Revolt in Galilee Source: Journal of Palestine Studies, Vol. 5, No. 3/4 (Spring - Summer, 1976), pp. 192-200 Published by: University of California Press on behalf of the Institute for Palestine Studies Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2536029 . Accessed: 28/03/2014 16:33

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This content downloaded from 66.134.128.11 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 16:34:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 192 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES

in Lebanon lead to similar cooperation in exploiting the opportunity or tempted by solving the conflict between Israel and circumstances, Israel will have no option but Syria, if Syria adopts a moderate attitude to move." to this issue?" He felt, however, that Israel might win or lose from the "game" going REVOLT IN GALILEE on in Lebanon: "She may lose if the whole of Lebanon is turned into a country attached The Israeli press viewed the violent to Syria and a 'confrontation country. disorders and explosion of popular resent- But Syrian intervention in Lebanon also ment that took place this spring in Galilee involved certain advantages for Israel- "In as distinct from the West Bank uprising the short run it makes it more probable that which had been gathering momentum since the mandate of the United Nations Emer- the end of last December. The former was a gency Forces will be renewed," and "In the domestic affair, to be settled between the longer run there may be Syrian-American Arab and Jewish peoples of Israel, while cooperation." Although he said that this the latter was by and large seen as a tempo- might confront Israel with new problems it rary foreign affair to be settled within the would at the same time open the door to a context of a Middle East settlement. If this political settlement. "As a result of this, can be seen as the official Israeli line, it was Israel has decided to disregard the entry of often admitted that the disturbances had Syrian troops into Lebanon, so long as they common grounds and displayed a marked are not in very large numbers and so long identity of sentiment. What is ironic and as the aim is to achieve a political settlement was the source of bitternessamong the Arabs in Lebanon and not to constitute a threat to of Israel --is that the official distinction Israel." He concluded optimistically: "The called in effect for greater severity in re- Syrians have got themselves into a jam in pressive measures against Arab citizens of Lebanon. They are obliged to draw closer Israel than against those under occupation to the Americans, thereby arousing the in order to nip in the bud any ambitions the disapproval of other Arab countries, and all former might have to link their fate in the this will make it difficult for the Arab future with that of their Palestinian breth- countries to enter the war beside Syria, if ren in the West Bank. In a single day of she decides to take military action in the protest by the Galilee Arabs seven of them Golan." were shot dead and scores arrested and un- Finally, Davar (April 12, 1976) put the ceremoniously beaten, whereas the more Israeli position in a nutshell: "Israel is con- extensive and more violent protests in the cerned that Lebanon should maintain some West Bank had not resulted in such a cas- degree of internal equilibrium and that the ualty figure over a period of several months. safety of the Christians and their influence The difference in approach, whatever the in the power structure should be rnaintained. motives, was not likely to increase the In the light of the balance of forces that has loyalty of Arab citizens to the Israeli state. now arisen in Lebanon, it is impossible to The immediate cause of the Galilee all is ensure this and there every indication revolt was the project to confiscate several that Syria is seeking... to achieve these thousands of dunums of Arab land as part objectives. The regular 'threat force' which of a larger plan known as the Judaization of has crossed the Lebanese frontier, though Galilee. It is important to put this project it has not penetrated in depth, is intended in its proper political and even regional to perform this role. Since this is its role and context. The Arabs of Israel had always since these are Syria's objectives, Israel has resisted most strongly the confiscation of no interest in eliminating it .... Howeve-r their lands, carried out on a massive scale Syria certainly knows where the 'red line' in the early years of the state of Israel and runs and that if she crosses it, either by practically ended in the 1960's because of

