Digital Journalism and Democracy 9 Beate Josephi

The SAGE Handbook of Digital Journalism

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Edited by Tamara Witschge, C.W. Anderson, David Domingo and Alfred Hermida

BK-SAGE-WITSCHGE-160034.indb 3 4/21/2016 8:51:15 PM SAGE Publications Ltd Introductions & editorial arrangement © Tamara Witschge, 1 Oliver’s Yard C.W. Anderson, David Domingo and Alfred Hermida 2016 55 City Road London EC1Y 1SP Chapter 1 © Beate Josephi 2016 Chapter 21 © Laura Ahva and Chapter 2 © Owen Taylor 2016 Heikki Heikkilä 2016 SAGE Publications Inc. Chapter 3 © Eugenia Siapera Chapter 22 © Bart Cammaerts 2455 Teller Road 2016 and Nick Couldry 2016 Thousand Oaks, California 91320 Chapter 4 © Rasmus Kleis Chapter 23 © Seth C. Lewis and Nielsen 2016 Oscar Westlund 2016 SAGE Publications India Pvt Ltd Chapter 5 © Stephen J.A. Ward Chapter 24 © Chris Peters 2016 B 1/I 1 Mohan Cooperative Industrial Area 2016 Chapter 25 © David M. Ryfe Mathura Road Chapter 6 © Alfred Hermida 2016 2016 New Delhi 110 044 Chapter 7 © Sharon Meraz and Chapter 26 © Tim P. Vos 2016 Zizi Papacharissi 2016 Chapter 27 © David Domingo SAGE Publications Asia-Pacific Pte Ltd Chapter 8 © Steen Steensen and Victor Wiard 2016 3 Church Street 2016 Chapter 28 © C.W. Anderson #10-04 Samsung Hub Chapter 9 © Karin 2016 Singapore 049483 Wahl-Jorgensen 2016 Chapter 29 © Anu Kantola 2016 Chapter 10 © Adrienne Russell Chapter 30 © Sue Robinson & 2016 Meredith Metzler 2016 Chapter 11 © James F. Hamilton Chapter 31 © Juliette De Maeyer 2016 2016 Chapter 12 © Renee Barnes 2016 Chapter 32 © Zvi Reich and Aviv Chapter 13 © Steve Paulussen Barnoy 2016 2016 Chapter 33 © Anders Olof Chapter 14 © Henrik Örnebring Larsson, Helle Sjøvaag, Michael and Raul Ferrer Conill 2016 Karlsson, Eirik Stavelin and Editor: Chris Rojek Chapter 15 © Jérémie Nicey 2016 Hallvard Moe 2016 Editorial Assistant: Mathew Oldfield Chapter 16 © Matt Carlson 2016 Chapter 34 © Axel Bruns 2016 Production Editor: Shikha Jain Chapter 17 © Yana Breindl 2016 Chapter 35 © Kim Christian Copyeditor: Sunrise Setting Limited Chapter 18 © Stuart Allan 2016 Schrøder 2016 Proofreader: Dick Davis Chapter 19 © Andy Williams and Chapter 36 © Irene Costera Marketing manager: Michael Ainsley David Harte 2016 Meijer 2016 Cover design: Wendy Scott Chapter 20 © Daniel Kreiss and Chapter 37 © Wiebke Loosen Typeset by Cenveo Publisher Services J. Scott Brennen 2016 and Jan-Hinrik Schmidt 2016 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

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List of Figures and Tables viii Notes on the Editors and Contributors ix

Introduction 1 Tamara Witschge, C.W. Anderson, David Domingo, and Alfred Hermida

PART I CHANGING CONTEXTS 5

1. Digital Journalism and Democracy 9 Beate Josephi

2. Global Media Power 25 Taylor Owen

3. Digital News Media and Ethnic Minorities 35 Eugenia Siapera

4. The Business of News 51 Rasmus Kleis Nielsen

5. Digital Journalism Ethics 68 Stephen J.A. Ward

6. Social Media and the News 81 Alfred Hermida

7. Networked Framing and Gatekeeping 95 Sharon Meraz and Zizi Papacharissi

8. The Intimization of Journalism 113 Steen Steensen

9. Emotion and Journalism 128 Karin Wahl-Jorgensen

PART II NEWS PRACTICES IN THE DIGITAL ERA 145

10. Networked Journalism 149 Adrienne Russell

11. Hybrid News Practices 164 James F. Hamilton

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12. The Ecology of Participation 179 Renee Barnes

13. Innovation in the Newsroom 192 Steve Paulussen

14. Outsourcing Newswork 207 Henrik Örnebring and Raul Ferrer Conill

15. Semi-professional Amateurs 222 Jérémie Nicey

16. Sources as News Producers 236 Matt Carlson

17. Activists as News Producers 250 Yana Breindl

18. Citizen Witnesses 266 Stuart Allan

19. Hyperlocal News 280 Andy Williams and David Harte

PART III CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF JOURNALISM 295

20. Normative Models of Digital Journalism 299 Daniel Kreiss and J. Scott Brennen

21. Mass, Audience, and the Public 315 Laura Ahva and Heikki Heikkilä

22. Digital Journalism as Practice 326 Bart Cammaerts and Nick Couldry

23. Mapping the Human–Machine Divide in Journalism 341 Seth C. Lewis and Oscar Westlund

24. Spaces and Places of News Consumption 354 Chris Peters

25. News Institutions 370 David M. Ryfe

26. Journalistic Fields 383 Tim P. Vos

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27. News Networks 397 David Domingo and Victor Wiard

28. News Ecosystems 410 C.W. Anderson

29. Liquid Journalism 424 Anu Kantola

PART IV RESEARCH STRATEGIES 443

30. Ethnography of Digital News Production 447 Sue Robinson and Meredith Metzler

31. Adopting a ‘Material Sensibility’ in Journalism Studies 460 Juliette De Maeyer

32. Reconstructing Production Practices through Interviewing 477 Zvi Reich and Aviv Barnoy

33. Sampling Liquid Journalism 494 Anders Olof Larsson, Helle Sjøvaag, Michael Karlsson, Eirik Stavelin, and Hallvard Moe

