Governance and Human Security in Anambra State, 1999-2007

GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN SECURITY IN ANAMBRA STATE, 1999-2007

GINIKA UCHE-NWANKWO

PG/MSC/08/48783

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA NSUKKA

FEBRUARY, 2010 i

GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN SECURITY IN ANAMBRA STATE, 1999-2007

GINIKA UCHE-NWANKWO PG/MSC/08/48783

A THESIS SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE AWARD OF MASTER OF SCIENCE (MS.c) IN POLITICAL SCIENCE (GOVERNMENT) TO THE DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITY OF NIGERIA, NSUKKA.

SUPERVISOR: PROF. JONAH ONUOHA Ph.D.

FEBRUARY, 2010

APPROVAL PAGE

GINIKA UCHE-NWANKWO a postgraduate student in the Department of Political Science with Registration Number PG/MS.c/08/48783 has satisfactorily completed research requirements for the award of Master of Science in Political Science (International Relations). The work embodied in this thesis is original and has not been submitted in part or in full for another degree of this or any other university, to the best of our knowledge:

------Prof. Jonah Onuoha Ph.D Prof. E. O. Ezeani, Ph.D (Supervisor) (Head of Department)

------External Examiner Dean

iii

DEDICATION To my brother Reverend Father, Prof. Ben, Ejide who inspired me

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The completion of this project report is due to the contribution of people too numerous to mention. However, I must thank my husband for his patience, understanding, prayers and financial support . I have benefited greatly from the assistance of my supervisor, Prof. Jonah Onuoha Ph.D., who expertly supervised this study. I am also grateful to the academic staff of the Department of Political Science, especially Prof. Ikejiani-Clark who encouraged and offered useful suggestions to me during the period of this programme. To me she is a mother indeed. I am also indebted to the Head of Department Prof E. O. Ezeani, Prof Obasi Igwe, and Prof O. Ibeanu, Dr Aloysius Okolie, Dr Ken Ifesinachi, Dr. Ogban Ogban Iyam, for their contributions.

The Center for American Studies (CAST) was a profound source of valuable materials for this work. To their library staff, I am grateful.

I am grateful to the following coursemates, Oluchi Nwosu, Leo Aneto, Regina Nweze, Chika and Amos. Others are Ezeibe Christain, Chilaka Francis, Amala, Aja, Chinemerem and others who through their robust academic debates raised the bar of my knowledge.

I appreciate the support, cooperation and love shown by my children. Indeed, your actions and inactions were the major catalyst for my psychological disposition and sense of duty.

To the rest of the people whose works I cited and others I cannot mention here. I say may God bless you. I remain responsible for any short falls to the content of this thesis.

Ginika Uche-Nwankwo

University of Nigeria Nsukka

February, 2010.

ABSTRACT

The Federal Republic of Nigeria is a country blessed with natural and human resources so vast and rare. She sits atop a geographical location that is devoid of worrisome natural disasters like earthquakes, whirlwinds and seasonal storms that often present obstacles to national growth and development. Regrettably, the country has failed to harness this opportunity for national development. Rather, what we have is a break down and decay of social infrastructure; health services are largely unavailable; education is costly and without recognizable standards; power generation and energy supply is epileptic. Pensioners and civil servants are denied and owed their legitimate payments and dues. For lack of security there is breakdown of law and order in the polity, people are robbed, maimed, kidnapped and killed at will. The country is so rich but the majority of people are poor living on a dollar per day. The basic needs of life are clearly and unfortunately lacking. Notable scholars such as (Asobie, 2008; Onuoha, 2008; Nwankwo, 2008; Mbachu, 2005; Albert, 2003; Jega, 2007) have all acknowledged the above situation. It is against this background that this study sets out to investigate Governance and Human Security in Anambra State , 1990- 2007. To achieve the objective of this study, three research questions were raised. To critically examine the questions, the study anchored analysis on the Responsive Capability analytical framework and adopted the case study approach with data collected through primary and secondary sources. To ensure the reliability and validity of instruments,the technique of content analysis was rigorously and systematically applied. After a detailed review of extant literatuire and analyses of available data,the study made the following findings; first, human insecurity in Anambra between the period under review was and still a consequence of ineffective governance. Second, that this insecurity encompasses poverty and prevalent among children and women. Third, the poor performance of political office holders in Anambra state has led to poor delivery of basic services to the people.

