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Understanding Stephen Harper
HARPER Edited by Teresa Healy www.policyalternatives.ca Photo: Hanson/THE Tom CANADIAN PRESS Understanding Stephen Harper The long view Steve Patten CANAdIANs Need to understand the political and ideological tem- perament of politicians like Stephen Harper — men and women who aspire to political leadership. While we can gain important insights by reviewing the Harper gov- ernment’s policies and record since the 2006 election, it is also essential that we step back and take a longer view, considering Stephen Harper’s two decades of political involvement prior to winning the country’s highest political office. What does Harper’s long record of engagement in conservative politics tell us about his political character? This chapter is organized around a series of questions about Stephen Harper’s political and ideological character. Is he really, as his support- ers claim, “the smartest guy in the room”? To what extent is he a con- servative ideologue versus being a political pragmatist? What type of conservatism does he embrace? What does the company he keeps tell us about his political character? I will argue that Stephen Harper is an economic conservative whose early political motivations were deeply ideological. While his keen sense of strategic pragmatism has allowed him to make peace with both conservative populism and the tradition- alism of social conservatism, he continues to marginalize red toryism within the Canadian conservative family. He surrounds himself with Governance 25 like-minded conservatives and retains a long-held desire to transform Canada in his conservative image. The smartest guy in the room, or the most strategic? When Stephen Harper first came to the attention of political observers, it was as one of the leading “thinkers” behind the fledgling Reform Party of Canada. -
BACKBENCHERS So in Election Here’S to You, Mr
Twitter matters American political satirist Stephen Colbert, host of his and even more SPEAKER smash show The Colbert Report, BACKBENCHERS so in Election Here’s to you, Mr. Milliken. poked fun at Canadian House Speaker Peter politics last week. p. 2 Former NDP MP Wendy Lill Campaign 2011. p. 2 Milliken left the House of is the writer behind CBC Commons with a little Radio’s Backbenchers. more dignity. p. 8 COLBERT Heard on the Hill p. 2 TWITTER TWENTY-SECOND YEAR, NO. 1082 CANADA’S POLITICS AND GOVERNMENT NEWSWEEKLY MONDAY, APRIL 4, 2011 $4.00 Tories running ELECTION CAMPAIGN 2011 Lobbyists ‘pissed’ leaner war room, Prime Minister Stephen Harper on the hustings they can’t work on focused on election campaign, winning majority This campaign’s say it’s against their This election campaign’s war room Charter rights has 75 to 90 staffers, with the vast majority handling logistics of about one man Lobbying Commissioner Karen the Prime Minister’s tour. Shepherd tells lobbyists that working on a political By KRISTEN SHANE and how he’s run campaign advances private The Conservatives are running interests of public office holder. a leaner war room and a national campaign made up mostly of cam- the government By BEA VONGDOUANGCHANH paign veterans, some in new roles, whose goal is to persuade Canadi- Lobbyists are “frustrated” they ans to re-elect a “solid, stable Con- can’t work on the federal elec- servative government” to continue It’s a Harperendum, a tion campaign but vow to speak Canada’s economic recovery or risk out against a regulation that they a coalition government headed by national verdict on this think could be an unconstitutional Liberal Leader Michael Ignatieff. -
Alternative North Americas: What Canada and The
ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS What Canada and the United States Can Learn from Each Other David T. Jones ALTERNATIVE NORTH AMERICAS Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars One Woodrow Wilson Plaza 1300 Pennsylvania Avenue NW Washington, D.C. 20004 Copyright © 2014 by David T. Jones All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, scanned, or distributed in any printed or electronic form without permission. Please do not participate in or encourage piracy of copyrighted materials in violation of author’s rights. Published online. ISBN: 978-1-938027-36-9 DEDICATION Once more for Teresa The be and end of it all A Journey of Ten Thousand Years Begins with a Single Day (Forever Tandem) TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction .................................................................................................................1 Chapter 1 Borders—Open Borders and Closing Threats .......................................... 12 Chapter 2 Unsettled Boundaries—That Not Yet Settled Border ................................ 24 Chapter 3 Arctic Sovereignty—Arctic Antics ............................................................. 45 Chapter 4 Immigrants and Refugees .........................................................................54 Chapter 5 Crime and (Lack of) Punishment .............................................................. 78 Chapter 6 Human Rights and Wrongs .................................................................... 102 Chapter 7 Language and Discord .......................................................................... -