34. Big Data Analysis 509 Axel Bruns

35. Q-Method and News Audience Research 528 Kim Christian Schrøder

36. Practicing Audience-centred Journalism Research 546 Irene Costera Meijer

37. Multi-method Approaches 562 Wiebke Loosen and Jan-Hinrik Schmidt

Author Index 577 Subject Index 595

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Digital Journalism and Democracy

Beate Josephi

Introduction some gains and losses brought about by the changes can already be assessed. Digital journalism was not born out of As this chapter sets out to give an overview nowhere. It grew from technical possibilities of journalism and democracy, it does so with and, within a short time span, has decidedly the various trends in journalism, the digital altered the face of journalism, notably in divide and uneven spread of democracy in North America, Europe and Australia. mind. Given that the beginnings of journalism Globally, traditional journalism still holds and democracy as well as the current acceler- sway, and for this reason digital journalism ating changes in journalism are located in the has to be seen in conjunction with traditional Western world, it is only too easy to focus journalism rather than in isolation. on that region alone. But this would lead to a Digital journalism defines its relationship reductive picture of journalism. to democracy somewhat differently to traditional journalism. Technological changes have opened channels for all who are able Journalism and democracy and wish to actively participate in the creation and distribution of news, a role previously The notion of journalism being a vital part of confined to journalists and media houses, democracy was most explicitly formulated in thus democratizing journalistic processes. the twentieth century. But the beginnings of This chapter explains the various visions of a link between a critical press and the journalism, and of democracy, and sets out to endeavours towards democracy go back to explore how the new possibilities of partici- the seventeenth century when ideological pation affect journalists. Many developments struggles were first played out in the press. in digital journalism are still playing out, but To free the press from its shackles of state

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and religious authority, poet John Milton themselves as specialists and profession- demanded the ‘Liberty of Unlicensed als, even though the lesser-regarded populist Printing’ (1644). His speech to Parliament, press decried this move as undemocratic for published under the title Areopagitica, to this its elitism (Bates, 1995: 6). day remains a fundamental text in the fight Much of the subsequent scholarly criticism for the freedom of expression. Milton, for his was devoted to the practices and choices made part, was convinced that if all ‘the winds of by journalists and editors in their appropri- doctrine were let loose upon the earth’, truth ated roles. Under the impact of digital jour- would win out. nalism, the contestation between those who As the bourgeois class rose during the defend the mediated voice of large sections of Industrial Revolution and the number of liter- society through professional journalists and ate readers grew, the press provided a forum those who prefer ‘individual-centred under- for contesting political demands. Facilitating standings of the democratic process’ (Curran, an informed exchange of views has to this 1997: 100) has come to the fore again. day been one of the most influential visions of journalism. It provided the foundation for the view of ‘journalism as a source of infor- Reasons for the paradigm’s mation in a deliberative democracy’ (McNair, pervasiveness 2009: 238) Some three hundred years later, the A major reason for the pervasiveness of the Hutchins Commission and its report, titled A journalism and democracy paradigm is its Free and Responsible Press (1947), favoured prominent place in the normative theories of an elitist interpretation of journalism and journalism, notably Siebert et al.’s Four democracy. The commission, which con- Theories of the Press (1956). The book’s vened in the USA during the Second World persuasiveness lay in the simplicity of the War and published its report soon after, set binary – libertarianism and authoritarianism – out to clarify fundamental aspects of press on which the theories were built (Josephi, freedom and democracy (Bates, 1995). Some 2005). Four Theories of the Press made of its views were guided by recent experi- press–state relations the measure for media ences with totalitarianism in Europe, which systems, a move that privileged democracies had sowed deep suspicion of popular rule and in particular the American system, where and the common citizen, who was seen as ill the press was at arm’s length from the gov- informed, emotional and susceptible to the ernment. All media systems were then placed persuasions of demagogues and propaganda. according to their independence of govern- In this ideological environment it was easy ment somewhere on the line leading from for the quality press and its journalists to put libertarianism to authoritarianism. Siebert themselves forward as spokespeople on behalf et al.’s book remained a touchstone for count- of the public. As such, they would mediate less subsequent studies, also for those that the public’s view to the elected officials and exposed its shortcomings (Christians et al., vice versa. The media presented themselves 2009; Hallin and Mancini, 2004; Nerone, as trusted avenues of information, and in 1995). their informational and watchdog function as To this day, the paradigm is deeply essential to the workings of democracy. The entrenched in journalism scholarship media were to provide ‘a truthful, compre- ‘because much of the scholarly world in the hensive and intelligent account of the day’s West – and specifically in the USA – depends events in a context which gives them mean- directly or indirectly on the presumption of ing’ (Hutchins Commission Report, 1947). democracy and its accoutrements’ (Zelizer, Journalists were encouraged to recognize 2013: 467). The discussion of democracy is