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Arab resistance and the state's desire to is to strengthenJewish settlernent in Galilee normalize its relations with the Arab minor- and the Arabs are aware that this is the case. ity. Many Israelis linked the pushing From official data it is clear that the per- through of the judaization plan at this centage ofJews in the population of Galilee time with the growth and power of Pales- has declined in the last fifteen years from tinian nationalism and the possibility that 58 percent to 52 percent.3 Last year, for Galilee might be joined one day to an in- example, the Jewish population of the dependent Palestinian Arab state, as had northern area increased by 780 only, as been proposed in the UN Partition Plan of against 9,000 Arabs. These facts have led 1947, if it was not massively judaized in the cornmittees concerned with this matter the interim. 1 to study the possibility of confiscation." At the end of February 1976 the Israeli Such clear statements of the problem cabinet took a decision to confiscate large were often more diplomatically framed by areas of Galilee. Taken together with the official sources. Davar (March 1, 1976) governmeint's earlier decision to transfer quoted from the government statement sections of the armament industry2 to on the confiscation plan it agreed upon on Galilee, this was seen as aiming at the February 29: "In regard to the decisions obliteration of the Arab character of Galilee oin the developmientof Galilee in the interests in the shortest possible time. of its Jewish and Arab population, and in Daniel Bloch reported on these projected conforniity with the housing projects ap- moves in Davar January 22, 1976). After proved by the Ministry of Housing, the writing that the Knesset Working Commit- government has decided to accept the tee had recently tabled its conclusions on Minister of Finance's statemeinton combin- the settling and development of Galilee, ilng lands, including the cornpulsory con- he quoted Knesset member Abraham fiscations necessary for the implementation Givelber, of the Labour Alignment, as of the plan. The operation will be carried saying that the committee recommended out within- the framework of the law, the "the speedy removal of the war industry owner-s of the land will be paid suitable from the centre of the country to central compensation in accordance with the law, Galilee... because the removal of these anld the possibility of those who wish to do factories, a-ll of which depend on Jewish so being allowed, as far as possible, to ex- labour, would result in thouisandsof emplov- change their lands for other plots will also ees and their families moving to Galilee be studied." and these, in addition to the employees of In an editorial on the same day Davar the services sector, would effect a great said: "The decision to confiscate land to a change in the demographic structure of total of twenty thousand dunums is an Galilee. The here is the important point important practical step for the settlement Jewish labour on which these factories depend, because other factories can absorb of Galilee. This decision merits extensive non-Jewish labour and investment in them support, for it is quite clear that there is no does not bring in any gains in the demo- alternative to confiscation and no objection graphic field." to action for the strengthen-ingof Galilee." Yoel Dar, writing in Davar (March 2, The Israeli press did report on the Arab 1976), discussed the aims of the confiscations objections to this action, however. Arab in Galilee: "The real aim of the confiscations oppositioIl was particularly fierce to the con-

1 Seepp.229-36 for the implicationsoJf the Galileerevolt on PLO discussionsconcerning a Palestinian state limitedto the W/VestBank and Gaza -, Ed. 2 IsraeliArabs ar-e not employed in thesefactories because of the"securitv risk" -- Ed. 3 PalestinianArab sources often refer to an outrightArab inajori.p in Galilee---Ed.

This content downloaded from 66.134.128.11 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 16:34:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 194 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES fiscation of lands in two areas, the "Zone 9" invasion of Sinai. Rakah's Hebrew-language area near the village of Sakhnin in southern newspaper Zu Haderekh(January 17, 1976) Galilee and the area of Kafr Qasim. Al bad this to say on the subject: "Twenty Jamnishinar(February 6, 1976) wrote about years after the terrible massacre and twenty- the former: "'Zone 9' covers tens of thou- five years after the confiscation of more than sands of dunums, and although some years four thousand dunums of the land of Kafi ago it was declared a training area, the Qasim, the authorities took another arbit- Israeli Arrny authorities gave its owners rary step last week when they decided to passes which made it possible for them to confiscate three thousand more dunums. cultivate their land. Recently they stopped They have started to fence off this area, giving passes, fenced the zone and erected paying no heed to the violent opposition of notices saying that it was dangerous to the inhabitants of the village and of its enter the area. This measure was a first council." The inhabitants had learned of the step towards confiscation." confiscation order on December 29, 1975, According to al-Ittihad,the Rakah Israeli the paper reported, and had immediately Communist Party newspaper (February 17, held a meeting in the local council to oppose 1976), a popular confereniceof protest was it. The paper quoted the head of the council, held in Sakhnin which was attended by Zakijibril, as saying: "Ever since the autho- more than five thousand persons,delegations rities told some of the inhabitants that they of the Arab local authorities and councils, were to appear in court on charges of build- members of the Regional Committee for the ing houses in an area not allocated for that Defence of Lands, Knesset members Tawfiq purpose, we have been on our guard against Ziyad and Hammad Abu Rabi'a, and a the confiscation schemes aimed at plunder- number of lawyers and students' representa- ing what is left of the village's land and even tives. The paper reported on the resolutions some of its houses. A number of thcse houses adopted by the conference which said that against whose owners charges were brought 'the government's decision to close the were built in this area in 1937 - before the said area and then to confiscate it is a step establishment of the state on the authority towards dispossessingArab peasants of their of official permits and land registration lands." The conference "demanded that documents issued by the then authorities these areas be demilitarized and returned and retained by the owners of these houses.'4 to the jurisdiction of the local councils of the The paper also noted that the residents of three villages." This organized opposition Kafr Qasim intended to resist the confisca- of the Arab peasants and their representa- tion order "whatever the cost." tives appeared to meet with some success, Little attention was given to the Arab since al-Ittilhadlater reported (February 27, opposition to the confiscations outside 1976) that the Israeli authorities had pro- Rakah, whose membership is mostly Arab. mised to exclude most of the agricultural A few members of the left-wing Mapam land from the military manoeuvres area and Party were also opposed to the confiscation to classify it as an area open to its owners. measures, however, and this seemed to have The confiscations in Kafr Qasim were some effect in delaying some of the measures often associated in press reports with the which the cabinet had intended to take. mnassacreby Israeli soldiers that took place According to Danny Rubinstein (Davar, there in 1956, on the eve of the Israeli 'January 16, 1976), the Minister of Finance,