Insight Trudeau Without Cheers Assessing 10 Years of Intergovernmental Relations
IRPP Harper without Jeers, Insight Trudeau without Cheers Assessing 10 Years of Intergovernmental Relations September 2016 | No. 8 Christopher Dunn Summary ■■ Stephen Harper’s approach to intergovernmental relations shifted somewhat from the “open federalism” that informed his initial years as prime minister toward greater multilateral engagement with provincial governments and certain unilateral moves. ■■ Harper left a legacy of smaller government and greater provincial self-reliance. ■■ Justin Trudeau focuses on collaboration and partnership, including with Indigenous peoples, but it is too early to assess results. Sommaire ■■ En matière de relations intergouvernementales, l’approche de Stephen Harper s’est progressivement éloignée du « fédéralisme ouvert » de ses premières années au pouvoir au profit d’un plus fort engagement multilatéral auprès des provinces, ponctué ici et là de poussées d’unilatéralisme. ■■ Gouvernement réduit et autonomie provinciale accrue sont deux éléments clés de l’héritage de Stephen Harper. ■■ Justin Trudeau privilégie la collaboration et les partenariats, y compris avec les peuples autochtones, mais il est encore trop tôt pour mesurer les résultats de sa démarche. WHAT HAS HAPPENED TO INTERGOVERNMENTAL RELATIONS IN CANADA? Surprises. In October 2015, we had an election with a surprise ending. The Liberal Party, which had been third in the polls for months, won a clear majority. The new prime minister, Justin Trudeau, provided more surprises, engaging in a whirl- wind of talks with first ministers as a group and with social partners that the previous government, led by Stephen Harper, had largely ignored. He promised a new covenant with Indigenous peoples, the extent of which surprised even them. Change was in the air. -
Ten Years in the Making
ANATOMY OF THE ORANGE CRUSH: TEN YEARS IN THE MAKING Brad Lavigne It has been called an overnight success a decade in the making. The historical political realignment of federal politics by Jack Layton and the New Democratic Party was in fact an ambitious and methodical strategy to modernize Canada’s social democratic party into a viable contender for government. Brad Lavigne, the 2011 campaign manager, NDP senior strategist and longtime Jack Layton adviser, provides an insider’s account of the anatomy of the Orange Crush. Un succès instantané, certes, mais précédé d’une décennie de préparation. C’est ainsi qu’on a qualifié l’exploit de Jack Layton et du NPD, qui ont opéré un réalignement historique de la vie politique canadienne grâce à leur stratégie de modernisation ambitieuse et méthodique en vue de faire du parti social-démocrate un aspirant crédible à la direction du pays. Directeur de la campagne 2011, stratège en chef du NPD et longtemps conseiller de Jack Layton, Brad Lavigne décortique les tenants et aboutissants de la « vague orange ». t only took a few minutes. I stepped out of the makeshift It was an outcome that very few outside Jack Layton’s cir- war room in our election-night operations at the cle believed was possible and one that even fewer predicted. I Intercontinental Hotel in downtown Toronto to make a few short calls to congratulate newly elected New Democratic o how did it happen? Was it an accident? Was Jack Party (NDP) Members of Parliament from Atlantic Canada. S Layton — and the 2011 NDP campaign — simply the By the time I returned from the adjoining room, the benefactor of lacklustre performances from the Liberals and team had taped a bunch of flip-chart paper to the walls with the Bloc Québécois? Or was it something more? the names of dozens and dozens of Quebec ridings scribbled To understand how the “Orange Crush” on May 2, on them. -
Was Stephen Harper Really Tough on Crime? a Systems and Symbolic Action Analysis
Was Stephen Harper Really Tough on Crime? A Systems and Symbolic Action Analysis A thesis submitted to The College of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies In partial fulfilment of the requirements For the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy In the Department of Sociology University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By Mark Jacob Stobbe ©Mark Jacob Stobbe, September 2018. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirement for a postgraduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or part, for scholarly purposes, may be granted by the professor or professors who supervised my thesis work or, in their absence, by the Head of the Department or the Dean of the College in which my thesis was done. It is understood that any copying, publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Request for permission to copy or use of whole or part of this thesis may be addressed to: Department of Sociology University of Saskatchewan 1019 - 9 Campus Drive Saskatoon, SK Canada S7N 5A5 OR College of Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies University of Saskatchewan Room 116 Thorvaldson Building, 110 Science Place Saskatoon SK Canada S7N 5C9 i ABSTRACT In 2006, the Hon. -
The Many Faces of Strategic Voting