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unlikely ever to fade away altogether because, buttressed their claim to being the ‘Fourth as Zelizer writes, its normative values have Estate’. This hegemonic model rested on a given it ‘a moral bypass’ (2013: 468). Digital favourable commercial climate, such as a rise journalism’s participatory modes have again in advertising and a lowering of material and revived the discussion of democratic models, transportation costs. In Hallin’s words, high especially the participatory one. modernism in American journalism was an Overall, the centrality of democracy is fad- era when ‘it seemed possible for the journal- ing. A meta-analysis of theories of journalist to be powerful and prosperous and at the ism in a digital age shows that ‘democracy’ same time independent, disinterested, public- as a keyword dropped from fourth place in spirited, and trusted and beloved by every- the period 2000–6 to ninth place in the times- one, from the corridors of power around the pan 2007–13 (Steensen and Ahva, 2015: 8). world to the ordinary citizen and consumer’ The terms ‘public sphere’ and ‘citizen jour- (1994: 172). nalism’ have taken its place, indicating a This seemingly idyllic world was pre- shift in theoretical perception of journalism mised on political consensus and economic that is less beholden to a particular form of security. Hallin determined the deterioration government. of the political consensus as the end of high modernism. But it was not until the impact of digital technology caused the deterioration of its economic base that the hegemonic pow- Reasons to critique the ers of the media and journalists’ authority to journalism and democracy choose, present and interpret the news came paradigm to an end. The narrative attention has now turned from freedom of expression for the A paradigm bound to a particular press to freedom of information on the inter- time and place net, and the question can be asked whether the ‘Fourth Estate’ should become ‘citizen- The history of the link between journalism four’ (Poitras, 2014). and democracy tends to be told in a teleologi- cal manner, not with democracy but with freedom of expression as its narrative line. An uneven global picture John Milton’s impassioned plea in 1644 came long before Britain became a democ- Freedom House, whose evaluation criteria racy and Voltaire, another eminent fighter for for press freedom are inspired by the democ- freedom of speech, died eleven years before racy paradigm, has over the past 25 years the French Revolution. consistently rated only about one third of the The journalism and democracy paradigm, world’s countries as free. The graph showing as conceived in the United States where the press freedom over a quarter of a century market-funded press was to be independent indicates that the number of countries whose from government, sits oddly with the world’s media is deemed free – compared to those many nominal democracies. Even in the partly free or not free – is the most steady USA, as Nerone (2013) points out, the con- (Freedom House, 2014). In 2014, the figures stellation ensuring the validity of the para- read 63 free, 68 partly free and 65 not free. digm existed for a few decades at best. Only This leaves over two-thirds of the world’s in the 1950s and 1960s, a period labelled nations not possessing the conditions neces- ‘high modernism’ by Hallin (1994), did the sary for the application of the journalism and media hold a monopoly on news services democracy paradigm. Digital journalism, and could be seen in a position of power that like journalism, is inevitably part of a

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country’s media system, and as such cannot Despite these almost encouraging figures, escape questions of state control. Digital the speech by the Secretary General of the accessibility may initially be a more pressing World Association of Newspapers and News concern but it will become an issue, deter- Publishers contains a very familiar warning. mining how much commentary and contribu- ‘Finding a sustainable business model for tions to news will be permitted in countries digital news media is not only important for around the world. [our] business, but for the future health of Similarly, penetration of digital media is debate in democratic society’ (WAN-IFRA, uneven in the world, as is the viability of the 2014b). This warning, rooted in the press’ print media. Picard has summarized the chal- imaginary of the ‘Fourth Estate’, could have lenges facing the traditional media as ‘mature been spoken in the USA a century earlier, and saturated markets, loss of audience not albeit in a very different context. highly interested in news, the diminishing The press is operating in an environment effectiveness of the mass media business where six billion of the world’s estimated model, the lingering effects of the economic seven billion people have access to mobile crisis, and the impact of digital competitors’ phones (Wang, 2014; Franklin, 2014). While (Picard, 2014: 273). the access to mobile telephony does not However, the World Association of necessarily mean connection to digital net- Newspapers and News Publishers would works that permit smart phone capabilities, argue print is far from dead. In an update to these figures underline the claim of universal its global report in October 2014 the orga- connectivity. nization stated that more than half of the world’s adult population – 2.5 billion people – reads a daily newspaper and more than 800 Journalism outside democracies: million read it in digital form (WAN-IFRA, a study of practices 2014a). This puts the present ratio of traditional media to digital media at about 4:1. The journalism and democracy paradigm has A survey, presented in June 2014, showed for a long time inhibited research beyond the that, globally, print circulation rose by 2 per Western world. To get around the impasse, cent from a year earlier, but had dropped by the study of journalism practice rather than 2 per cent over a five-year period. A look at media systems has proven a more fruitful the figures continent by continent underlines approach (Josephi, 2013). These studies, how much the loss in print readership is con- centred on the working conditions and per- centrated in North America, Australia and ceptions of individual journalists around the Western Europe. Over the past five years, cir- world, confirm ipso facto that journalistic culation fell 10.25 per cent in North America, work is carried out in all countries, irrespec- 19.6 per cent in Australia and Oceania, and tive of their political system. The most com- 23 per cent in Europe. This was offset by prehensive study to date, Hanitzsch’s Worlds rises in Asia, Latin America and Africa and of Journalism Study, now comprising the Middle East. 60 countries, attempts to conceptualize jour- These figures indicate that ‘circulation nalism practices and cultures around the continues to rise in countries with a growing globe. Like Deuze’s earlier reconsideration middle class and relatively low broadband of journalists’ professional identity and ide- penetration’ (WAN-IFRA, 2014b). In partic- ology (2005), Hanitzsch’s survey is largely ular tabloid newspapers are enjoying a new influenced by Western journalistic values. and growing readership among the literate, A focus on practice rather than norms is urbanized workers in developing countries, also seen as the way forward in digital jour- such as South Africa (Wasserman, 2010). nalism where ‘norms act as disincentive to

