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The Arabs in Israel 1948-1966

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The Arabs in Israel 1948-1966 THE INSTITUTE FOR PALESTINE STUDIES The Institute for Palestine Studies is an independent non-profit Arab research organization not ajfiliated to any government> political party, or group, devoted to a better understanding of the Palestine problem. Books in the Institute series are pub¬ lished in the interest ofpublic information. They represent the free expression of their authors and do not necessarily indicate the judgement or opinions of the Institute. FOUNDERS AND BOARD OF TRUSTEES His Excellency, Mr. Charles Helou Prof. Said Himadeh Now President of the Republic of Lebanon Professor Emeritus, American University of Beirut Mr. Sami Alami Dr. Nejla Tzzeddin General Manager, Arab Bank Ltd., Beirut Authoress and Educator, Beirut Mr. Ahmad Baha-Ed-Din Mr. Adib Jadir President, Press Association Engineer, Baghdad of the U.A.R., Cairo Mr. Abdul Mohsin Kattan Businessman (Kuwait) Mrs. Wad ad Cortas Principal, Ahliya College, Beirut Prof. Walid Khalidi Professor of Political Studies, Prof. Burhan Dajani American University of Beirut Secre tary - General, Dr. Hicham Nachabeh Union of Arab Chambers of Commerce, Director of Education, Industry and Agriculture, Beirut Makassed Association, Beirut Mr. Pierre Edde Dr. Edmond Rabbath Ex-Minister of Finance (Lebanon) Lawyer and Professor of Constitutional Law, Lebanese University Dr. Nabih A. Faris * Mr. Farid Saad Professor of History, Former Senator (Jordan), American University of Beirut Industrialist and businessman Dr. Fuad Sarrouf Mr. Maurice Gemayel Vice-President, Member of Parliament (Lebanon) American University of Beirut Mr. Abdul Latif Hamad Dr. Constantine Zurayk President, Kuwait Fund Distinguished Professor, for Arab Economic Development American University of Beirut * Deceased. THE ARABS IN ISRAEL 1948-1966 (g) Copyright 1968, The Institute for Palestine Studies First impression, 1968 Second impression, 1969 MONOGRAPH SERIES N° 16 THE INSTITUTE FOR PALESTINE STUDIES Ashqar Bldg., Clemenceau Str. Beirut, Lebanon SABRI JIRYIS THE ARABS IN ISRAEL 1948 - 1966 Translated by MERIC DOBSON 1969 THE INSTITUTE FOR PALESTINE STUDIES Beirut J)S 113. r T -C O TABLE OF CONTENTS Preface . ix Chapter One: The Military Government . 1 1. Introduction . 1 2. The Legal Basis of the Military Government. 7 3. How Does the Military Government Operate ? 15 4. The Dispute about the Military Government. 26 5. The Real Aims of the Military Government . 42 Chapter Two: The Establishment of Jewish Colonies. 55 1. Land. 55 2. The Total Area of Expropriated Land. 80 Chapter Three: From Deir Yasin to Kafr Qasim— The Strong-Arm Policy . 91 Chapter Four: Strangers in their Own Land. How the Life of the Arabs in Israel has changed. 119 1. Policy and Society. 120 2. Education. 146 3. Agriculture . 156 4. Labour . 163 5. Development and Services. 170 Conclusion.*. 175 PREFACE This book is concerned with the living conditions of the Palestine Arabs, both Christian and Moslem, who remained in territories invaded by the Israelis in the 1948 Palestine War and held by them throughout the period 1948-1966'. It does not deal with the Palestine Arabs in the territories invaded by the Israelis during the June War 1967 and held by them since then. The author is himself a Christian Palestinian Arab lawyer and, technically, an Israeli citizen. The book was first published in Hebrew, in Haifa, in 1966. It is perhaps, the most forthright and comprehensive study available in any language on the Arab minority in Israel. It is based on Hebrew source material, particularly the Israeli Parliamentary Debates, Official Gazette, Judgements of the District and Military Courts and the relevant Israeli laws. Copies of this book were smuggled out of Israel in 1966 and translated separately into Arabic and published by the Arab League Office in Jerusalem, Jordan, and the Palestine Research Center in Beirut, in 1966, and 1967 respectively. The present English translation is based on these two Arabic versions, which, on comparison, proved to be very similar. Whenever the footnotes in the book are followed by the word “Translator”, the reference is to the translators from the original Hebrew. Otherwise the footnotes are those of the author, Mr. Sabri Jiryis. Beirut, 2 December, 1968 CHAPTER ONE THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT 1. Introduction Ever since the establishment of the State of Israel, large areas of the country, such as Galilee, the Triangle1 and the Negev, have been administered by a Military Government, disposing of very extensive administrative powers and working through its own network of military courts. During the first few years of the Military Government, very few people, particularly amongst the Jewish population, took much notice of it or its activities or indeed even knew that it existed. It was during this period that the feeling that the Military Government should be retained, and even strengthened, gained ground, on the pretext that it formed an essential protection for the most vital interests of the state, and particularly of its security. Today, the situation is very different, and a large proportion of the people demand the abolition of the Military Government. For the character of such a system is essentially incompatible with a regime which is proud of being democratic, and the harsh measures for which it has been responsible have gradually discredited it with public opinion in Israel. It follows that opposition to the Military Government amongst the Jewish population and their political leaders has increased, in addition to the un¬ interrupted opposition to it of the Arab population. 