Revised Pages The Many Faces of Strategic Voting Strategic voting is classically defined as voting for one’s second pre- ferred option to prevent one’s least preferred option from winning when one’s first preference has no chance. Voters want their votes to be effective, and casting a ballot that will have no influence on an election is undesirable. Thus, some voters cast strategic ballots when they decide that doing so is useful. This edited volume includes case studies of strategic voting behavior in Israel, Germany, Japan, Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Canada, and the United Kingdom, providing a conceptual framework for understanding strategic voting behavior in all types of electoral systems. The classic definition explicitly considers strategic voting in a single race with at least three candidates and a single winner. This situation is more com- mon in electoral systems that have single- member districts that employ plurality or majoritarian electoral rules and have multiparty systems. Indeed, much of the literature on strategic voting to date has considered elections in Canada and the United Kingdom. This book contributes to a more general understanding of strategic voting behavior by tak- ing into account a wide variety of institutional contexts, such as single transferable vote rules, proportional representation, two- round elec- tions, and mixed electoral systems. Laura B. Stephenson is Professor of Political Science at the University of Western Ontario. John Aldrich is Pfizer- Pratt University Professor of Political Science at Duke University. André Blais is Professor of Political Science at the Université de Montréal. Revised Pages Revised Pages THE MANY FACES OF STRATEGIC VOTING Tactical Behavior in Electoral Systems Around the World Edited by Laura B. -
Prime Ministers and Government Spending: a Retrospective by Jason Clemens and Milagros Palacios
FRASER RESEARCH BULLETIN May 2017 Prime Ministers and Government Spending: A Retrospective by Jason Clemens and Milagros Palacios Summary however, is largely explained by the rapid drop in expenditures following World War I. This essay measures the level of per-person Among post-World War II prime ministers, program spending undertaken annually by each Louis St. Laurent oversaw the largest annual prime minister, adjusting for inflation, since average increase in per-person spending (7.0%), 1870. 1867 to 1869 were excluded due to a lack though this spending was partly influenced by of inflation data. the Korean War. Per-person spending spiked during World Our current prime minister, Justin Trudeau, War I (under Prime Minister Sir Robert Borden) has the third-highest average annual per-per- but essentially returned to pre-war levels once son spending increases (5.2%). This is almost the war ended. The same is not true of World a full percentage point higher than his father, War II (William Lyon Mackenzie King). Per- Pierre E. Trudeau, who recorded average an- person spending stabilized at a permanently nual increases of 4.5%. higher level after the end of that war. Prime Minister Joe Clark holds the record The highest single year of per-person spend- for the largest average annual post-World ing ($8,375) between 1870 and 2017 was in the War II decline in per-person spending (4.8%), 2009 recession under Prime Minister Harper. though his tenure was less than a year. Prime Minister Arthur Meighen (1920 – 1921) Both Prime Ministers Brian Mulroney and recorded the largest average annual decline Jean Chretien recorded average annual per- in per-person spending (-23.1%). -
In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009
University of Calgary PRISM: University of Calgary's Digital Repository University of Calgary Press University of Calgary Press Open Access Books 2011 In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009 University of Calgary Press Donaghy, G., & Carroll, M. (Eds.). (2011). In the National Interest: Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909-2009. Calgary, Alberta, Canada: University of Calgary Press. http://hdl.handle.net/1880/48549 book http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/3.0/ Attribution Non-Commercial No Derivatives 3.0 Unported Downloaded from PRISM: https://prism.ucalgary.ca University of Calgary Press www.uofcpress.com IN THE NATIONAL INTEREST Canadian Foreign Policy and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade, 1909–2009 Greg Donaghy and Michael K. Carroll, Editors ISBN 978-1-55238-561-6 THIS BOOK IS AN OPEN ACCESS E-BOOK. It is an electronic version of a book that can be purchased in physical form through any bookseller or on-line retailer, or from our distributors. Please support this open access publication by requesting that your university purchase a print copy of this book, or by purchasing a copy yourself. If you have any questions, please contact us at [email protected] Cover Art: The artwork on the cover of this book is not open access and falls under traditional copyright provisions; it cannot be reproduced in any way without written permission of the artists and their agents. The cover can be displayed as a complete cover image for the purposes of publicizing this work, but the artwork cannot be extracted from the context of the cover of this specific work without breaching the artist’s copyright. -
