RELIGION in HERODOTUS Jon D. Mikalson Although It Is Regularly Ignored, Dismissed, Or Disparaged by Both Ancient and Modern Hist

Total Page:16

File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb

RELIGION in HERODOTUS Jon D. Mikalson Although It Is Regularly Ignored, Dismissed, Or Disparaged by Both Ancient and Modern Hist CHAPTER EIGHT RELIGION IN HERODOTUS Jon D. Mikalson Although it is regularly ignored, dismissed, or disparaged by both ancient and modern historians, Herodotus explicitly offers also a reli­ gious explanation of the causes and outcome of the Persian inva­ sions. I In 499 BC a small force of Greeks, including Athenians, attacked Sardis, a principal city of the Persian empire, and in the course of the attack they accidently burned down the sanctuary of the goddess Cybebe (S.101- 102.1). When King Darius first heard of it, 'he took a bow, fitted an arrow to it, and shot the arrow into the sky. As he did, he prayed, "Zeus, grant me to take vengeance on the Athenians ... '" (S.lOS). It was the burning of Cybebe's sanc­ tuary that the Persians then used as an excuse for burning sanctu­ aries throughout the lands of hostile Greek cities for the next eighteen years (S.102.l; cf. 6.l0l.3 and 7.8.P).2 These included, after the Ionian Revolt, Apollo's temple and oracle at Didyma, and the sanc­ tuaries of all the revolting Ionian cities and islands of Asia Minor except Samos (6.l9.3, 2S, and 32). Later Datis on his way to Marathon in 490 burned the sanctuaries of Naxos and Eretria (6.96 and 10l.3). And in the second invasion Xerxes destroyed the sanctuaries in twelve Phocian cities, including Apollo's oracle at Abae (8.32.2- 33). Had he had his way, Xerxes would have had Delphi destroyed too (8.3S- 9). And, finally, with their occupation of Attica Xerxes and Mardonius fulfilled the vengeance demanded by Darius. They levelled and burned, so far as we know, all the sanctuaries of Athens and Attica (7.S.p and 140.3; 8.S3.2 and SS; 9.13.2). I Lateiner (1989) offers the most recent and systematic dismissal and disparage­ ment of religious and supernatural causation in Herodotus' Histories. For more bal­ anced treatments, see Harrison (2000b); Gould (1994); (1989); Lachenaud (1978); de Ste Croix (1977); de Romilly (1971b); and Immerwahr (1966). On the discussion of the 'tragic' aspects of Xerxes' invasion, see SaId, this volume (Ch. 6, pp. 137 ff.). 2 Diodorus (10.25.1) somewhat reformulates this point: 'The Persians learned the burning of sanctuaries from the Greeks. They were repaying the same hubris to those who had first wronged them'. 188 JON D. MIKALSON Herodotus has his Themistocles, surely not the least perceptive observer of Xerxes' invasion, directly link Xerxes' ultimate failure to these sacrileges. In the planning immediately after the victory in the Battle of Salamis, Themistocles tells his fellow Athenians, 'Not we but the gods and heroes accomplished this. They begrudged one man who was unholy and rash (atasthalon) to be king of Asia and Europe. He treated holy and profane things alike, burning and throw­ ing to the ground the statues of the gods. He even whipped the sea and hurled leg irons into it' (8.109.3).3 And, a few months later, the Athenians echoed these sentiments in their response to Mardonius' offer of alliance, 'We will attack him, trusting in the gods and heroes as our allies, the gods and heroes for whom Xerxes had no respect and whose buildings and statues he burned' (8.143.2). The gods and heroes whom the Athenians and other Greeks trusted and who brought them victory over the Persians are those whose efforts and, in particular, whose dedications after the victories Herodotus records in his narrative of the invasions: Apollo of Delphi, Zeus of Olympia, Poseidon of Isthmia, Zeus Eleutherios of Plataea, Athena of Athens, Demeter Eleusinia of Plataea, Mycale, and Athens, Artemis Agrotera and Mounychia of Athens, and Artemis of Artemision. The heroes included the Athenian Ajax, the Aeginetan Aeacidae, and the Delphic Phylakos and Autonoos. These specific gods and heroes and the gods in general helped the Greeks defeat the invading Persians against overwhelming odds. As Herodotus tells it, the 'divine' and some gods, even Greek gods, may have helped Persians and their predecessors in earlier times (e .g., Croesus, 1.46- 56.1, 85- 91, and Cyrus, l.l24.1 , 126.6, 209.4 and 9.122.2), but when the conflict became squarely between Persians and Greeks, the Greek divine world conceived of as a whole or in parts stood completely and solely behind the Greeks.4 These gods and heroes helped the Greeks on land and at sea, by oracles and omens, and by personal appear­ ances and apparitions. It was, in Herodotus' own judgment, the Athenians 'who gathered together all the rest of Greece and repulsed 3 See also Fisher, this volume (Ch. 9, p. 223). 4 Mardonius' consultations of Trophonius, Apollo at Abae and Ptobn, and Amphiaraus at Thebes apparently proved fruitless (8.133- 6), and at Plataea he even­ tually disregarded his Greek seer (9.33-41). The Persian sacrifices to Thetis and the Nereids at Cape Sepias mqy have stopped the storm off Artemision (7.191.2). For the role of the Delphic oracle in the invasion of 480 BCE, see below. .