TABLE OF CONTENT

Title Page ------i Approval Page ------ii Dedication ------iii Acknowledgement ------iv Abstract ------v

Table of Content ------vi CHAPTER ONE: INTRODUCTION.

1.1 Statement of problem ------4 1. 2 Objectives of the Study ------4 1.3 Significance of the Study ------9 1.4 Literature Review ------10 1.5 Theoretical Framework ------10 1.6 Hypotheses ------54 1.7 Method of Data Collection------56

CHAPTER TWO: HISTORY OF ANAMBRA STATE AND GOVERNANCE

2.1 History of Anambra State ------59 2.2 History of Governance in Anambra State - - - - 64

CHAPTER THREE: PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AND GOOD GOVERNANCE /ANAMBRA STATE

3.1 Public Service Delivery in Anambra State - - - - 81 3.1.1 Situation of Children and Women in Anambra State - - 83 3.2 Anambra State and the Environment - - - - 86

vii

CHAPTER FOUR: INSECURITY AND POVERTY IN ANAMBRA STATE

4.1 Governance and Insecurity in Anambra State - - - 91 4.2 Poverty Situation in Anambra State - - - - - 97

CHAPTER FIVE: SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary and Conclusion ------99

BIBLIOGRAPHY-

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION 1.1 INTRODUCTION

At the inauguration of the country’s civilian administration in May 29th 1999, the expectation was that the end had come for the era of insecurity and the seeming intractable conflicts that characterized the final days of the military regime. It gave hope that a foundation for quicker development had been laid in the country.

At the last years of the military regime, the social situation in Nigeria had become very problematic. Infact, the last ten (10) years were specifically turbulent (see Tedheke,

2005; Elaigwu, 2005; Wakili, 2005; Bakoje, 2005 etc). Explaining the reasons for such situation, Mbah (2008: 3) linked it to the failure of the neo-liberal economic policies that become more pungent in the 80s and manifested in unfriendly impact on the people: widespread unemployment, hunger and misery, precarious health conditions and other similar conditions symptomatic of extreme poverty in the society and exposed the spheres of social security to all sorts of crises (see also Obasi, 1989). With the individual means of livelihood and standard of living dropping below tolerable level, conflict increased involving both groups and individuals creating further insecurity to lives and properties.

The sustenance of internal conflicts in Nigeria is linked to poverty and that conflicts generate low level of development in the country (Nwanegbo, 2008: 30 – 38). More specific consequences were seen in the impact it had on the capacity of the individual members of the society in providing their basic needs of life (food, clothing, shelter). It affects both the social, political, economic, environmental and cultural conditions. It equally reduces, if not entirely denies the people of their fundamental freedom and basic rights – denies the people access to education, healthcare, opportunities and choices and subjects

them to a deep situation of uncertainty (see Nwanegbo 2005; 2006 and 2008). All these which anchor on the security of human persons create a new view and another dimension of problem that calls for inquiry.

On the international or external relationship of the country, it impacts in various ways, especially as the unsecured situation scare away foreign investments and creates deeper economic problems, poverty and underdevelopment. The amount of aid, assistance, trade and other forms of relationship dropped, creating more problems of choices and opportunities for the people. The situation was so bad that the former

President Chief Olusegun Obasanjo was describing the country repeatedly as a “Pariah

Nation”. This same situation also generated pressure in the society as groups in the society conflict on contending opinions and on measures to survive the harsh conditions.

Individual pressure also increased with the collapse of the social services and the rate of crime shot up to unimaginable level making yet other people not only vulnerable but to begin to live in the situation of uncertainty. This situation of uncertainty has been linked to the collapse in the governmental system which many scholars have attributed to poor institutionalization of the governmental process and deep seated corruption in the bureaucracy (see Ademolkun and Gboyega, 1979). The situation presented above laid a foundation for the initiation of this study.