The Bloc Québécois As a Party in Parliament a Thesis Submitted To
A New Approach to the Study of a New Party: The Bloc Québécois as a Party in Parliament A Thesis Submitted to the College of Graduate Studies and Research In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For the Degree of Masters of Arts In the Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan Saskatoon By James Cairns September 2003 Copyright James Cairns, 2003. All rights reserved. PERMISSION TO USE In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a Graduate degree from the University of Saskatchewan, I agree that the Libraries of this University may make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for copying of this thesis in any manner, in whole or in part, for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professors who supervised my thesis work, or in their absence, by the Head of the Department of Political Studies or the Dean of the College of Graduate Studies and Research. It is understood that any copying or publication or use of this thesis or parts thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of Saskatchewan in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis. Requests for permission to copy or to make other use of material in this thesis in whole or part should be addressed to: Head of the Department of Political Studies University of Saskatchewan 9 Campus Drive Saskatoon, Saskatchewan S7N 5A5 ii ABSTRACT Since forming a parliamentary party in 1994, the Bloc Québécois has been interpreted exclusively as the formal federal manifestation of the Québec separatist movement. -
E Turmoil Surrounding the Prorogation of Canada's 40Th Parliament & The
!e Turmoil Surrounding the Prorogation of Canada’s 40th Parliament & the Crown Kenneth Munro* #e prorogation of the $rst session of Can- #e $rst is the exercise of the governor gener- ada’s fortieth Parliament awakened Canadians al’s prerogative powers; the second is our par- to the intricacies of their political system and it liamentary system of responsible government. brought the Canadian Crown to the fore of our #e governor general represents the Queen and history once more. Acceding to her Prime Min- exercises all of her powers derived from statute ister’s advice on that cold, dreary, snow-covered and common law2 within our federal sphere morning of 4 December 2008, the Governor of jurisdiction. Parliament has conferred wide General, Michaëlle Jean, sparked the interest of powers on our Crown to administer and to leg- Canadians in their monarchical institutions. A islate. Since these are delegated powers, they docile and politically bored population refused are subject to change by Parliament.3 But the in large numbers to cast their ballots in a general governor general also exercises prerogative and election in October. Less than two months later, reserve powers in her capacity as the Queen’s the prorogation of the $rst session of their new representative. Prerogative powers are those Parliament sparked a new-$red enthusiasm for upon which she must seek advice, while reserve politics, and throughout the country Canadians powers are those she can exercise alone, without became constitutional experts overnight. #ey advice. Some of the governor general’s preroga- voiced their opinions on talk shows, at work and tive powers have been restricted in Canada by at leisure, in bars and over formal dinners, sud- statute or by order-in-council. -
Thursday, April 26, 2001
CANADA VOLUME 137 S NUMBER 049 S 1st SESSION S 37th PARLIAMENT OFFICIAL REPORT (HANSARD) Thursday, April 26, 2001 Speaker: The Honourable Peter Milliken CONTENTS (Table of Contents appears at back of this issue.) All parliamentary publications are available on the ``Parliamentary Internet Parlementaire'' at the following address: http://www.parl.gc.ca 3175 HOUSE OF COMMONS Thursday, April 26, 2001 The House met at 10 a.m. GOVERNMENT ORDERS _______________ [English] Prayers _______________ CANADA ELECTIONS ACT D (1010 ) Hon. Don Boudria (Leader of the Government in the House of Commons, Lib.) moved that Bill C-9, an act to amend the BOARD OF INTERNAL ECONOMY Canada Elections Act and the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment The Speaker: I have the honour to inform the House that Mr. Act, be read the third time and passed. Dick Harris of the electoral district of Prince George—Bulkley He said: Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to speak briefly today on the Valley has been appointed as a member of the Board of Internal bill which proposes a few amendments to the Canada Elections Act Economy in place of Mr. Chuck Strahl, member for the electoral and the Electoral Boundaries Readjustment Act. district of Fraser Valley. As members of parliament will know, from time to time we need _____________________________________________ to revisit our laws to make sure they keep up with the changing needs of Canadians. ROUTINE PROCEEDINGS [Translation] [English] Sometimes this entails introducing totally new legislation as GOVERNMENT RESPONSE TO PETITIONS happened with Bill C-2, the Canada Elections Act, in the last parliament. Mr.