Recommended publications
  • Hadrian and the Greek East
    HADRIAN AND THE GREEK EAST: IMPERIAL POLICY AND COMMUNICATION DISSERTATION Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree Doctor of Philosophy in the Graduate School of the Ohio State University By Demetrios Kritsotakis, B.A, M.A. * * * * * The Ohio State University 2008 Dissertation Committee: Approved by Professor Fritz Graf, Adviser Professor Tom Hawkins ____________________________ Professor Anthony Kaldellis Adviser Greek and Latin Graduate Program Copyright by Demetrios Kritsotakis 2008 ABSTRACT The Roman Emperor Hadrian pursued a policy of unification of the vast Empire. After his accession, he abandoned the expansionist policy of his predecessor Trajan and focused on securing the frontiers of the empire and on maintaining its stability. Of the utmost importance was the further integration and participation in his program of the peoples of the Greek East, especially of the Greek mainland and Asia Minor. Hadrian now invited them to become active members of the empire. By his lengthy travels and benefactions to the people of the region and by the creation of the Panhellenion, Hadrian attempted to create a second center of the Empire. Rome, in the West, was the first center; now a second one, in the East, would draw together the Greek people on both sides of the Aegean Sea. Thus he could accelerate the unification of the empire by focusing on its two most important elements, Romans and Greeks. Hadrian channeled his intentions in a number of ways, including the use of specific iconographical types on the coinage of his reign and religious language and themes in his interactions with the Greeks. In both cases it becomes evident that the Greeks not only understood his messages, but they also reacted in a positive way.
    [Show full text]
  • Archaic Eretria
    ARCHAIC ERETRIA This book presents for the first time a history of Eretria during the Archaic Era, the city’s most notable period of political importance. Keith Walker examines all the major elements of the city’s success. One of the key factors explored is Eretria’s role as a pioneer coloniser in both the Levant and the West— its early Aegean ‘island empire’ anticipates that of Athens by more than a century, and Eretrian shipping and trade was similarly widespread. We are shown how the strength of the navy conferred thalassocratic status on the city between 506 and 490 BC, and that the importance of its rowers (Eretria means ‘the rowing city’) probably explains the appearance of its democratic constitution. Walker dates this to the last decade of the sixth century; given the presence of Athenian political exiles there, this may well have provided a model for the later reforms of Kleisthenes in Athens. Eretria’s major, indeed dominant, role in the events of central Greece in the last half of the sixth century, and in the events of the Ionian Revolt to 490, is clearly demonstrated, and the tyranny of Diagoras (c. 538–509), perhaps the golden age of the city, is fully examined. Full documentation of literary, epigraphic and archaeological sources (most of which have previously been inaccessible to an English-speaking audience) is provided, creating a fascinating history and a valuable resource for the Greek historian. Keith Walker is a Research Associate in the Department of Classics, History and Religion at the University of New England, Armidale, Australia.
