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Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report: Volume 2
VOLUME TWO Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa Report The report of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission was presented to President Nelson Mandela on 29 October 1998. Archbishop Desmond Tutu Ms Hlengiwe Mkhize Chairperson Dr Alex Boraine Mr Dumisa Ntsebeza Vice-Chairperson Ms Mary Burton Dr Wendy Orr Revd Bongani Finca Adv Denzil Potgieter Ms Sisi Khampepe Dr Fazel Randera Mr Richard Lyster Ms Yasmin Sooka Mr Wynand Malan* Ms Glenda Wildschut Dr Khoza Mgojo * Subject to minority position. See volume 5. Chief Executive Officer: Dr Biki Minyuku I CONTENTS Chapter 1 Chapter 6 National Overview .......................................... 1 Special Investigation The Death of President Samora Machel ................................................ 488 Chapter 2 The State outside Special Investigation South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 42 Helderberg Crash ........................................... 497 Special Investigation Chemical and Biological Warfare........ 504 Chapter 3 The State inside South Africa (1960-1990).......................... 165 Special Investigation Appendix: State Security Forces: Directory Secret State Funding................................... 518 of Organisations and Structures........................ 313 Special Investigation Exhumations....................................................... 537 Chapter 4 The Liberation Movements from 1960 to 1990 ..................................................... 325 Special Investigation Appendix: Organisational structures and The Mandela United -
Diasporas, Remittances and Africa South of the Sahara
DIASPORAS, REMITTANCES AND AFRICA SOUTH OF THE SAHARA A STRATEGIC ASSESSMENT MARC-ANTOINE PÉROUSE DE MONTCLOS ISS MONOGRAPH SERIES • NO 112, MARCH 2005 CONTENTS ABOUT THE AUTHOR iv GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS v EXECUTIVE SUMMARY vii INTRODUCTION 1 CHAPTER 1 5 African diasporas and homeland politics CHAPTER 2 27 The political value of remittances: Cape Verde, Comores and Lesotho CHAPTER 3 43 The dark side of diaspora networking: Organised crime and terrorism CONCLUSION 65 iv ABOUT THE AUTHOR Marc-Antoine Pérouse de Montclos is a political scientist with the Institut de Recherche pour le Développement (IRD). He works on forced migrations and has published various books on the issue, especially on Somali refugees (Diaspora et terrorisme, 2003). He lived for several years in Nigeria, South Africa, and Kenya, and conducted field investigations in the Comores, Cape Verde and Lesotho in 2002 and 2003. This study is the result of long-term research on the subject. v GLOSSARY AND ABBREVIATIONS ANC: African National Congress BCP: Basotho Congress Party BNP: Basotho National Party COSATU: Congress of South African Trade Unions ECOWAS: Economic Community of West African States FRELIMO: Frente de Libertação de Moçambique GDP: Gross Domestic Product GNP: Gross National Product INAME: Instituto Nacional de Apoio ao Emigrante Moçambicano no Exterior IOM: International Organisation for Migration IRA: Irish Republican Army LCD: Lesotho Congress for Democracy LLA: Lesotho Liberation Army LTTE: Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam MASSOB: Movement for the Actualisation -
Black Power, Black Consciousness, and South Africa's Armed Struggle
Binghamton University The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB) Graduate Dissertations and Theses Dissertations, Theses and Capstones 6-2018 UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson Asheeke Binghamton University--SUNY, [email protected] Follow this and additional works at: https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses Part of the Sociology Commons Recommended Citation Asheeke, Toivo Tukongeni Paul Wilson, "UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985" (2018). Graduate Dissertations and Theses. 78. https://orb.binghamton.edu/dissertation_and_theses/78 This Dissertation is brought to you for free and open access by the Dissertations, Theses and Capstones at The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Dissertations and Theses by an authorized administrator of The Open Repository @ Binghamton (The ORB). For more information, please contact [email protected]. UNCOVERING HIDDEN FRONTS OF AFRICA’S LIBERATION STRUGGLE: BLACK POWER, BLACK CONSCIOUSNESS, AND SOUTH AFRICA’S ARMED STRUGGLE, 1967-1985 BY TOIVO TUKONGENI PAUL WILSON ASHEEKE BA, Earlham College, 2010 MA, Binghamton University, 2014 DISSERTATION Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Sociology in the Graduate School of Binghamton University State University of New -
Frontline States of Southern Africa: the Case for Closer Co-Operation', Atlantic Quarterly (1984), II, 67-87