4 Somecritics of israeli policy towardsthe Arab minoriy havemaintained that the verystrict zoning regulationsapplicable to areaswhere Arabs live are intendedto discourageall buildingthat would enable a quicklygrowzing population to remainin thecountryside and to force themto migrateto thecities where ew)s dominate-Ed.

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Yehoshua Rabinovich, had deferred the place. A public rally held in Nazareth in execution of the confiscation order of thou- early March called for a general strike and sands of dunums of land belonging to vil- the holding of rallies and demonstrations lages in the Nazareth and Karmiel areas, to protest against the Judaization of Galilee leaving it to the government to take the and the confiscations of Arab lai-id. The final decision in this respect. He added: idea was quickly picked up, and approved 'The Minister of Finance is empowered to by a number of municipalities and the sign the confiscation order and the decision chosen day, "Land Day," of March 30, to confiscate these lands was taken by a promised to call out large numbers of the committee which includes representatives -\rabs of Galilee. of the different ministries, working in this The general Israeli public was, if concer- field under the chairmanship of the Direct- ned, not seriouslv alarmcd. Sounicspecialists or General of the Israel Lands Directorate, or concerne-d individuals noted the broad Meir Zoria... It appears that the decision implications of organized Arab solidarity to confiscate, made public several weeks ago, and discussed the factors behind it in a de- led to tension in the villages of Galilee and it bate held at Shiloah Institute on the eve of was decided not to publish the confiscation Land Day. The debate was reported by order before the elections in Nazareth. And YediotAharonot on March 21, 1976. One of as a number of ministers in the government the speakers, ProfessorShimon Shamir, was have reservations about the decision and quoted, in part, as saying: many voices have been raised against it in "A new reality is emerging in the Arab Mapam, the Minister has decided to post- sector which is, essentially, much more pone signing it and to r-eferthe matter to the significant than the current incidents. In the the demographic government." first place let us consider of Israel number more A IIaaretzcorrespondent reported CJanu- aspect. The Arabs than- half a million and constitute an im- ary 19,1976) that the Minister of Health had portant bloc. It must be recalled that the raised the question of confiscating the lands Jewish population, on the eve of the estab- Kafr a cabinet of Qasim inhabitants at lishlmen-tof the state, did not number much meeting and that the Prime Minister replied more than half a million. This is not a that "the governrmentis prepared to reach secondary minority but a population bloc the highest degree of understanding with the that requires serious attention. inhabitants of the village." Nevertheless, "Secondly... the emergence of the Pales- according to the Ijaaretz reporter, Knesset tinian factor as central to the conflict and mnemberYosef Sarid intended to present a the rise of the PLO have created a problem proposal to the Knesset Speaker which from which the Arabs of Israel were exempt would prevent confiscations in this village before 1967: the problem of identity and and which noted: "It is a dangerous mistake loyalty. to allow Kafr Qasim to return to the head- "Thirdly, there is a natural sequence in lines as the result of land confiscation. The the turnover of generations -- one genera- wounds that healed twenty years ago are tion rises, the other declines. The patterns of political activity of the younger generation now opening again and it is to be expected are different from those of the generation that the world will certainly recall the of the elderly notables ... massacre. For this reason alone the Israel "There is also the question of qualitative Lands Directorate must be told to keep its changes. The Arabs of Israel are no longer hands off the lands of Kafr Qasim immedi- those inhabitants whom we inherited from ately..." the Mandate in 1947, who were funcla- Throughout the month of March, fol- rnentally a population of villagers without lowing the government's decision of Febru- urban centres and with no middle class. arv 29, Arab opposition to the confiscations 'Fodav about 60 percent of the Aral) in- mounted and minor incidents of protest took habitants of Israel live in town1sand enjoy