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adopt any innovation that may challenge the digital age is the kind of democracy seen as institutional configuration’ (Domingo et al., desirable. In the twentieth century, three 2015: 54). Domingo at al. suggest instead the models with strong applicability to the media employment of the entirely practice oriented have emerged (Benson, 2010): the elitist actor-network theory (Latour, 2011). Actor- model, proposed by Walter Lippmann, the network theory very comprehensively not participatory model, argued by John Dewey, only permits tracing ‘the diversity of actors and the deliberative model as found in the involved in changing news production’ but theories of Jürgen Habermas. also news use and contribution, that is, ‘people’s expectation regarding what is news and who is entitled to produce it, … their motiva- Elitist tion and practice in the production of news, and their power relationships in the process The transformations brought about by digital of the circulation of news’ (Domingo et al., technologies have revived interest in a ‘debate’ 2015: 54). The researchers admit that, from that, although never an actual dialogue a pragmatic point of view, this is an ambi- (Schudson, 2008), has gone down in history tious aim and may only be approached in seg- as the ‘Lippmann–Dewey debate’. It was ments. But when done, it can help to ‘reassess Dewey’s book and comments on Lippmann’s the role of journalism in our contemporary work, which set their positions apart. societies’ (Domingo et al., 2015: 63). Lippmann expressed his disillusion Actor-network theory can be applied with the ways democracy was playing out around the globe, as shown by Poell et al. in his books Public Opinion (1922/1997) (2013). Their investigation into the Chinese and Phantom Public (1925). To his mind, Twitter equivalent, Weibo, reveals the com- democratic theory, starting from the vision plexity of interactions of human and non- of human dignity, had become beholden to human actors, especially technologically the wisdom and experience of the voter. As programmed censorship. They conclude Lippmann put it, stereotyping, prejudice, that the internet in China is a negotiated and propaganda and the self-centred nature of calibrated space where censorship is far from man were prone to undermine this wisdom, straightforward, and despite high digital pen- and many problems had become far too com- etration, future developments are impossible plex for voters to grasp. Lippmann did not to predict. This Chinese example underlines perceive better communication of the state’s that digital journalism, if viewed as an indi- affairs as a solution. In his view, newspa- cation of democratic developments, can get pers made small headway against ‘violent easily circumscribed by media systems and prejudice, apathy, preference for the curi- state controls whereas the focus on practices ous trivial against the dull important, and can establish how journalism is constructed the hunger for sideshows and three-legged in a country, even if the findings expose prac- calves’ (1997: 230). Importantly, Lippmann tices that rarely meet commonly held norma- asked for the ‘abandonment of the theory of tive expectations. the omnicompetent citizen’ and instead to assign decision-making processes to experts so that when issues arose they could be dealt with in a manner that were ‘not mere colli- Different models of sions of the blind’. The press, too, needed communicative democracy to be rid of its shortcomings. The news was to be ‘uncovered for the press by a system A determining factor in assessing the rela- of intelligence that is also a check on the tionship of journalism and democracy in the press’ (1997: 229). This intelligence was to

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be entrusted to disinterested experts free of philosophical underpinning of the participa- their own preconceptions and self-interests. It tory forms of communication that the inter- is no surprise that Dewey called this ‘perhaps net affords (Hermida et al., 2011). the most effective indictment of democracy Dewey argued for the importance of civic as currently conceived’ (Steel, 1997: xv). participation, which he saw as the source of Lippmann’s distrust in a somewhat igno- democracy’s legitimacy (Rogers, 2010). He rant, easily-led mass electorate has to be aimed at removing the opposition of indi- seen against the backdrop of rising totalitar- vidual and society, and saw the individual ian regimes, whether of communist, fascist placed within the diverse networks of social or national-socialist persuasion. His prefer- relationships in which he or she was located. ences made Lippmann an exponent not only Unlike Lippmann who distrusted the public of an ‘elite democracy’ but also of an elite as rational participant in democracy, Dewey press, written by experts – that is professional acclaimed the views of the people as a source journalists – for a public that needed to be of political authority itself, prompting his enlightened. Editors and journalists were to biographer to describe him as ‘the most be the gatekeepers in this top-down approach important advocate of participatory democ- (Hermida et al., 2011). racy’ among liberal intellectual of the twen- But the concept of an elite press also had tieth century (Westbrook, in Rogers, 2010: the consequence that those papers, which saw 3). Political judgements for Dewey were to themselves as papers of record, tried to live be tested on the extent to which they could up to their obligation. They endeavoured to withstand contrary argument, reasons, and print ‘all the news that’s fit to print’, as the experiences (Rogers, 2010). New York Times’ motto reads, including the Dewey’s vision of a participatory media dull but worthy stories mostly placed on culture, for much of the last century, seemed the papers’ even pages. They aimed at qual- impossible to enact, although his concepts ity discussions and contributions that many were desirable to some scholars. Herbert without college education may have found Gans, in his Deciding What’s News, pleaded impenetrable. Some flaunted their elite status for multiperspectival news that would lead with slogans such the Frankfurter Allgemeine to a cultural democratization (2004/1979). Zeitung’s ‘Behind this [paper] is an intel- Gans’s seminal book, which shone a light ligent mind’, and revelled in their status as on the close interaction between politician, opinion leaders. They were – and are – the officials and journalists, culminates in the quality press, which now has to re-legitimize demand for a pluralist nation that can accom- itself in the face of a tangibly more demo- modate co-existing ideologies and a far wider cratic form of journalism. gamut of voices than could be heard in the mass media at the time. This, Gans sug- gested, ‘would enable journalists to function Participatory as more democratic stand-ins for the public than they do now’ (2004: 327). Dewey’s contribution to the ‘debate’ came in the form of reviews of Lippmann’s work and the publication of his own book, The Public Deliberative and Its Problems (1927). Schudson (2008: 2) stresses that these were favourable book The philosopher and theorist most com- reviews and not noted as confrontational. monly associated with the deliberative model This amicability is surprising since Dewey’s is Jürgen Habermas. His Structural concept of democracy differs considerably Transformation of the Public Sphere, origi- from that of Lippmann and now serves as the nally published in Germany in 1962, achieved