    [Show full text]
  • Le Strutture Difensive Delle Colonie Greche Di Sicilia
    Il presente Volume si propone di approfondire la conoscenza storica, tipologica e materica delle Francesca Scalisi strutture difensive presenti nei maggiori siti archeologici siciliani di fondazione greca, premessa in- dispensabile per un qualsiasi tipo di intervento di recupero e fruizione. Le fortificazioni sono dei monumenti fortemente emblematici per tipologia e dimensione e rappresentano, per certi versi, il volto che un insediamento offriva a chi si apprestava ad entrarvi, essendo la città antica modellata nel suo aspetto esteriore dalle mura difensive. Questa analisi sistematica sulle fortificazioni evidenzia LE STRUTTURE DIFENSIVE DELLE importanti contenuti che coinvolgono i settori scientifici relativi alle tecnologie costruttive e alle tecniche esecutive. La tessitura muraria, infatti, ci fornisce un ricco e variegato repertorio tecnologico in uso tra i secoli VII ed il IV a.C., utile per comprendere la pratica del fare architettura. COLONIE GRECHE DI SICILIA Il Volume affronta, innanzitutto, il tema della colonizzazione greca in Sicilia, in quanto la nascita Storia, tipologia, materiali delle fortificazioni è strettaente correlata alla necessità di difendersi dalle popolazioni indigene, e indaga sulle relazioni esistenti fra fortificazioni e tipologie insediative, soffermandosi, in seguito ad analizzare i vari subsistemi (fondazioni, muri, coronamenti, smaltimento delle acque) e compo- nenti (porte e torri) che costituiscono la struttura di un sistema difensivo. Segue l’elencazione di una serie di casi di studio, individuati secondo criteri di consistenza qualitativa e quantitativa delle tessiture murarie: allo studio storico, topografico e urbanistico della colonia individuata, fa seguito l’analisi dettagliata dei sistemi difensivi di ogni sito, dal cui raffronto si evidenziano, di volta in volta, le costanti e le varianti costruttive.
    [Show full text]
  • The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae
    historia 68, 2019/4, 413–435 DOI 10.25162/historia-2019-0022 Jeffrey Rop The Phocian Betrayal at Thermopylae Abstract: This article makes three arguments regarding the Battle of Thermopylae. First, that the discovery of the Anopaea path was not dependent upon Ephialtes, but that the Persians were aware of it at their arrival and planned their attacks at Thermopylae, Artemisium, and against the Phocians accordingly. Second, that Herodotus’ claims that the failure of the Pho- cians was due to surprise, confusion, and incompetence are not convincing. And third, that the best explanation for the Phocian behavior is that they were from Delphi and betrayed their allies as part of a bid to restore local control over the sanctuary. Keywords: Thermopylae – Artemisium – Delphi – Phocis – Medism – Anopaea The courageous sacrifice of Leonidas and the Spartans is perhaps the central theme of Herodotus’ narrative and of many popular retellings of the Battle of Thermopylae in 480 BCE. Even as modern historians are appropriately more critical of this heroizing impulse, they have tended to focus their attention on issues that might explain why Leo- nidas and his men fought to the death. These include discussion of the broader strategic and tactical importance of Thermopylae, the inter-relationship and chronology of the Greek defense of the pass and the naval campaign at Artemisium, the actual number of Greeks who served under Leonidas and whether it was sufficient to hold the position, and so on. While this article inevitably touches upon some of these same topics, its main purpose is to reconsider the decisive yet often overlooked moment of the battle: the failure of the 1,000 Phocians on the Anopaea path.
    [Show full text]
  • The Art Bulletin
    THE ART BULLETIN A Quarterly Published by . the College Art Association September 2009 Volume XCI Number 3 Destruction and Memory on the Athenian Acropolis Rachel Kousser The Parthenon, constructed betl-veen 447 and 432 BCE on This analysis of the Parthenon and its antecedents has also the Athenian Acropolis, stands as the most lavish, technically a broader significance as part of the history of Orientalism, a refined, and programmatically cohesive temple on the Greek topic of much recen t interest for scholars of Classical Greece. mainland, a fitting commemoration of the Athenians' spec­ Philologists have researched the use of Orien talist tropes in tacular and unexpected victories in the Persian ''''ars (Fig. 1). various literary genres,5 while art historians have analyzed The immense, all-marble structure was designed around a snch topics as the depiction of Persians in Greek art,G the colossal statue of Athena Parthenos, depicted by the sculptor reception of Achaemenid material culture in Athens,? and Pheidias fully armed, and with an image of the goddess of representations of the Persian Wars in public Athenian mon­ victory, Nike, alighting on her left hand (Fig, 2). In its archi­ uments.s One hitherto neglected area of inquiry has been the tectural sculpture as well, the Parthenon repeatedly alluded interconnections betl-veen Orientalism and iconoclasm. The to the Greeks' struggle again-st the Persians, for instance, destruction of an enemy's sanctuaries was commonplace in through famous mytholOgical contests: battles between men ancient warfare, and had been practiced by Greeks as well as and centaurs, Athenians and Amazons, Greeks and Trojans, Persians.