Zambezia (1984/5), XII. THE FRONT-LINE STATES, SOUTH AFRICA AND SOUTHERN AFRICAN SECURITY: MILITARY PROSPECTS AND PERSPECTIVES* M. EVANS Department of History, University of Zimbabwe SINCE 1980 THE central strategic feature of Southern Africa has been the existence of two diametrically opposed political, economic and security groupings in the subcontinent. On one hand, there is South Africa and its Homeland satellite system which Pretoria has hoped, and continues to hope, will be the foundation stone for the much publicized, but as yet unfulfilled, Constellation of Southern African States (CONSAS) - first outlined in 1979 and subsequently reaffirmed by the South African Minister of Defence, General Magnus Malan, in November 1983.1 On the other hand, there is the diplomatic coalition of independent Southern African Front-line States consisting of Angola, Botswana, Mozambi- que, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe. This grouping, originally containing the first five states mentioned, emerged in 1976 in order to crisis-manage the Rhodesia- Zimbabwe war, and it was considerably strengthened when the resolution of the conflict resulted in an independent Zimbabwe becoming the sixth Front-line State in 1980.2 Subsequently, the coalition of Front-line States was the driving force behind the creation of the Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC) and was primarily responsible for blunting South Africa's CONSAS strategy in 1979-80. The momentous rolling back of Pretoria's CONSAS scheme can, in retrospect, be seen as the opening phase in an ongoing struggle between the Front-line States and South Africa for diplomatic supremacy in Southern Africa in the 1980s. Increasingly, this struggle has become ominously militarized for the Front Line; therefore, it is pertinent to begin this assessment by attempting to define the regional conflictuai framework which evolved from the initial confrontation of 1979-80 between the Front-line States and South Africa. -
Europeanising Migration in Multicultural Spain and Portugal During and After the Decolonisation Era
Itinerario, Vol. 44, No. 1, 159–177. © The Author(s) 2020. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of Research Institute for History, Leiden University. This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives licence (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by- nc-nd/4.0/), which permits non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is unaltered and is properly cited. The written permission of Cambridge University Press must be obtained for commercial re-use or in order to create a derivative work. doi:10.1017/S0165115320000091 Europeanising Migration in Multicultural Spain and Portugal During and After the Decolonisation Era ELIZABETH BUETTNER* E-mail: [email protected] Post-1945 Spanish and Portuguese emigration and immigration histories encapsulate the Iberian region’s long-standing interconnectedness with the wider world (particularly Latin America and Africa) and other parts of Europe alike. Portugal and Spain have both been part of multiple migration systems as important sending countries that ultim- ately experienced an international migration turnaround owing to their transition to de- mocracy, decolonisation, and accession to a European Union in which internal freedom of movement counted among its core principles. With the aftermath of the 2008 financial crisis and Europe’s migration crisis of the 2010s serving as its vantage point, this article considers these topics as they intersect with issues that include nationality and citizenship, race and racism, and religion and Islamophobia in multicultural Spain and Portugal. Keywords: Spain, Portugal, decolonisation, migration, nationality, racism, Islamophobia, European integration In 2018 and 2019, Iberian political and societal debates provided a clear demonstration of the potency that intercultural and colonial encounters of the past still retain in countries now markedly changed by migration. -
Smuggling Anti-Apartheid Refugees in Rural Lesotho in the 1960S and 1970S
Smuggling Anti-Apartheid Refugees in Rural Lesotho in the 1960s and 1970s EIGHT HOMEMAKERS, COMMUNISTS AND REFUGEES: SMUGGLING ANTI-APARTHEID REFUGEES IN RURAL LESOTHO IN THE 1960s AND 1970si John Aerni-Flessner Michigan State University Abstract This article tells the story of Maleseka Kena, a woman born in South Africa but who lived most of her adult life in rural Lesotho. It narrates how her story of helping apartheid refugees cross the border and move onward complicates understandings of what the international border, belonging, and citizenship meant for individuals living near it. By interweaving her story with larger narratives about the changing political, social, and economic climate of the southern African region, it also highlights the spaces that women had for making an impact politically despite facing structural obstacles both in the regional economy and in the villages where they were living. This article relies heavily on the oral testimony of Maleseka herself as told to the author, but also makes use of press sources from Lesotho, and archival material from the United States and the United Kingdom. Keywords: Lesotho, Refugees, Apartheid, Gender, Borderlands Maleseka Kena lives in the small village of Tsoelike, Auplas, a mountain community of no more than four-hundred people in the Qacha’s Nek District deep in the southern mountains of Lesotho.ii When I first met her, 76-year old ‘Me Kena was wearing a pink bathrobe over her clothes on a cool fall morning, cooking a pot of moroho, the spinach dish that is a staple of Basotho cooking.iii I had come to Auplas on the encouragement of a friend who had tipped me © Wagadu 2015 ISSN: 1545-6196 184 Wagadu Volume 13 Summer 2015 off that her husband, Jacob Kena, an influential member of the Communist Party of Lesotho, would make a great interview for my research on independence-era Lesotho. -
LED Mapping Country Report ILO