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iconical status with its publication in English especially for those readers feeling left out almost thirty years later. It is this book rather by the ‘elite epistemologies linked to class than his later main work, The Theory of hierarchies’ (Wasserman, 2010: 122). Communicative Action (1981), which ele- Digital journalism has been equally vated him to being the main proponent of described in terms of drama, sensational- deliberation as a core element of democracy. ism, affect and emotion. In particular, news For Habermas, the coffee houses of the spread via social media carries these ele- early bourgeois capitalist times in England ments. Retweeted breaking news stories, be had become a public space where citizens, they acts of terrorism, shootings or natural informed by the newspapers of the time, could disasters, are dramatic and responded to engage in discussions about political and with considerable emotion. Unlike tabloids, social events. In this space, which was neither the tweets cannot be easily dismissed as a private domain nor the halls of parliament, contributing nothing to the life of citizens public opinion was formed, based on open (Sparks, in Wasserman, 2010). The imme- and critical deliberations. Habermas has been diate spread on Twitter of these events can accused of idealizing the eighteenth-century create immense public engagement in the embryonic public sphere but, according to locality they occurred in and beyond. In these Curran, it ‘offers nevertheless a powerful and instances, digital journalism is part of civic arresting vision of the role of the media in a action, although not in ways John Dewey democratic society’ (1997: 82). would have imagined. The hope for a purely Habermas’s emphasis in Structural rational debate will not disappear, but in Transformation of the Public Sphere, and years to come may retreat into an idealized even more so in his Theory of Communicative space where deliberations are carried by a Action, is on rationality. Following Kant, few rather than the many. debates had to be guided by reason. Habermas shares with Lippmann the demand for thoughtful reasoning. With Dewey he shares the belief in deliberation as a core of demo- Different concepts of cratic communicative action. In privileging journalism reason, like Lippmann he implicitly rejects prejudice, stereotyping and other irrational There is no consensus as to what journalism sentiments. Habermas and Lippmann knew is. The views range from the textual form of of the pitfalls of emotive responses from journalism seen by Hartley as the ‘primary personal experience. Lippmann had worked sense-making of modernity’ (1996: 32) and in wartime propaganda whereas Habermas’s by Wahl-Jorgenson and Hanitzsch as ‘one of childhood and youth fell into the times of the the most important social, cultural and politi- Third Reich. Neither had Dewey’s ease with cal institutions’ (2009: 3) to Nerone’s view allowing the public to express their needs. of journalism as a discipline of news. To him The dividing lines carry into the times of it is ‘the belief system that defines the appro- digital journalism. They are akin to, but also priate practices and values of news profes- dissimilar to, the lines drawn between qual- sionals, news media, and news systems’ ity newspapers and tabloids. Tabloids have (2013: 447). Schudson similarly prefers to been condemned for their reliance on emo- narrow the definition to news: ‘Journalism is tion, affect, sensation, and drama. But pre- the business or practice of producing and dis- cisely this preference for popular knowledge, seminating information about contemporary this drawing on ‘the dense texture of … lived affairs of general public interest and impor- experience’ (Wasserman, 2010: 123), makes tance’ (2003: 11). Digital journalism will for their popularity and engagement factor, inevitably be measured against these visions

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by the participating public as much as by impossible. Social media provides platforms scholars, and the degree to which it fulfils the where deviances can be reported to the wider demands placed on journalism to date. public in a matter of seconds, usually with visual material to back up claims. More intri- cate stories tend to need the help of a trained Information provider journalist, but a vigilant public today far out- shines newsroom-bound journalists. The least contested function of journalism worldwide is the provision of accurate, reli- able and relevant information and news. The Mediator of societal values practices, by which the news are gathered and distributed, have become infinitely more Benedict Anderson has given a powerful complex in digital journalism. At this point description of how the ‘ceremony’ of reading in time, which Domingo et al. have described was performed simultaneously by thousands as a ‘moment of mind-blowing uncertainty in of people at certain times a day, reassuring the evolution of journalism’ (2014: 4), it the newspaper reader that ‘the imagined seems a Herculean task to trace all the pos- world is visibly rooted in everyday life’ sible highways and byways of practices (Anderson, 1991: 35–6). This gathering of which now constitute journalism. In this thousands, if not millions, of readers around dynamic situation, what remains as a norm is a ‘common set of facts’ (Nerone, 2013: 453) the public’s expectation for accuracy and facilitated a common consciousness and credibility (Domingo et al., 2015: 62). sense of community, if not nation. This consensus model, also depicted by Hallin (1994), has dissipated, at least in the Guardian of the public’s USA and Western Europe, even if the notion persists that ‘journalists describe society ‘right to know’ to itself’ (MEAA, 2014). Modern technol- In their fight for freedom of speech, the ogy enables communities, be they bound media have often positioned themselves as by common interests or ethnicity, to imag- guardians of the public’s right to know. This ine themselves in myriad forms, irrespec- freedom is expressly used to uncover facts tive of national or geographical boundaries. which governments, officials and businesses Diasporic communities, frequently marginal- would prefer went unnoticed or kept hidden. ized in their host country, have made use of The watchdog role is most closely associated the internet to create their own social, cultural with investigative journalism that sheds light and informational spaces in web-based publi- on decision-making processes, presumed cations, forums and interpersonal communi- corruption or illegal activity. In many coun- cation (Georgiou, 2003). This ever increasing tries, as measured by the awards it garners, mix of global and local puts into question investigative journalism is seen as the most whether democracy needs a ‘common set of revered form of journalism, usually carried facts’ to enable its workings. out by experienced journalists. The watchdog role, although most closely connected with democracies that afford freedom of expression, is all the same recognized globally Who does the news work? (Hanitzsch, 2011). Claiming this role as a bastion for pro- The discussion of who is a journalist moves fessional journalists and traditional media between two poles, professionalism and par- has become increasingly difficult, if not ticipation. The former is to guarantee the