It is against this background that the inauguration of the new civilian administration in 1999 was received with such high hopes. The expectation could rightly be summed up to the hope of the citizenry that the new set of governance holds the promise of improving on their living and changing their bad condition and by this improving on their personal security (human security).

The issue of human security according to African Ministers of Defence and Security

(2004) include the security of the individual with respect to the satisfaction of the basic needs of life. It also encompasses the creation of the social, political, economic, military, environmental and cultural conditions necessary for the survival, livelihood and dignity of the individual, including the protection of fundamental freedoms, the respect of human right, good governance, and access to education, healthcare and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfill his/her own potentials. Looking at and accepting the above principles of human security, it can be stated that these beholds on the basic needs of man to exist and be happy in an environment. That is good life and that is what the situations of conflict as we earlier mentioned adversely affects.

The process of achieving a better condition and changing the situation of insecurity as explained above is entrusted to and better done in a state through the process of governance. Governance connotes the manner in which power is exercised in the management of the resources (human and materials) of a group of people for the attainment of the objective which man is capable only in some form of political organization, most especially the state (Nwankwo, 2008). As a process, governance encapsulates the totality of the “how” of political decision-making and implementation.

Even though Kratz (1998: 4) definition of governance as “government in action” is rightly described by Nwankwo (2008) as misleading, it suffices in understanding too that the process of acting out the policy of the state by the executive and its bureaucratic machinery – the public bureaucracy – at all levels, is also and can be seen as governance.

Public bureaucracy is used to refer to the administrative machinery, personnel of government at the federal, state and local levels and the corpus of rules and regulations

that govern their behaviour (Okafor, 2008: 4). Public bureaucracy is very vital to the development process and their capacity determines what will get done, and how it will be done. Looking at the importance of the public bureaucracy to the lives of the ordinary citizens, it could be rightly inferred that there is a clear relationship between efficient service delivery and human security. It is contended that the greater the capacity of the public bureaucracy to implement complex economic and social development plans, the higher the quality and quantity of service delivery of the state to the citizens. This in effect presupposes that effective performance of the public bureaucracy could lead to a change in the present poor social and economic situations which would reduce the pressure on the people and restore security of lives and properties and in consequence development in the society.

The challenge of this work is to deeply look into the place of governance in the enhancement of the much sought human security in the Southeastern Nigeria with a focus

Anambra state.

1.2 STATEMENT OF PROBLEM It has been on record that a great number of Nigerians are really living in an unprotected condition. The basic needs of life are clearly and unfortunately lacking. This situation of abysmal condition and vulnerability of Nigerians is presented by Asobie (2008:

2) very palpably as thus:

Poverty is at the hart of Nigerians socioeconomic problems. Poverty manifests as hunger, ill-health or poor health, illiteracy and low level of formal education. It also takes the form of inadequate housing, poor clothing, malnourished off- springs, and even early demise… they (Nigerians) live… not really like humans. They are compelled to exist, nay vegetate, at a level that is fit more for animals, than for humans. They share the rain – filled holes, which constitute the main source of their

driving water with pigs and goats, cats and dogs, ducks and fowls. They buy the left-over food items in the market: rotten tomatoes; ill preserved meat; and the hides of cattle. Our people die in their thousands every day from ignorance, disease and they eat by chance and therefore survive by chance, but ultimately, they suffer with certainty, early miserable death.

This is the real condition of Nigerians in the situation of unimaginable wealth coming from petroleum products and many other resources existing in this country, which many developed economies of the world do not have. Under this circumstance, many people have been exposed to various forms of unimaginable social insecurity and to all sorts of social crisis both interpersonal and inter-group conflicts.

There is a complete drop in the individual members’ capacity to satisfy his basic needs of food, clothing and shelter. The health conditions of the people have been as deplorable as the health facilities, which in most places do not exist. At best, they are in poor condition. This has equally led to low life expectancy of Nigerians. As recorded in the

Nigerian country profile (2008), “the poor condition of health care and overall living conditions in Nigeria is the major factors responsible for an average life expectancy of only

47 years. In addition, the incidence of Human Immune Virus/Acquired Immune deficiency

Syndrome (HIV/AIDS) is very elevated. As of the end of 2005, about 2.9 million Nigerian adults were infested with HIV/AIDS. Polio, Tuberculosis (TB) and malaria pose challenges,

Infact, in 2003 alone, malaria presented over 2.6 million death and some other 5,343 malaria related deaths occurred too”. This situation has not abated and is not been managed to end. In 2000 only 72% of urban residents and 49% of rural residents had access to safe drinking water. Only 48% of urban residents and 30% of rural residents had

access to adequate sanitation. Unfortunately, the record has not improved significantly as at the end of 2007.