State of Local Economic Development LEDNA Stock Taking for Algeria, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Libya, Morocco, Somalia, Tunisia and Zimbabwe 1 INTERNATIONAL LABOUR ORGANIZATION April 2008 2 Table of contents Table of contents...........................................................................................................3 LED in Algeria..............................................................................................................5 Overview and key issues...................................................................................................5 Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to LED programmes................................5 Major players and donor agencies......................................................................................5 Main types of LED programmes projects...........................................................................5 National and sub national legislation..................................................................................5 LED in Cameroon.........................................................................................................6 Overview and key issues...................................................................................................6 Strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats to LED programmes................................7 Major players and donor agencies......................................................................................8 Main types of LED programmes projects...........................................................................9 -
Ida! News Notes
i. d. a.! news notes Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa P.O. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02238 October, 1984 ~~ "No Peace Without Justice" by Dean T. Simon Farisani On June 21, 1984, the Reverend T. Simon Farisani testified at ajoint hearing of 1982. My ear drums had been perforated.I.4:tad-woUilds orr-my knees the Congressional Subcommittees on Human Rights and Foreign Affairs. The and my whole body was swollen from the torture. After 106 days in hearing, which was also addressed by Elliott Abrams, the Assistant Secretary of the hospital, I was released onJune 11982. I was later hospitalized for State for Human Rights, and by Kenneth Carstens, the Executive Director of further treatment and most recently had an operation last March on UJAFIUSA, was convened to examine the state ofhuman rights in Zaire and my vocal cords. It is a miracle that I am now generally fine except for South Africa. Dean Farisani's statement at the hearing is given below. (For Mr. slight pains. Carstens'testimony, please see the August issue ofiOAF News Notes.) Two other pastors and myself brought a civil damages claim against I speak for millions when I ask the United States government to do the government for the torture we suffered in incommunicado all it can to insure that South Africa no longer merely pretend to be a detention. The suit was settled out of court March 5,1984. democracy, when the vast majority of its population is not allowed to Throughout all of this, several international organizations played a vote. -
Clampdown in South Africa an Interview with Themba Vilakazi of the ANC
i. d. a.! news notes Published by the United States Committee of the International Defense and Aid Fund for Southern Africa P.o. Box 17, Cambridge, MA 02138 February 1988, Issue No. 34 Telephone (617) 491-8343 Clampdown in South Africa An interview with Themba Vilakazi of the ANC The following interview with Themba Vilakazi, zations, and intemational development agencies. There were also people the chair of the African National Congress in the from South Africa representing women's organizations, the labor front, US, was conducted on February 25, 1988, the day religious bodies, and professional organizations. after the South African government banned 17 The significance of the conference was to cap the celebration of the anti-apartheid organizations, including the UDF, 75th anniversary ofthe African National Congress; to provide an inter Detainees' Parents Support Committee, and Na national forum of people working to support the liberation struggle; to tional Education Crisis Committee, as well as compare strategies and projects; and to emphasize material and finan COSATU. Eighteen individuals were also banned. cial assistance to the liberation movement. It was also a successful at Thabo Mbeki of the ANC has said that tempt, I think, to further the diplomatic isolation of South Africa by the clampdown is a proof of the failure of increasing the diplomatic stature of the ANC, and to generate more sup all the repressive measures imposed by port for the ANC in the international community. the regime so far. Would you agree with One area that was clearly an issue for the ANC and for the supporters that? of the liberation struggle was the issue of violence by vigilantes. -
Development and Destabilization in Southern Africa