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quality of the journalistic product and ethical contraction of the traditional media sector, standards; the latter the inclusive and multi- especially in North America, Western Europe perspectival reporting desired for democratic and Australia, has led to a wider shift towards debate. casual and contract work. It has given birth to the self-employed ‘entrepreneurial journalist’, who can act as a supplier directly to the Journalistic professionalism consumer or whose work is aggregated into a larger website. Journalistic professionalism has been a prob- Despite the evident ‘precarity of employ- lematic area long before digital journalism ment’, Waisbord, speaking globally, still sees ‘forced’ journalists into boundary work professionalism as an ongoing process ‘by against user-generated content and other which journalism seeks to exercise control’ cooperative attempts (Waisbord, 2013; (2013: 222). While labelling ‘the kind of full Fenton, 2010; Schudson and Anderson, autonomy envisaged at the onset of moder- 2009; Domingo et al., 2008, Hallin and nity’ as ‘anachronistic’, he sees profession- Mancini, 2004). Professionalism can be alism as a necessity to counterweight power judged harshly as ‘a discursive strategy (2013: 225). It is a journalist’s skill to dis- mobilized by publishers and journalists to til ‘bottomless amounts of information into gain social prestige’ but it can also be used news’ (2013: 227). To Waisbord, boundary ‘to negotiate boundaries with other fields work has to go on continually in a ‘horizontal while producing a distinctive form of knowl- and chaotic’ news environment, where focus- edge and news’ (Waisbord, 2013: 4–10). sing on news expertise rather than the public Hallin and Mancini divided the concept trustee model will help journalists to shore up of professionalism into three dimensions: the vestiges of their status. autonomy, distinct professional norms, and public service orientation. Since they only looked at democratic countries, the ques- Democratizing the journalistic tion of autonomy could be raised, although process Hallin and Mancini already placed the caveat that journalism has never achieved the same The digital news ecosystem has severely degree of autonomy as other professions, and challenged and undermined the one-way never will (2004: 37). nature of journalism (Bird, 2009). Initially, Autonomy is also the touchstone for journalists had little inclination to share their Bourdieu’s understanding of the journalis- space with ‘amateurs’. In their exploration of tic field. For Bourdieu (2005), the degree of participatory journalism practices, Domingo autonomy circumscribes the field, and within et al. found that in 2007, ‘core journalistic the field, it is the degree of autonomy of culture had remained largely unchanged’ in the media outlet from economic and politi- that professional journalists ‘kept the deci- cal pressures that ensures the journalist’s sion-making power at each stage’ (2008: authority in that field. Bourdieu presciently 339–40). remarked that ‘precarity of employment is a Despite a slow start, the new news eco- loss of liberty’ that serves to severely under- system keeps evolving and the progres- mine both autonomy and authority (2005: 43). sion towards openness and the involvement This loss of authority is now evident in of citizens continues (Scott et al., 2015). many parts of the world. As Picard remarks Participatory journalism is taking on (2014: 273), digitalization has destabilized numerous forms: ‘audience participation media’s business models, and with it the eco- in mainstream outlets, independent news nomic basis of journalistic employment. The sites, full-fledged participatory news sites,

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collaborative media sites and personal broad- news and subsequent developments, prompt- casting sites’ (Lasica, in Scott et al., 2015: ing the company to proclaim, ‘If it happened 739). Much of the activity is channelled via in the world in 2014, it happened on Twitter’. social media and Twitter. In open systems, In 2014, Twitter reported 284 million active citizens are able to influence the entire pro- monthly users and over 500 million tweets cess of news production and distribution’ sent per day (Twitter, 2014). whereas in traditional media the news pro- While tweets are not per se journalism, cesses tend still to be controlled by journal- they can be journalistic acts. Franklin has ists (Scott et al., 2015: 755). These findings observed ‘the 140 character format requires support Hermida et al.’s view that there are journalistic skills of tabloid compression to ‘few indications that participatory journal- be highly developed’ (2014: 257). The inclu- ism is democratizing the journalistic process’ sion of the adjective ‘tabloid’ is an apt one. (2011: 143). Much Twitter content is emotive, and many Journalists’ boundary work and continu- personal reactions, be they to accidents or the ing claim to performing an essential part in death of a well-known person, are carried on democracy indicate that they will not easily Twitter. The unprecedented level of ‘public- let go of their hard fought struggle for authority’ can also enter the political sphere, such ity. To a large part, they will be situationally as when US Senate Intelligence Committee forced into more inclusive work practices Chair, Senator Feinstein, who headed the which, ironically, are far more democratic Senate report on torture, live tweeted her than their own. fact-based rebuttals during the CIA direc- tor’s defence of their actions. Twitter, at that moment, constituted a public space for high- Moves to multiperspectival news level political deliberation that comes close to the Habermasian demand for a reasoned The future of journalism has irrevocably debate in front of a chora of interested par- migrated to the digital sphere. But uncer- ticipators and followers. tainty surrounds where ongoing experimen- Twitter by no means only communicates tation will take it and, importantly, what will in circles of political and journalistic elites. ‘stick’ with readers and participators, as it is It also allows new voices to emerge in civic theirs to choose. As yet, the major forms of discourses. By gathering discussion around digital journalism are only online publica- hashtags, it can contest mainstream media tions and online publication of content par- representations, as was shown in the Canadian tially or wholly presented in the traditional example of #Idlenomore. In this case of legis- media. The most frequent forms of interac- lation endangering Indigenous land, half the tion are responses to news stories, tweets and input came from non-elite actors and alterna- retweets, blogs, and user-generated content, tive voices (Callison and Hermida, 2015: 18), mostly in the form of visual material. In this demonstrating that crowd sourcing achieves way, digital journalism has ushered in the a multi-vocality previously not heard in tra- greatest changes in the areas of sourcing and ditional media. Retweets then enabled a distributing news, moving decidedly closer crowd-sourced elite to effectively articulate to Gans’s demand of multiperspectival news alternative views to a wider audience. and Dewey’s vision of a participatory media Additionally, Twitter is increasingly used culture. for crowdsourcing. This still places the jour- By far the widest reaching impact has been nalist at the centre, or as a node, of gathering the inclusion of social media and especially and filtering, but it includes the perspective Twitter in the 24/7 news cycle. Twitter has of official or elite sources and alternative become the crucial platform for breaking actors (Hermida et al., 2014). Research into

