of all the gentes meeting in the amphictyony - such as the ... in commune colunt by the Semnones in ch. 39 -, if the process took place only on the island or whether it moved beyond its maritime boundaries. An element of further difficulty is the absence of animal or food sacrifice - quite compatible with and, indeed, characteristic of a fertility goddess - while Tacitus concentrates on the horrible drowning of the servants. This human sacrifice might well be seen as the natural consequence of their participation in the cleansing through water, and therefore of their having seen the contents of the chariot. In this case, the so-called 1 For the Latin text see Robinson 1935: 316-17. 2 [ ... J Ergo iam dextro Suebici maris litore Aestiorum gentes adluuntur, quibus ritus habitusque Sueborum, lingua Britannica propior. Matrem deum venerantur. Insigne superstitionis formas aprorum gestant: id pro armis omniumque tutela securum due cultorem etiam inter hostes prcestat (Robinson 1935: 322). 3 Cpo the wild boar Hildsvini ('battle boar') connected to Freyja (already known as Syr, 'sow'), entitled to a half of the battle dead, according to both the poetic ('Grim nismal' 14) and Snorra 'Edda' ('Gylfaginning' 13 [24]), see respectively Kuhn 1983: 1,60; Jonsson 1931: 31. 4 An old element in the Germanic world, considering the famous icon of a chariot with an idol in the carving on the urn at bdenburg, near Hallstatt, see de Vries 1956: 1,469. .