There is a high rate of unemployment, human right abuses are the order of the day in the families, in the work places, within the police stations and police check points. In its

2007 report on human rights practices around the world, the United States Department of

State linked the abuses to the Nigerian government officials and police (see Nigerian

Country Profile, 2008:23). The general environment is poor and unsafe for human existence, and illiteracy level is not only high but not bridging due to the high and still growing cost of education in the country today. In 2004, the Nigerian National Planning

Commission described the country’s education system as “dysfunctional”. Reason for this characterization included decaying institutions and ill-prepared graduates”. Pungently,

Adetomobi and Ayanwale (2007) also linked the failure to the weaknesses of the governmental bodies in Nigeria to adequately manage the educational institutions. There is an observed increase in “practices of violent predation, such as racket, various forms of mercenary activity, theft and pillage, and the increasing significance of various registers of falsification, the occult or supernatural, all signs of what Mbembe (2001) has qualified as a new culture of “liberty as domination” where being free means being able to dominate others” (Caron, 2008). Both (whether) as cause and effect, the situation is compounded by increasing interpersonal and inter-group violence.

Indeed, it has been found out that within the last two decades, there are many records of different forms of violent conflicts in Nigeria (Nwanegbo, 2006:1). This situation has been widely associated by scholarly work and research to poverty and poor economic condition in the society (see Nwanegbo, 2005a; Mbachu, 2005; Albert, 2003). Under

extreme poverty, people have been easily mobilized into confronting one set of people, policy, activity or the other (Nwanegbo, 2008:3). Apart form the enormity of lives lost during these conflicts (see Oyediran, 1979:3), it also negatively impacts on the political, economics, social and environmental conditions of the country or the region and groups involved. All these consequences on their own fuel further problems of insecurity. For the common person, the threats to their daily lives are much more menacing than ballistic missiles and invading armies.

These explained situations are what we se as obtainable in the Nigerian society but of peculiar nature to the South – Eastern Nigeria because of the different historical epoch the zone went through in the past and the socio-political condition those events placed on it. Without much detailing, we can state therefore that the condition in the south-east is different and distinctively precarious. In governance, the South-East developed a unique and disheartening feature with the class of politicians who Ikejiani – Clark (2008b: 2) described as made up of

…the nouveau riche… who are beneficiaries of state largesse, that have sold their kith and kin for a mess of porridge. This class of traitors waltz their way into acclaim and reckoning by flirting as political jobbers, glorified political touts and pimps, hangers on, middlemen, contractors and businessmen who jostle for political appointments and state privileges pretending to be redeemers, messiahs and champions of the south-east; who, on the basis of cheap popularity are imposed on their people as part chieftains, Governors, board members, legislators and local government bosses. These new political elites lord it over the South-East as political godfathers and patrons strangulating the governing process, defrauding and pillaging the system, siphoning the treasures and hoisting a political behaviour of dictatorship and political oligarchy suffocating the plural democratic breaks on the abuse of power.

This unique nature of the South-East makes the position of the zone very different and its people more vulnerable (see Oha n’ eze, 1999). This is because with such character of political leaders, the tendency is that less attention will be paid to service delivery and the citizenry will be at lose for that.

A lot of things identified as problems are things that clearly fit in to the purview of public or social services. What it implies is that if the service delivery is improved upon, and the government tackles the problem of poverty, the menace of insecurity will be extensively reduced. Incidentally, efforts at this have not yielded much result. Infact, the policies on that have been identified as not being very productive due largely to the uncoordinated nature of the policies structured and the failures at the implementation level

(Adebayo, 1986). Central to this is the fact that these policies have depended more on the desires of the politicians (political office holder) than on the technical expertise of the public managers who should have the training on policy advising and directing. Even when and in the situations they come in, the technicalities are lost as they collaborate with the politicians to pervert the processes (see Ikejiani – Clark, 2008: 18). Consequent upon this, many of these policies do not achieve their objectives of solving the problems of public service needs. They fail even at the formative stage. With this, the situation remains the same, leaving the people still at the unprotected condition.