This content downloaded from 66.134.128.11 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 16:34:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 196 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES a certain standard of living and a higher state for twenty-nine years no longer exist." standard of education. If some Israeli Jews saw the roots of the "Apart from all this there is another Israeli Arabs' problems, many others re- factor that cannot be ignored: I rael is mained insensitive or obvious, not expec- passing through a new stage and is on the ting much trouble and willing to use force threshold of what we might call the 'lean at the first sign. The rallies and demonstra- years.' The State of Israel no longer emits tions of Land Day on March 30 which were the image of strength and confidence that intended to be a massive but peaceful it did previously. This situation has had its were with from effect in the Arab sector and it will protest greeted opposition have the authorities and led to bloody clashes repercussions in the future too. Therefore which were worse than anything seen up the concepts that were permissible and meaningful as regards the Arabs of Israel till then in the West Bank towns. Not only were the Arabs of Israel bitter and outraged in the past may not be meaningful in the at the brutality of the security forces who future, and this requires serious thought. shot into crowds, bludgeoned anyone in Another speaker, Zvi El-Peleg, a ire- sight and dragged people out of their homes searcher at Shiloah Institute, looked at the to arrest them, but the Jews of Israel were psychological or identity problern of the Israeli Arab. He said: "I believe that the themselves astounded, although often pit- curve of the relations between the state ting all the blame on the Arabs. From press anid the Arabs of Israel has been constantlv reports surprise and dismay were often declining since the fifties. There are two expressed and Land Day served notice to the reasons for this. The first is the continuing country at large that the Arab policy had conflict, which influences the Israeli Arabs' proved a failure. The inference sometimes view of Israel since she is a party to the drawn, however was that more firmness conflict. The second is Israel's failure to was required. solve the problems of her Arabs: so far she On the official level the reactions covered has produced no solution that satisfies them, the whole range from superficial under- has not told thern who they are or what standing, to outrage and putting the blame position they occupy in the state. Issues oIn outside forces. rediot Aharonot(April 4, such as the confiscation of land, guards in the 1976) quoted the Foreign Minister Yigal university or grants to the local councils are Allon as saying on Israeli television: "The only an expressioinof the situation. disorders are an expression of accumulated which has "The [Israelis] once thought that the bitterness been quickly exploited by professional propagandists inspired by Arabs of Israel would have a positive quarters outside the borders of the Middle influence in the occupied areas, but it is East. Policy vis-a-vis the Arab minority now clear to all that this is not so, that this should not be revised on the basis of a is not what has happened. The Arabs of single isolated incident; the subject should Israel have suffered as a result of the re- be studied and specialists consulted to lations that have been created between the provide a background for practical de- state and the inhabitants of the occupied liberations in the future." The paper also areas, for the enforcement of security mea- quoted the Minister of Labour, Moshe sures has inevitably affected Arab citizens. Bar'am as saying that "Israel cannot permit I am talking about the searching of houses, the infringement of law and order but, on when the Arab citizen suddenly stops being the other hand, we must not draw the like other citizenis; they suddenly haul him opposite inference that a solution is only out of a cinema queue, they suddenly make possible through the use of force." him get out of a bus five times during a trip Davar's reporter quoted (April 2, 1976) to check his belongings. Suddenly he is an the Minister of Defence Shimon Peres Arab again and the rights acquired by as declaring to a group from the Labour living in and being incorporated in the Party: "Wc shall tear up all Arab violence