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Andy Carvin’s news stream on the Egyptian legs. The value embodied in traditional jour- Arab spring revolution for NPR drawn from nalism therefore provided the touchstone tweets and put together in Washington, shows against which new developments were that almost half the tweets used could be judged, as if there was still a choice for jour- considered non-elite sources. Hermida et al. nalism to return to traditional forms. Five describe Twitter in this case as a ‘platform years later, it is clear that the participatory for coconstruction of news by journalists and forms of digital journalism are here to stay activists’ (2014: 483). In their conclusion, and develop. The question, therefore, is no the researchers emphasize that the networked longer whether the ‘open and iterative world news ecosystem permits work with sources of online commentary’ is to be seen as taking thousands of miles away in ways that dis- journalism to new heights (Fenton, 2010: 10) regard ingrained and hierarchical interview but whether the participation as witnessed patterns. They call it an environment ‘where today should be valued as civic engagement. knowledge and expertise are fluid, dynamic Participation is a core value of democracy, and hybrid’ (2014: 495). and it has become a visible practice in the production of news in ways not seen before. Many times, citizens have become the primary providers of breaking news, and ‘the Gains and losses bearing witness function – observing and pro- viding accounts of what happened – is being In her introduction to New Media, Old News, switched to social media and increasingly Fenton (2010: 7) asks the question that is still practiced by public witnesses and activists’ hotly debated: Do the new media reinvigor- (Picard, 2014: 278). Dahlgren (2007: ix), for ate democracy or do they throttle good jour- one, sees democracy enhanced by participa- nalism? The jury is still out on that question, tory media involvement, even if there is ‘no mainly because the situation is ‘dynamic and guarantee that participation based on broader fluid’, and scholarly researchers find it hard value considerations will always lead to pro- to keep up with developments (Domingo gressive decisions’. To him, participation is et al., 2014; Franklin, 2014). not just about ‘manifesting political involve- What follows is an attempt to highlight ment’ in the public sphere but also an activity gains and losses so far. It has also to be said anchored in personal values and moral views. that many of the developments discussed Peters and Witschge, on the other hand, here are happening in North America and raise doubts that the participation permitted Europe where print media is crumbling and by digital journalism should be equated with news reaches people, particularly young citizenship in the broad sense. In their view, people, via Twitter and online. In China, too, ‘participation in news’ rather than ‘through news reaches its readers via digital media but news’ narrows the ‘broader dialectic sur- this has to be evaluated in a different light, as rounding journalism’s democratic function China had no legacy media that could have for citizens in society’ (2015: 24) and sub- called itself ‘Fourth Estate’. stitutes them with ‘highly individualized notions of political engagement’ (2015: 29). For this reason they warn against ‘simply Participation versus engagement replacing the “democracy paradigm” with a “participation paradigm” (2015: 30) when Fenton’s edited volume with the subtitle, assessing digital journalism’s democratic ‘Journalism and Democracy in the Digital affordances. Carpentier, in a study focussing Age’ (2010), was brought together at a time on audience, similarly warns of theoretically when legacy media was only wobbling on its isolating the concept of participation as this

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would not gauge in wider society ‘its rel- Tabloids, as distinct from quality newspa- evance, appreciation and significance’ (2009: pers, were never shy of playing to prejudices, 411). of sensationalizing or being entertaining in At this point it is important to remember order to get the readers’ attention. Readers that participatory practices are not the norm showed their appreciation by buying tabloids across the globe where mass media logic in their millions, implicitly indicating that still serves as a bridge between populace quality newspapers were for an elite, and that and political process. Having said this, the their form of journalism excluded the com- participatory modes of news generation and mon man (Wasserman, 2010). production bring the media tangibly closer While the inclusivity of online participa- to the Habermasian concept of the media tion is still up for debate, it is clear that many as an instrument of popular will. Whether of the tendencies foreshadowed in tabloid digital journalism is in practice perceived by journalism have entered digital journal- the public in this vein remains to be seen. In ism, especially when emanating from social terms of Dewey’s vision of democracy, the media. The frequently emotionally charged avenues of deliberation are more open than messages or tweets are engaging and can be ever, although the quality of these inter- directly responded to. A look at an online changes needs to be put under the spotlight. site such as BuzzFeed reveals a great kinship with the tabloid world. News is but one part of the overall package of lifestyle, entertain- Reason versus emotion ment and sports results. While these sites do not offer the in-depth coverage or ever rising The traditional journalism paradigm places number of contextual articles that are found in high importance on reasoned thought. Both the legacy press (Fink and Schudson, 2013), Lippmann and Habermas in their outlines for they can be defended on similar grounds as democracy and communicative action made tabloid journalism. They attract and include rationality a central value. Schudson credits a far wider public, the texts are more accessi- Lippmann with being ‘the most wise and ble to a wider readership and their emotional forceful spokesman for the ideal of objectiv- engagement can spill into the public sphere ity’ (1978: 151). Objectivity and neutrality (Örnebring and Jönsson, 2007). still remain an important component of the The subjective nature of social media’s journalistic ethos, although historically they pervasive personal communication was have not been at all times, nor are they in all bound to impact on the (American) ideal of cultures (Waisbord, 2013; Hallin and objectivity. Domingo et al. found that objec- Mancini, 2004). tivity ‘seems to be perceived by more and The internet’s open access no longer filters more participants in news work as a myth’ out the sentiments Lippmann tried to keep at (2014: 10). They argue that the rituals of bay with his elitist vision of democracy and transparency replace the rituals of objectivity, the press: prejudice, stereotyping and emo- although this does not account for all activist tive argument. The removal of tight gate- journalism found on the web. ‘Assuming that keeping processes online has allowed these activism does not promote or indirectly gen- to re-enter the public discourse (Witschge, erates violence,’ Dahlgren writes, it ‘should 2007). Other scholars have argued that these not be viewed as something negative that sig- have always been present. ‘[N]o journalistic nals a “failure’ of deliberative democracy in enterprise has ever succeeded in separating the various public spheres” (2007: ix). Yet, reason and emotion, information and enter- as Domingo et al. also point out (2015: 62), tainment, the real and the imagined, the facts citizens and readers have normative expecta- and the story’ (Hartley, 1996: 316). tions as to the credibility of information and

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journalists, in an attempt to underscore their by legacy media with its orientation towards professional skills, highlight their commit- public interest. ment to accuracy and balance.