Incidentally, of the quite extensive literature that has been developed in the concept and dimensions of human security, many of them though have looked into the specific issues of poverty (Adeyeye, 2004; World Bank World Development Report, 2000), but not much attention has been focused by them on the centrality of governance especially in the peripheral social formation in the discussion on social services and human security in the

South-eastern Nigeria. Hence, we can say that inspite of all the deep research insights in many areas of human security, much has not been done in the area of finding the implication of governance and administration especially the specific cases of inadequacies in policy making and implementation and the hope it holds in solving the problem of human insecurity in the south eastern Nigeria of Anambra and Nigeria in general. Filling this gap is the specific challenge of this work. To adequately achieve that, the following questions are going to guide our study;

1. Do political office holders perform adequate role in policy formulation and public service delivery in Anambra state? 2. What has been the implication of poor performance by political office holders on the delivery of basic services to the people of Anambra state?

1.3 OBJECTIVE OF STUDY This work is guided by two principal objectives. First is to find out if the low level of human security in Nigeria is a consequence of poor performance of the governmental/administrative institutions. The second one is to find the place of governance and public management in the provision of the enabling environment for the achievement of human security in Abia and Anambra states. The second one is to find out if the low level of human security in Nigeria is a consequence of poor performance of the governmental/administrative institutions.

Consequently, this study seeks to accomplish the following specific objectives:

First, to analyze the implications of poor performance on the delivery of basic services to the people of Anambra state. Second, to determine the relative extent to which poor performance of Nigerian governments contributes to the low level of human security in Nigeria.

1.4 SIGNIFICANCE OF STUDY This work can be justified on the ground that it will enrich the literature in this area of public management and human security. This is very important considering the poverty of literature in that area of study in the southeast and in Nigeria today. It is also very timely as finding solutions to the problems associated with insecurity of human persons is a very current challenge to African states and African Union.

Empirically, the study is set out to show why human insecurity has been on the rise in southeastern Nigeria of Anambra state in particular. Of recent all source of social vices and more disheartening kidnapping has become the order of the day in these two states.

Thus, the study will examine how these two states have not fared in terms of governance and human security.

Practically, the policy makers in government, the international communities especially the African Union and other development agencies, like the United Nation’s

Security Units and the Coordinating office for the Humanitarian Affairs would find it very useful in understand the ways of managing the problem of human security in Africa.

Finally, the main rationale for undertaking this study is to concretely understand and explore ways through which Nigeria can transcend the factors which militate against human security.

1.5 LITERATURE REVIEW We shall be concerned with two major concepts: Governance and Human Security.

Particularly, we have to explore the relationship between the activities and the conduct of government and creation of a congenial environment for the existence of the individual

members of the society. In doing this, we shall not overlook the manifestations of governance and human security. That may take us into other related issues.

Governance and Government Many scholars of note have written commendably on governace and human security. Notably among them are ( Igwe, 2002; Peters,1995; Gauba, 2003; Ikelegbe,

1996, Jega, 1996, 2003; Elaigwu, 2005 Mbachu, 2005).

According to the Garner in Gauba (2003: 119), “government is the agency or machinery through which common policies are determined and by which common affairs are regulated and common interests promoted”. It comprises a set of inter – related positions that govern and that use or exercise power, particularly coercive power. The functions of the state are performed by government…and for provision of common services – defence, issue of currency, foreign relations, roads, bridges, and even transport, communications, water, electricity, health and education, etc… (Gauba, 2003: 119).