This content downloaded from 66.134.128.11 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 16:34:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions FROM THE ISRAELI PRESS 197 by the roots." The reporter added that magician.... To make things clear I should Peres "does not expect the Arabs of Israel like to say that there cannot be a policy to become Zionists, but they must keep the unlless efforts are made to incorporate rules." the Arabs of Israel in the political, eco- On the other hand, Yeroham Meshel, nomic and social set-up of the state. The Secretary-General of the Histadrut, was rnore we succeed in giving the Israeli Arab quoted by Davar (March 31, 1976) as the feeling that the state is giving him many concluding from the Arab strike that the advantages in various fields, the more we state and Histadrut ImlUst make positive deci- try to make him feel equal, the more dif- sions if relations on a basis of equality are ficult it will be for him to take action against to be established between the Jewish public the state. This applies to the incorporation and the Arab sector in Israel." The labour of Arabs in the parties, government de- leader added: "It cannot be said that partments, J ewish society, economic life, Rakah alone is to blame; we must do some- sports, the Histadrut, public institutions thing positive and realize our mistakes in the and all fields of life. The implementation of Arab sector... evading reality will not this policy, which the government has ap- solve the problem." p)roved, faces many difficulties in daily Commenting on the general strike in life because of the war with the Arabs that Davar (March 31, 1976) Minister ofJustice is lurking at our gates and is interlocked HaimnTsadok said: "We should not talk with every aspect of our life. So far this of a rebellion by the Arab population as policy has succeeded in deterring, extin- the press is doing. What we have witnessed guishing, assuaging and subduing the feeling is an atteinpt to upset the relations between of national attachment which the Arabs of Jews and Arabs... We seek a normal life Israel have, but it never for a moment whereas the PLO is trying to prevent it." boasts of having eradicated this feeling..." Shmuel Toledano, the Prime Minister's Some politicians put most of the blame Adviser on Arab Affairs, at the same time for Land Day on Rakah and a few demanded underplayed the incidents and said he had that this party be outlawed. The most vocal seen them coming, and although he had no and persistent was Knesset member Amnon solution to the problem beyond economic Lin, of the extreme right-wing Likud group- inducements he defended the government's ing. He warned: "This is the first time we policy for which he was responsible. Haaretz have found ourselves confronted not onlv (March 31, 1976) quoted him as saying with grave dangers from outside, btut also about Land Day that "this sad day's events with the internal danger of a convulsion in will certainly leave their mark, in the short the country's security situation. The Arabs run, on relations between Jews and Arabs of Israel since the Yom Kippur War are not in Israel." In an interview he gave to iediot the Arabs of before the YonmKippur War. 4haronotseveral days later (April 2, 1976) Arab propaganda has convinced them that he said he had expected "disturbances" Israel was defeated in that war and the Arabs in the Arab sector and had submitted many victorious. The majority of the Arab public verbal ancdwritten recommendation-sto the believes that Israel is going to pieces and propeer authorities. He called again for declining, while the Arab world is becoming extensive support to be given to "positive mnorepowerful and advancing towards a elements" among the Israeli Arabs but did glorious future" (Yediot Aharonot,April 1, not see the need for a radical new policy. 1976). He said that Land Day was "an I have hear-d and read proposals for a attempt to organize a general strike with new policy too," he declared, "but so far the object of preparing an organizational I have nlot imlet anyone who had a magic base in anticipation of the role that Rakabl solution to offer and I can promise you that has assumed preparing the Arabs of you aire never going to come across such a Israel for real acts of military violence