Merging forms of journalism Societal cohesion versus trending Legacy media has a commitment to present- The arrival of the digital media environment ing and clarifying ‘the goals and values of has called forth many conjectures about pos- society’ (Hutchins Commission, 1947). sible dominant traits of future journalism, or Digital journalism, while potentially a col- the lack thereof. ‘Twitter revolutions, if they laborative effort of a wide range of people, is do exist’, Nerone surmised, ‘are unlikely to placed on platforms that do not feel the same be the infrastructure or the animatory fantasy obligation. of new normative structures, of a new hegem- Mass media institutions have been much onic journalism, because they do not light up criticized for being little more than commer- the mass of citizenry the way the daily paper cial enterprises, masking their deeper inter- once did in the West’ (2013: 454). est in profits with lip service to journalistic There are various strands to Nerone’s off- values and journalism’s role in democracy. hand remark. One is, that normative theories But social media are far from neutral plat- of journalism in actual fact had only a small forms. As Poell and van Dijck demonstrate, radius of application. If normative theories they have introduced ‘new techno-commer- were developed for digital journalism, despite cial mechanisms in public communication, its wider spread, they would come from a sim- which intensify rather than neutralize the ilarly temporarily and spatially defined situ- commercial strategies of the mass media’ ation. Mature democracies are not the norm (2014: 185). Part of the commercial strat- globally, and any move to have a theory devel- egy is an algorithmic coding that maximizes oped in the West and exported to the rest should user engagement and boosts traffic to their be avoided. In fact, it has been argued here websites. To this end, Facebook and Twitter all along that the centrality of democracy for privilege breaking news and quickly trending any future theory – normative or otherwise – stories, whereas even topics with much used should be treated with caution. The vision of hashtags, such as #OccupyWallstreet, could participatory journalism has great possibili- show systematic rise in volume but did not ties, but it is far from realising its full potential trend. The privileging of breaking or engag- technologically and in actual participation. ing news means that complex political issues, The moments of cooperative news that which play out over a longer period of time, can be observed now are reminiscent of may hardly register with users or may not get Habermas’s embryonic public sphere which any airing at all. Poell and van Dijck con- held much promise until it was overtaken by clude that social media’s algorithmic logic different developments. Some of these, such ‘undermines journalism’s ability to fulfil its as the commercial exploitation of participa- key democratic functions of keeping govern- tion, can be observed already. The empower- ments accountable and facilitating informed ment of participation comes at the price of public debate’ (2014: 197). The collectivity having user behaviour tracked, aggregated expressed in trending subjects is often short- and mined. The expansive ecosystem of con- lived and fueled by public curiosity, i.e. the nective media is no less ruled by commercial public’s interest rather than public interest. imperatives than the old media. Their ways It is therefore seen as qualitatively differ- are in fact far more intrusive than the old ent from the societal connection provided media in that they connect user activities and

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advertisers, employing mechanisms ‘of deep Bates, Stephen (1995) Realigning Journalism personalization and networked customiza- with Democracy: The Hutchins Commission, tion’ (van Dijck and Poell, 2013: 10). Its Times, and Ours. Washington, D.C.: The The second strand in Nerone’s remark cen- Annenberg Washington Program in Com- tres on the adjective ‘hegemonic’. Participatory munications Policy Studies of Northwestern and hegemonic are not necessarily an oxymo- University. Benson, Rodney (2010) ‘Futures of the News: ron, but the notion of participation sits oddly International considerations and further reflec- with notions of domination and hegemony. tions’, in Natalie Fenton (ed.), New Media, Old As yet, participatory forms of news work, News, London: SAGE. pp. 187–200. whether through commenting, story input or Bird, Elizabeth (2009) ‘The future of journalism becoming a news source, are far from being in the digital environment’, Journalism, dominant. News media organizations ‘still 10(3): 293–5. produce most of the news we consume today, Bourdieu, Pierre (2005) ‘The political field, the even those that circulate through social media social science field, and the journalistic field’, and aggregators’ (Domingo et al., 2014: 1). in Rodney Benson and Erik Neveu (eds), This institutional form of news, based on Bourdieu and the Journalistic Field, Cam- common belief systems, structures, standard- bridge: Polity. pp. 29–47. Callison, C. and Hermida, A. (2015) ‘Dissent ized practices and norms (Picard, 2014), is and resonance: #Idlenomore as an emergent produced by journalists who will continue to middle ground’, in Canadian Journal of hold the expertise on news values and crafting Communication 40(4): November. a story (Waisbord, 2013). Carpentier, Nico (2009) ‘Participation is not Not only do we have at this moment paral- enough’, European Journal of Communica- lel worlds of journalism, the traditional one, tion, 24(4): 407–20. rooted in mass media logic, and the digital Christians, C., Glasser, T., McQuail, D., Norden- one, opening up to forms of participation that streng, K. and White, R. (2009) Normative are still to mature, but also the prediction that Theories of the Media. Urbana: University of journalism will not be de-institutionalized Illinois Press. any time soon. At least a portion of journal- Curran, James (1997) ‘Mass media and democracy’, in James Curran and Michael Gure- ists is likely to work for a ‘few large general, vitch (eds.), Mass Media and Society, London: commercial news providers … [that] will Arnold. pp. 81–119. dominate provision in most countries in digi- Dahlgren, Peter (2007) ‘Foreword’, in Bart tal form’ (Picard, 2014: 279). Cammaerts and Nico Carpentier (eds.), The probable merging of institutionalized Reclaiming the Media, Bristol: intellect. journalism which, in democratic countries, pp. vii–x. imagines itself as one of the four pillars Deuze, Mark (2005) ‘What is journalism?’, upholding democracy, and digital journalism Journalism, 6(4): 442–64. with its possibilities of participation, multi- Dewey, John (2012) The Public and Its Prob- ple perspectives and emotional engagement, lems. Philadelphia: Penn State University will ensure that democratic values are upheld Press. (1st edn, 1927). Domingo, D., Masip, P. and Costera Meijer, I. and the deliberations continue, also in non- (2015) ‘Tracing digital news networks’. Digi- democratic countries. tal Journalism, 3(1): 53–67. Domingo, D., Quandt, T., Heinonen, A., Paulus- sen, S., Singer, J. and Vujnovic, M. (2008) ‘Participatory journalism practices in the References media and beyond’, Journalism Practice, 2(3): 326–42. Anderson, Benedict (1991) Imagined Commu- Fenton, Natalie (ed.) (2010) New Media, Old nities. London: Verso. News. London: SAGE.

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