    [Show full text]
  • A New Epic Fragment on Achilles' Helmet?
    Bulletin of the American Society of Papyrologists 49 (2012) 7-14 A New Epic Fragment on Achilles’ Helmet?1 C. Michael Sampson University of Manitoba Abstract Edition of a small scrap from the Princeton collection containing fragmentary epic hexameters, ascribed to the cyclic Aethiopis of Arctinus or the Little Iliad on the basis of its contents, which most plausibly involve the death of Achilles (with possible echoes of that of Penthesilea). This small fragment from the Princeton collection preserves a lovely slop- ing oval hand whose uncials are roughly bilinear but tiny – typically in the vicinity of 3 mm tall. The uprights of kappa (ll. 5; 11) and iota (ll. 3; 7; 10) are occasionally adorned with a decorative serif, and the loops of omicron and rho are particularly small (a mere 1-1.5 mm), but the hand is otherwise consistent with the “formal mixed” style described by Turner, with narrow epsilon, theta, omicron, and sigma but comparatively wide and squat forms of pi, eta, nu, and mu.2 The label “formal,” however, is not exactly ideal; close parallels are found in the small, rapid hands of the latter half of the second century (occasionally termed “informal” by their editors), to which date and category I would assign this hand as well.3 So broad are the shapes of eta, nu, and pi, in fact, that they 1 I am happy to acknowledge the support of the American Council of Learned So- cieties and The Andrew W. Mellon Foundation for the New Faculty Fellows award under whose auspices this research was undertaken, as well as the cooperation of Dr.
    [Show full text]
  • Philip II of Macedon: a Consideration of Books VII IX of Justin's Epitome of Pompeius Trogus
    Durham E-Theses Philip II of Macedon: a consideration of books VII IX of Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus Wade, J. S. How to cite: Wade, J. S. (1977) Philip II of Macedon: a consideration of books VII IX of Justin's epitome of Pompeius Trogus, Durham theses, Durham University. Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/10215/ Use policy The full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that: • a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in Durham E-Theses • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders. Please consult the full Durham E-Theses policy for further details. Academic Support Oce, Durham University, University Oce, Old Elvet, Durham DH1 3HP e-mail: [email protected] Tel: +44 0191 334 6107 http://etheses.dur.ac.uk 2 The copyright of this thesis rests with the author. No quotation from it should be published without his prior written consent and information derived from it should be acknowledged. PHILIP II OF MACEDON: A CONSIDERATION OF BOOKS VII - IX OF JUSTIN* S EPITOME OF POMPEIUS TROGUS THESIS SUBMITTED IN APPLICATION FOR THE DEGREE OF MASTER OF ARTS - by - J. S. WADE, B. A. DEPARTMENT OF CLASSICS UNIVERSITY OF DURHAM OCTOBER 1977 ABSTRACT The aim of this dissertation is two-fold: firstly to examine the career and character of Philip II of Macedon as portrayed in Books VII - IX of Justin's epitome of the Historiae Phillppicae .of Pompeius Trqgus, and to consider to what extent Justin-Trogus (a composite name for the author of the views in the text of Justin) furnishes accurate historical fact, and to what extent he paints a one-sided interpretation of the events, and secondly to identify as far as possible Justin's principles of selection and compression as evidenced in Books VII - IX.