This content downloaded from 66.134.128.11 on Fri, 28 Mar 2014 16:34:00 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions 198 JOURNAL OF PALESTINE STUDIES against Israel in the days of trial" and urged movement. As I have heard from a large that this be stopped by outlawing that party. number of soldiers: 'They stone us because Press commentaries were only slightly they do not want us here.' The difficult and more willing than the officials to look criti- fateful question is: how are we to confront cally at the causes of Israeli Arab dis- the existence of this movement which is affection in the Jewish state but they tended obviously growing stronger within the Arab often to limit themselves to generalities and community of Israel too?" to avoid certain sensitive fundamentals. Elie Tabor appeared exasperated by the Maariv (April 11, 1976) criticized Shmuel accusations against Rakah as the major Toledano for his statement that there was culprit. Writing in Haolam Hazeh (April 7, not really a feasible policy other than the 1976) he exclaimed: "The attempt to make one he had already proposed, particularly out that Rakah was responsible for the on the eve of the planned government bloody incidents in Galilee can be taken meeting decided on to discuss the issue no more seriously than the accusation that after Land Day. The paper said: "What Israeli television was responsible for the happened last Tuesday cannot be regarded disturbances in the West Bank." He went as a fortuitous incident after which we can on: "By trying to suppress every respectable go back to the old patterns of thinking independent political organization, within in the hope that the problems will somehow a legitimate political framework, of the disappear of their own accord." The paper Israeli Arabs, the Israeli government has demanded a new policy which it said should by its own hand driven the country's Arabs be "stern and wise." into the fold of Rakah, which is still the only Many press comments official joined means of expressing sympathy with Arab statements blaming Rakah, at least to some nationalism." extent, for inciting the uprising. This view Y. Ronkin, writing in Al IHamishmar(April was expressed by Maariv (March 30, 1976) 1, 1976) warned of the seriousnessof the out- and Haaretz (March 31, 1976). But the bursts. "No one anticipated that the strike claim made by some ministers and some would be so violent or that we should witness Knesset members that Rakah was the main an explosion of profound feelings of anger moving force behind the troubles and should and hostility especially on the part of be outlawed brought forth some harsh youth after thirty years of common life comments from a sector of the Israeli press. between the Jews and Arabs of Israel. Aharon Geva' gave the example of an This requires penetrating self-examination unhappy precedent in this respect in an and appraisal to open the eyes of both article in Davar (April 6, 1976): "An Arab parties." He also urged that Israel's Arabs nationalist group called 'Al-Ard' was formed be integrated in the life of the state "in both here in the past and we banned it. Rakah is in word and deed" and that provocation and a stronger position than Al-Ard; if we outlaw confiscation be eliminated or reduced to a it... a secret organization may come into minimum. being. Many security men believe that it is In the view ofZvi El-Peleg ( YediotAharonot, easier to control a legal organization than April 6, 1976) "the state must turn over a an illegal one." This was a practical argu- new leaf and on it record that the non-Jewish ment from the domestic viewpoint. He citizen has equal rights and obligations with made a few more points too: 'Moreover theJew. Jewish society must learn not merely banning Rakah will not improve our image to talk about development and advancement abroad .... The important thing is that it but achieve them, in both word and deed. would not eliminate the real cause of the The option today is not good relations, in disturbances in Nazareth and the Triangle, one form or another, with the non-Jewish which is the existence of an Arab nationalist inhabitants of Israel but whether these are

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to be part of the State of IsIraelor to continue character of the Land of Israel." to belong to the administered areas." Eliahu Agris pointed to the main factors Another important implication of the causing the incidents in Davar(April 5, 1976) Galilee uprising was frankly stated by Levy in these terms: "Whlathappened on March Yitzhak Yerushalemi in Maariv (April 8, 30 was the result of manv factors: the remov- 1976): "The Land Day incidents were more al of the barriers between the Arabs of serious than they appear at first sight. Some Israel and the Arabs of the [occupied] areas people have said that they take us back to after the Six Day War, the feeling of Arab 1948 and that it is as if everything that has victory after the Yom Kippur War, and the been done since then had not been done at emergence of the PLO as a recognized poli- all. I believe that a more dangerous objective tical factor in the world. All these factors lies behind the campaign: that it is intended have had a great influence on the general to restore Galilee to its pre-1948 status, that mood of Israeli Arabs. But these are obvious- is to its status under the United Nations ly not the principal factorsleading to tension, Partition resolution." He expressed doubts which involve rather the relations between about the strikers' intentions and accused the Israeli regime and the Arab minority... them of trying to detach Galilee from Israel, The fact that there are educated Arabs but also blamed the government for failing in Israel who do not have suitable work, to settle Galilee. These events called for "the that Arabs cannot get jobs in government development of the land of Galilee with a offices and public institutions, [are subjected view to achieving prosperity for all its in- to] discrimirnationin housing, development habitants, without religious or national dis- and so on the accumulation of these crimination, and to erecting a solid barrier factors has created fertile soil for the call to in the face of any attempt to restore Galilee strike and demonstrate which ended in the to its status under the 1947 Partition re- disorders." solution." While many called for more force to be Another writer, Zvi Shiloah, appeared used, Elie Tabor criticized the strong-arm even more alarmed. He said, in an article policy that had already shown itself in in YediotAharonot (April 4, 1976): "March Galilee. Writing in HaolamrHazeh on April 30 has made it clear to every Jew that the 7, he declared: "When an independent, Arabs of Israel in Galilee and the Triangle militarily strong state speaks the language are Palestinians like the Arabs of Nablus and of force to a national minority that lives in it, Hebron, and that Israeli relinquishment of as happened in Galilee last week, it is not a Judea and Samaria would not turn Little display of strength but obviously derives Israel into a uni-national state but would from weakness and shows that the Israeli immediately put 'the liberation of occupied government is afraid of the Arabs of Israel Arab Galilee' on the agenda..." Of the con- whom it does not treat as citizens with equal clusions he reached from his analysis of the rights. It employs repressive measures Land Day incidents, one was that "we must against them as if they were a people under accept Sadat's theory that it is not possible, occupation, exactly as it did some weeks ago at least in our generation, to make peace in repressing the protest demonstrations in between Israel and the Arab countries, nor the West Bank." between Israel and the Arabs of the Land Tabor ridiculed those who shed crocodile of Israel." Another was: "We must recognize tears over the "Arab-Israeli under- that the 1948 war has not yet ended: as far staniding that lasted 28 years," saying: as the Arabs are concerned, it has not ended 'Such understanding never existed except. from the point of view of their goal to liquid- in the idle chatter of the advisers and all the ate the Jewish state and, as far as the Jews alleged experts on Arab affairs." He saw are concerned, it has not ended from the the last twenty-eight years as "28 years of point of view of the desired demographic plundering, theft of abandoned property,