Government may, however, be able to discharge these fundamental responsibilities through means other than direct government involvement in the social processes being influence. A good government, following this line of thought, could consist of a set of inter – related positions exercising coercive power that assures, on behalf of those governed, a worthwhile pattern of good results while avoiding an undesirable pattern of bad circumstances, by making decisions that define expectations, grant power, and verify performance. Government in another way has been defined as the collective body of elected and appointed institutions empowered to legislate and adjudicate for the good of the society (Oxford Dictionary). That emphasis of elected or appointed is quite unnecessary as a government elected or appointed is to provide good, effective and

efficient governance. Same is the emphasis “on behalf of those governed”. It is equally contestable as the people represented by governments many a times are not the general public. Indeed, it is probably as a result of this that Igwe (2002: 179) prefers to defined government as “the institutionalized agency for the legitimate administration of the class society, in effect, translating into a structured organization of power for the realization of the ruling class, and the major instrument of its practical exercise by its governing elites within the state”. In a simply way, Peters (1995:3), defines government as “institutions designed to exercise collective control and influence”.

Government on the other hand is described as the activity of governing a country or controlling a company or an organization; the way in which a country is governed or a company or institution is controlled. The word governance derives from Latin origins that suggest the notion of “steering”. One can contrast this sense of “steering” a group or society with the traditional “top – down” approach of governments “driving” society, distinguish between governance’s “power to” and governments’ “power over”. Governance in the words of Kikert (1997) is “steering form a distance”.

As a process, governance may operate in an organization of any size: from a single human being to all of humanity; and it may function for any purpose, good or evil, for profit or not. A reasonable or rational purpose of governance might aim to assure, (sometimes on behalf of others) that an organization produces a worthwhile pattern of good results while avoiding an undesirable pattern of bad circumstances. Perhaps the most moral or natural purpose of governance consists of assuring, on behalf of those governed, a worthy pattern of good while avoiding an undesirable pattern of bad. The ideal purpose, obviously, would assure a perfect pattern of good with no bad. In the public sphere, government is a

set-up to administer these processes and systems. In the case of a business or of a nonprofit organization, governance relates to consistent management, cohesive policies, processes and decision-rights for a given area of responsibility. However; it has to be noted that inspite of all reforms, the public institutions continue to bear the primary responsibility for steering the economy and society.

Politics provides a means by which the governance process operates. Politics involves processes by which a group of people with initially divergent opinions or interests reach collective decisions generally regarded as binding on the group, and enforced as common policy. For example, people may choose expectations by way of political activity; they may grant power through political action, ad they may judge performance through political behavior. Governance, on the other hand, conveys the administrative and process

– oriented elements of governing rather than its antagonistic ones. Such an argument continues to assume the possibility of the traditional separation between “politics” and

“administration”. Contemporary governance practice and theory sometimes questions this distinction, premising that both “governance” and “politics” involve aspects of power.

Natufe (2006: 1) conceptualized governance as the processes and systems by which a government manages the resources of a society to address socio-economic and political challenges in the polity. According to Kaukman in Natufe (2006: 1), governance on the other hand embodies “the traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised for the common good. In a closely related definition, the World Bank (1999:2) stated that governance is “the manner in which power is exercised in the management of a country’s economic and social resources for development”.

The need for Governance exists anytime a group of people comes together to accomplish an end and it relates to decisions that define expectations, grant power, or verify performance. It consists either of a separate process or of a specific part of management or leadership processes. Collins Essential English Dictionary (2006) literarily describes governance as the act of governing; exercising authority; “regulations for the governing of state…” To the publication of the World Bank (1991) it is the exercise of political authority and the use of institutional resources to manage society’s problems and affairs.

From the above definitions, it means that governance is the use of institutions, structures of authority and even collaboration to allocate resources and coordinate or control activity in society or the economy. This definition though looks good, but it is very broad in context. Instead of that, we may need to agree with the view that described governance as the collection of mechanisms that allows the organization to make the best decisions as fast as possible.

These explanatory descriptions of the above definition also expose us to the attributes of governance and should be the bases for assessing the definitions of governance. On the basis of this, governance is also defined by Lynn, Heinrich, and Hill

(2001: 7) is the “regimes, laws, rules, judicial decisions, and administrative practices that constrain, prescribe, and enable the provision of publicly supported goals and services.