    [Show full text]
  • Pindar and Yeats: the Mythopoeic Vision
    Colby Quarterly Volume 24 Issue 4 December Article 3 December 1988 Pindar and Yeats: The Mythopoeic Vision Ann L. Derrickson Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.colby.edu/cq Recommended Citation Colby Library Quarterly, Volume 24, no.4, December 1988, p.176-186 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Digital Commons @ Colby. It has been accepted for inclusion in Colby Quarterly by an authorized editor of Digital Commons @ Colby. Derrickson: Pindar and Yeats: The Mythopoeic Vision Pindar and Yeats: The Mythopoeic Vision by ANN L. DERRICKSON ROM THE Greece of Pindar to the Ireland of Yeats, 2,300 years canle Fcoursing down the riverbed of history, washing over the widening delta of poetry, leaving layers of political context and literary convention. Yet a shape emerges, despite the shifts of eras and of nations, a form fun­ damental to the lyric. Thinking about the two poets together, then, helps produce an understanding of what is basic to and defines the genre oflyric poetry. Its nature is not specifically a matter of theme but a relationship of reference; action serves to describe spirit. As in Yeats's phrase from "The Circus Animals' Desertion," the prime concern is "Character isolated by a deed." Because it is on this plane of human spirit that meaning distills from the works of Pindar and Yeats, their writing shares the label "lyric." For both poets the vital creative tension exists between a given occasion and its associated images, rather than between concepts of present and past or fact and fantasy.
    [Show full text]
  • SOME BOEOTIAN PALMETTE CUPS 29 Palmettes on the Rim Have Sometimes Two Arcs Placed Side by Side to Form the Heart, As on the Tanagra Chevron Cup No
    SOME BOEOTIAN PALMETTECUPS (PLATES I-VIII) O ,F THE numerous Boeotian black-figured cups of the latter part of the fiftl century and the early fourth comparatively few have been published and still fewer have been classified. The majority of them, decorated merely with palmette., and lotuses and the like, are not the sort of material in which one can detect a master hand or trace the influence of a notable craftsman. Yet crude and incompetent as most of them are, it is possible to sort them into groups in which the work of various shops can be differentiated, and often to assign the groups to a definite locality. There are over two hundred and fifty of these cups extant, including two important col- lections, one at Tanagra from local graves, the other at Chaeronea where there are more than a hundred floral kylikes and skyphoi. In the Journtalof Helleuic Studies, vol. XLVI, 1926, pp. 54 f., I published thirty-eight floral kylikes at Tanagra (Schima- tari), that is, all there were in the museum at the time except a few from controlledl excavations, which were awaiting publication by the excavators, and two or three which were in such bad condition that the patterns could not be completely made ott. The Chaeronea collection still awaits publication. Pending the time when a complete study of the material will be possible I propose here to call attention to one or two easily recognizable groups.1 9 Plate I 1 and 2 show a kylix in Reading which belongs to one of the most dis- tinctive and best represented groups of these floral cups.
    [Show full text]
  • Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern Parallels for Alcinous' Watchdogs , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:3 (1987:Autumn) P.257
    FARAONE, CHRISTOPHER A., Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern Parallels for Alcinous' Watchdogs , Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies, 28:3 (1987:Autumn) p.257 Hephaestus the Magician and Near Eastern Parallels for Alcinous' Watchdogs Christopher A. Faraone s ODYSSEUS enters the palace of the Phaeacian king he stops to A marvel at its richly decorated fa9ade and the gold and silver dogs that stand before it (Od. 7.91-94): , ~,t: I () \, I , ")" XPVCHLOL u EKanp E KaL apyvpEoL KVVES l1CTav, C 'll I 'll ovs'" ·'HA-.'t'aLCTTOS' ETEV~" EV LuVL?1CTL 7rpa7rLUECTCTL oWJJ.a <pvAaCTCTEJJ.EvaL JJ.EyaA~TopoS' ' AAKWOOLO, a'() avaTOVS'I OVTaS'" KaL\ aYl1pwS'')',' l1JJ.aTa 7raVTa.I On either side [sc. of the door] there were golden and silver dogs, immortal and unaging forever, which Hephaestus had fashioned with cunning skill to protect the home of Alcinous the great­ hearted. All the scholiasts give the same euhemerizing interpretation: the dogs were statues fashioned so true to life that they seemed to be alive and were therefore able to frighten away any who might attempt evil. Eustathius goes on to suggest that the adjectives 'undying' and 'un­ aging' refer not literally to biological life, but rather to the durability of the rust-proof metals from which they were fashioned, and that the dogs were alleged to be the work of Hephaestus solely on account of their excellent workmanship. 1 Although similarly animated works of Hephaestus appear elsewhere in Homer, such as the golden servant girls at Il. 18.417-20, modern commentators have also been reluctant to take Homer's description of these dogs at face value.