DEVELOPMENT AND DESTABILIZATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA EDITED BY MICHAEL SEFALI AND JOHN BARDILL SOUTHERN AFRICAN STUDIES SERIES i r NO. 3 INSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN STUDIES ROMA KINGDOM OF LESOTHO 1985 DEVELOPMENT AND DESTABILIZATION IN SOUTHERN AFRICA SELECTED PROCEEDINGS OF THE INAUGURAL CONGRESS AND WORKSHOP 1 8 -20th OCTOBER 1983 Edited by Michael Sefali and John Bardill SOUTHERN AFRICAN DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH ASSOCIATION NATIONAL UNIVERSITY OF LESOTHO INSTITUTE OF SOUTHERN AFRICAN STUDIES ROMA KINGDOM OF LESOTHO 1985 CONTENTS Editors' Introduction 1 by Michael Sefali and John Bardill Opening Address 9 by His Majesty, Motlotlehi Moshoeshoe II Keynote Address by the Honourable E.R. Sekhonyana, Minister 14 of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Lesotho 1. South Africa's Strategy in the Southern African Region: A preliminary Analysis 21 by Robert Davies and Dan O'Meara 2. The United States, South Africa and Destabilization in Southern Africa 39 by M.M. Ncube 3. South Africa's Strategy of Regional Destabilization 59 by Yash Tandon 4. The Food Weapon in Southern Africa 76 by Robert D'A Henderson 5. Destabilization, Political Stability and Trade Unions 94 by Chris Allen 6. South Africa's Strategy of Destabilization: The Case of Lesotho 119 by R.O.K. Ajulu 7. The South African-Swazi State Relationship: Ideological Harmony and Structural Domination 132 by John Daniel 8. Imperialism, South Africa and the Destabilization of Zimbabwe 151 • by L.M. Sachikonye 9. SADCC and the Development of Regional Co-operation in Southern Africa 162 by Michael Sefali Appendix: Additional Papers Presented at the Inaugural Congress and Workshop of the Southern African 180 Development Research Association 1 EDITORS' INTRODUCTION Micfiael Sefali John Bardi11 * Like most countries in Africa and elsewhere in the Third World the independent majority-ruled nations of southern Africa face innumerable problems, from the underdeveloped and dependent nature of their economies to the fragile and unstable nature of their political institutions. -
DESTABILIZATION: the LESO!L!HO CASE+ by John Bardill Introduction
DESTABILIZATION: THE LESO!l!HO CASE+ by John Bardill Introduction Like most countries in Africa and elsewhere in the Third World, the independent majority-ruled states of southern Africa face innumerable problems, from the underdeveloped and dependent nature of their economies to the fragile and unstable nature of their political institutions. In southern Africa these problems have been seriously compounded by the vulnerability of these states to economic, military and political pressure from the Republic of South Africa. Since the replacement of Vorster by Botha as Prime Minister in 1978, the scale of such pressure has risen dramatically. Discarding Vorster's ultimately discredited experiment in detente, the new regime moved quickly to secure its interests in the subcontinent by more forceful means, ranging from economic threats to outright military intervention: a move that was undoubtedly encouraged by Reagan's accession to the US Presidency in 1980. These actions were designed to destabilize the economic and political systems of neighbouring and nearby states, and by so doing to achieve two immediate objectives: (1) the neutralization of the ability of such states to provide a springboard for the increasing activities of the ANC and SWAPO, and (2) the perpetuation of the divisions that exist within and between such states, thereby reinforcing their dependence on Pretoria and frustrating their efforts to reduce this through regional co-operation in the form of the newly established Southern African Development Co-ordination Conference (SADCC). (1) A more distant but nevertheless crucial objective was the creation over time of a more favourable climate within Southern Africa for an alternative regional framework to SADCC, one that would reinforce rather than challenge South Africa's economic hegemony in the subcontinent. -
The South Atlantic, Past and Present
ALEXIS DIAGN E TH EVENOD Linguistic Legacies and Postcolonial Identities in West Africa Cape Verde, Senegal, and the Western World abstract: Over the last two centuries, the western part of the African continent has been a place of dilution and reinvention of linguistic boundaries. This article consid- ers Senegal and Cape Verde as a whole to assess the pertinence of a language-based identity (Francophone or Lusophone) born out of the colonial relationship and ap- pearing in a contemporary globalized world. To apprehend colonial languages as legacies calls to emerge from too-restrictive spatial and temporal constraints in order to consider changes in its actual geographical, symbolic, and historical poros- ity. This article examine in parallel two territories usually studied separately and gives an account of a constantly changing postcolonial inheritance of which the South Atlantic is the first witness. keywords: linguistic legacies, cultural identity, West Africa. Linguistic Legacies in Africa: Time and Space Issues A historian working in a field traditionally dominated by linguists must pay con- stant attention to the relationship between the topic of study and the tools of research. The very notion of “heritage” in history implies a specific approach, which leads to an image of a contemporary situation influenced by previous events. In this prospect, postcolonial studies questions the multiple aspects of what can be apprehended as a colonial heritage and helps in understanding linguistic legacies in Africa. It guides the historian not in criticizing or judging what produced colonialism, but in focusing on the aftermath of the colonial (Young 2009). One difficulty here is to avoid considering the current situation in Cape Verde and in Senegal—and their inclusion both in a world culture and in a very Lusophone or Francophone universe—as exclusively the consequence of decades of colonial domination.