According to the UNDP’s Regional Project on Local Governance for Latin America,

Governance also includes the rules of the political system to solve conflicts between actors and adopt decision (legality). Hence, it is a process. The Worldwide Governance Indicators

project of the World Bank (2007) looking at all that can be called governance, elaborately explains it as

The traditions and institutions by which authority in a country is exercised. This considers the process by which governments are selected, monitored and replaced; the capacity of the government to effectively formulate and implement sound policies and the respect of citizens and the state of the institutions that govern economic and social interactions among them.

It could be seen from the above that governance indeed is not only concerned with political activities and institutions such as economy, family, and other human congregations. Thus governance can also be regarded as the position of leadership throughout a given place for the actualization of common good (see Ikelegbe and Osumah,

2007). This position can be collaborated taking the World Bank (1999: 2)’s identified three key aspects of governance, which are:

i. the form of a political regime

ii. the process by which authority is exercised in the management of a country’s

economic and social resources for development; and

iii. the capacity of governance to design, formulate and implement policies and

discharge functions.

In geranial terms, governance occurs in three broad ways:

1. Through networks involving public-private partnerships (PPP) or with the

collaboration of community organizations.

2. Through the use of market mechanisms whereby market principles of

competition serve to allocate resources while operating under government

regulation.

3. Through top-down methods that primarily involve governments and the state

bureaucracy.

These modes of governance often appear in terms of hierarchy, markets, and networks. Incidentally, one thing is clear from that. Governance encompasses everything in the society and it has at the centre of it the controlling issues of administering, coordinating both the activities and the people and material towards the achievement of the desired end. Conceiving of governance in this way therefore, one can apply the concept to as large a nation – state as desired, to corporations, to non – profits, to NGOs, to partnerships and other associations, to project – teams, and to any number of humans engaged in some purposeful activity. Governance is therefore a multi-faceted concept involving many aspects of managing the human existence and activities. That creates a room for the existence of governance in many types; global governance (see James

Rosenau in Wikipedia.org/wiki/governance (Eells, 1960; Becht, Bolton, Roell 2004), project governance, state governance which can also be called public governance.

Routing it down to a specific activity within the state, UNDP (1999:2) view governance as “… complex mechanisms, process, relationships and institutions through which citizens and groups articulate their interests, exercise their legal rights, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”. That concept of the UNDP would be the ideal of governance in that if people in a particular polity can “articulate their interests, meet their obligations and mediate their differences”, there would not be need to talk of good, bad or failure of governance. It is when we appraise the manner in which the affairs of a country are run that we discern which government is good or bad or which has been a success or failure. Failure of governance implies that those in political control have not properly

managed the economy and other social institutions. This brings to the fore the concept of public administration on whose shoulder the piloting of the affair of state lies. It is equally as a result of this that the discussion in public administration and the making of binding policies became central to the study on governance.

In the most recent times, precisely, a period spanning for about 15 years now, there has really been this development of the concept of governance in the domain of public administration. It was Harlan Cleveland (1972) who first used the word “governance” as an alternative to the phrase public administration. To him, governance was the following cluster of concepts;

The organizations that get things done will no longer be hierarchical pyramids with most of the real control at the top. They will be systems – interlaced webs of tension in which control is loose, power diffused, and centers of decision plural. “Decision – Making, will become an increasingly intricate process of multilateral brokage both inside and outside the organization which thinks it has the responsibility for making, or at least announcing, the decision. Because organizations will be horizontal, the way they are governed is likely to be more collegial, consensual, and consultative. The bigger the problems to be tackled, the more real power is diffused and the larger the number of persons who can exercise it – if they work at it” (Cleveland, 1972: 13).

As Frederickson (2005) succinctly put it, governance now holds strong interest for public administration. This is because there are now emerging issues in governance and public administration that require intergovernmental attention and focused debate, exchange of information and innovative, successful experiences among countries as well as technical cooperation in the direction of public administration capacity – building.

However, as analyzed by Rhodes (2000), one can see from Cleveland’s tightly defined presentation of what governance was understood to be. From his carefully set out

descriptions of the implications of that understanding, governance is now everywhere and appears to mean anything and everything. Hence in much of modern literature, governance has become a virtual synonym for public management and public administration. Te present scholarly and conceptual use of the concept of governance in the field tends to take one or more of the following forms:

1. It is substantively the same as already established perspectives in public

administration, although in a different language.