    [Show full text]
  • HERODOTUS I I I 1 IV I I BOOKS VIII-IX I I I I L I I I I I I 1 I 1 I L I 1 I 1 I I I I L G Translated by I a D
    I I 1 I 1 OEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY I i I 1 I I I m HERODOTUS I i I 1 IV i I BOOKS VIII-IX I i i I l I I I I i i 1 I 1 i l i 1 i 1 I I i I l g Translated by i A D. GODLEY i i I 1 I I iN Complete list of Lock titles can be V*o Jound at the end of each volume the historian HERODOTUS grc-at Greek was born about 484 B.C., at Halicar- nassus in Caria, Asia Minor, when it was subject to the Persians. He travelled in of Asia widely most Minor, Egypt (as as far Assuan), North Africa, Syria, the country north of the Black Sea, and many parts of the Aegean Sea and the mainland of Greece. He lived, it seems, for some time in Athens, and in 443 went with other colonists to the new city Thurii (in he died about South Italy) where 430 B.C. He was 'the prose correlative of the bard, a narrator of the deeds of real men, and a describer of foreign places' (Murray). His famous history of warfare between the Greeks and the Persians has an epic enhances his dignity which delightful style. It includes the rise of the Persian power and an account of the Persian the empire ; description of Egypt fills one book; because Darius attacked Scythia, the geography and customs of that land are also even in the later books on the given ; the Persians attacks of against Greece there are digressions.o All is most entertainingo a After and produces grand unity.
    [Show full text]
  • The Histories
    Place Names Latitude Longitude Numbers of Times Mentioned Adriatic Sea 42.7752864 15.885196 3 Paphos 34.757212 32.406593 1 Oaxos 35.3080415 24.8441326 2 Petra 35.25 26.25 2 Siphnus 35.208535 26.108246 4 Abae 38.5831615 22.929852 5 Abdera 40.93950935 24.9795992 13 Abydos 26.409131 31.91627145 18 Acarnania 38.71765475 21.19036225 2 Achaia 38.10212147 22.22458591 8 Achelous river 38.3388321 21.1067111 3 Acheron river 39.2348296 20.4831346 2 Achilleum 39.914982 26.1511315 1 Achilles 46.5 31.5 1 Pyrene 42.468926 2.866662 1 Adramytteum 39.5023635 26.936321 1 Aegaen Sea 37.44094966 25.85418454 9 Aegina island 37.7409397 23.430141 51 Egyptian sea 31.15802 32.68554 1 Egypt 19.21140877 30.56732963 263 Aeolia 38.84644288 26.95080175 2 Ethiopia 14.125005 38.721522 22 Aetolia 38.51650426 21.75966982 1 Agathyrsi 47.5 27.5 11 Agora 40.513545 26.786353 1 Aegae 38.154879 22.314637 2 Aegaleos Mountain 37.154 21.721 1 Aege 39.978627 23.666064 1 Aegira 38.1297925 22.377887 1 Aegilea island 38.1771519 24.1749085 2 Aegion 38.252707 22.081952 1 Aenea 40.439481 22.879124 2 Aenus 40.7248985 26.085729 2 Aenyra 40.683333 24.65 1 Aesa 40.309275 23.060368 1 Acanthus 40.39975 23.880112 8 Acragas 37.29289215 13.58945448 4 Acrothoum 38.4526062 23.2197021 1 Akrothooi 40.183833 24.34933 1 Alabanda 37.59557847 27.97571613 2 Alalia 42.10240033 9.511828 2 Alopecae 37.95 23.749997 1 Alpeni 38.801852 22.586084 4 Amathus 34.712264 33.13708095 3 Ampelus headland 37.75 26.75 2 Amphicaea 38.642319 22.598214 1 Amphissa 38.518403 22.374172 2 Anagyrous 37.8300155 23.804843 1 Anaphlystus
    [Show full text]