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confiscation and nation-al persecution, eco- tinian people and approval for the establish- nomic and social backwardness, and ein- ment of an independent Palestinian state. couragement of feudalism. They have pro- According to the statement the signatories vided a fertile soil for revolution and there resolve: 1) That this land is the country of is no need for either Moscow or the PLO to our two peoples the people of Israel and agitate for it." the Palestinian Arab people... 3) That the Tabor concluded: "The policy of a show one road to peace is coexistence between two of strength pursued by the Israeli govern- sovereign states, each with its own national ment has produced results which arieexactly identity: the State of Israel for the Jewish the opposite of what was intended. In spite people and a state for the Palestinian Arab of the cries of joy of the men of the W'Wlhole people embodying their right to self-deter- Land of Israel' [movement], who maintain mination within a political framework that the Arabs have at last learned a lesson chosen by them. 4) The establishment of the because they only understand the language Palestinian Arab state alongside the State of force, the government has been wrong of Israel will be the result of negotiations again. Last week, by the use of bayonets and between the government of Israel and recog- rnachine guns, it rnade the Arabs of Israel nized and autlhorizedrepresentatives of the a signiificantfactor on the map of political Palestinian Arab people, negotiation with confrointation in the Middle East." the Palestine Liberation Organization, on the basis of mutual recognition, not being A WAY OtTT? ruled out. 5) The frontiersbetweern the State of Israel and the Palestinian Arab state will As pressure for a political solution to the be the cease-fire lines, as they were before the Palestine problem mounted on the inter- June 1967 war. with modifications agreed national and regional level, the moderates on by the parties, and after the solution of within Israeli society found greater ability the problern of Jerusalem... 10) Each of the to speak up in the face of the still very strong states will have full sovereignty in all fields, hawkish and expansionist elements in the including immigration and return, and the country. They also found a greater audience State of Israel will maintain its incontestable for their limited recognition of some Pales- link with Zionism and the Jewish people tinian aspirations and were encouraged to throughout the world and the Palestinian organize their efforts and spell out their pro- state its links with the Arab world." posals for a solution. This programme is, from the Israeli point One such group was the newly-formed of view, notable in the sense that it at least "Israeli Committee for Israeli-Palestinian envisages negotiations with the PLO and Peace" which included a number of promin- supports the idea of a "third state" betwecn ent politicians and academicians, among Israel and Jordan, botlh points having whom were found Uri Avneri, Arieh Eliav, been vigorously opposed in Israel. It is of Aharon Cohen, Eliahu Elishar, Matityahu course very far from the view of the non- Peled, Raul Tattelbaum, David Shaham sectarian democratic state of Palestine which and Meir Pa'el. The committee was formed the PLO has as its ultimate goal. for the purpose of propagating a programme Nevertheless the publication of this pro- which was described in Haolam Hazeh on gramme raised a minor tempest in Israel as March 3 of this year. a result of the modest concessions it con- "The 'Israeli Committee for Israeli- tained. Mapam was greatly chagrined when Palestinian Peace' has issued a political it discovered that eleven of its members statement signed by one hundred persons had signed the programme. The Political active in political and academic fields in Committee of Mapam issued a statement Israel and eleven prominent members of rejecting the programme on the ground that Mapam, calling for recognition of the Palcs- it is inconsistent with the Mapam Party

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