1 - During the mandate, the Triangle was that part of the Samaria District enclosing Nablus, Tulkarm and Jenin. In the 1948 war, the villagers in the Triangle successfully resisted the entry of Israeli forces. However, in the Rhodes Agreement of 1949, half of the Triangle was incorporated by Israel. This Israeli Triangle, or the Little Triangle as the Israelis call it, lies about 25 miles to the east of Tel Aviv on the Jordanian border — Tr. 2 THE ARABS IN ISRAEL With the passage of time, the once solid foundations of the Military Government have been shaken; a wide spectrum of society demands its abolition, and this demand has come to form a serious threat to its continued existence; most political parties say that it must go, a wide variety of popular groups have been, and still are, campaigning against it, and there have been large scale political and popular conflicts over it. In fact the debate has reached as far as the Knesset. In 1963, the motion to retain the system was passed by a tiny majority (59 votes to 55), while a year later it was passed by only one vote (57 to 56). None of this should be surprising. The alien character of the Military Government, and its transformation from a system whose aim was ostensibly to protect the security of the State to a pawn, whose only raison d'etre is to serve specific political interests, has alienated large sections of public opinion and united them against it. The present form of military government in Israel has British origins. Certain of the powers it enjoys today were enforced in the U.K. during World War II, although most of these were abolished there as soon as the war ended. However, the laws in force in Israel differ radically from the original British World War II laws. The whole system owes its legal existence to the British Mandate Government’s Defence Laws (State of Emergency) 1945,1 and the Israeli Defence Laws (Security Areas) 1949. The former were not, however, the first repressive measures introduced by the British Mandate and were preceded by the Emergency Laws, 1936, and the Defence Laws, 1939, which were enacted in order to subdue the Arab population after the 1936 Arab Revolt in Palestine. At the end of World War II, these laws were re-enacted in their present form. However, this time they were not only directed against the Arab population but against the Jewish population as well. It was with the sanction of these laws that the British carried out most of their operations against the Jewish secret 1 - Official Gazette, No. 1442, 27 Sept. 1945, Supplement 2, p. 855. THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT 3 organisations. It was these laws that gave the British their power to banish members of ETZEL1 and LEHI2 to Eritrea, to search for arms in Jewish colonies, to send the leaders of the Jewish Agency to Latrun prison and to impose curfews in Jewish towns. These laws were, in fact, one of the most advanced methods evolved by the British to curb opposition to themselves. The laws were violently opposed by Jewish settlers in Palestine in various ways. One such protest was voiced at a conference of the Lawyers Association held in Tel Aviv in February 1946, and attended by about 400 Jewish lawyers. During the conference Dr. Dunkelbaum,3 later to become a Supreme Court Judge, said: “These laws, of course, constitute a danger to (Jewish) settlement as a whole, but we, as lawyers, are particularly concerned with them. The laws contradict the most fundamental principles of law, justice and jurispru¬ dence. They give the administrative and military authorities the power to impose penalties which, even had they been ratified by a legislative body, could only be regarded as anarchical and irregular. The Defence Laws abolish the rights of the individual and grant unlimited power to the adminis¬ tration. The aim of this Conference is to express our attitude, as settlers and lawyers, to these laws, which include the deprivation of the basic rights of every settler ... in contra¬ diction to law, order and justice.” 1 - ETZEL — full name Irgun Zvai Leumi be Eretz Israel (National Military Organisation in Palestine) a Jewish terrorist organisation responsible under the Mandate for large scale attacks with explosives on Arab market-places and Government Departments and, during the Pales¬ tine War of 1948, for many atrocities, including the massacre of Deir Yasin.
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