2. It is essentially the study of the contextual influences that shape the practices of

public administration, rather than the study of public administration.

3. It is the study of inter-jurisdictional relations and third policy implementation in public

administration.

4. It is the study of the influence of power of non-state and non- jurisdictional public

collectives.

Of these approaches to public administration as governance, it is the third and fourth that form the basis of a usable theory of governance for public administration.

Outside the forms, Rhodes (2000:55 –60) found seven applications of governance in the field of public administration:

1. The new public management or managerialism;

2. Good governance, as in efficiency, transparency, meritocracy, and equity;

3. International and interjurisdictional interdependency;

4. Non – government driven forms of socio – cybernetic system of governance;

5. The new political economy;

6. Shifting from state service provision to the state as regulator;

7. and Network.

These seven applications still can be rightly situated in the purview of public management and coordinated by team of trained administrators, the public managers.

Presenting governance as public administration, Peters (2001: 21) came up with the table which provides an excellent summation of the characteristics of four governmental modes, which draw extensively from a known knowledge in public administration.

Table 1: Major Features of Four Models of Governance as Public Administration

Market Participatory Flexible Delegated

Government Government Government Government

Principal Monopoly Hierarchy Performance Internal diagnosis regulation

Structure Decentralization Flatter “Virtual No particular

organizations organizations” recommendation

Management Pay for TQM; teams Managing Greater

performance; temporary managerial

other private- personnel freedom

sector

techniques

Policymaking Internal Consultation; Experimentation Entrepreneurial

markets; market negotiation government

incentives

Public interest Low cost Involvement; Low cost; Creativity;

consultation coordination activism

Source: Peters, 2001: 21

The basic principles of the four models clearly show a very wide alliance of the governance with public administration of the society from a much broader perspectives.

This can include privatization, private – public participation, franchising, etc. they also clearly indicate that Peters (2001) understanding of governance as well as the basic content of the models are principally aspects of what we understand as public administration. From this, it could be inferred that governance in that model is synonymous with the concept of public administration in its broad nature. This has equally become widely accepted as such as is being used as that too. The confusion in many people about the concept of governance vis-à-vis public administration is because of the mismatch or disconnect between jurisdictions on one hand and social, technological, political, and economic problem on the other hand. That gave rise to the strong criticisms that have been generated against the use of the concept of governance as and in public administration or replacing it. the criticisms are as thus:

First, as the concept of governance has become fashionable, and is becoming the favorite of academics it is rightly said that the governance concept did not bring anything particularly new to the public administration. Much of the literature Strange (1983:341) explained is “a rehash of the old academic debates re – emerging under new terminologies. This is to create a new ground for the new academics to make impacts in the field (emphasis is mine). Fashions change, and we may already have reached the half- life of the hegemony of governance as an organization concept for the field of public

administration already. With all those cosmetics, public administration still remains the verve of the issues associated with it.

Second, the concept is imprecise, wooly, and, when applied, it is so broad that virtually any meaning can be attached to it. As described earlier in this work, governance, at least at this point, does not have an agreed – upon meaning. fortunately, some who use the term are serious about the matter of definition and precision; others however are not.

Still, there is little doubt that the word governance is useful as a way to describe, as

Cleveland (1992) does, patterns of interjusridictional and inter organizational relations. The descriptions in Peters’ diagramme clearly show this too.

Third, the concept of governance is freighted with values. It is often stated in ways that certain things are understood and agreed – upon when, in fact, they are not. Some approaches to governance as public administration tends to wrap together anti – governmental sentiments, preferences for markets over governments, and preferences for limited government – all points – of – view masked as given, understood, and agreed – upon (Kernighan, Marson, and Borins, 2000; Osborn and Gaebler, 1992). Not the least of the value problems generally associated with some uses of the concept of governance, are its democratic deficits. Standard models of democrative government involve a limited state that is controlled by representative government bound by the rule of law, and also a largely self – organizing civil society independent of the state but protected by the state’s laws and administrative procedures (see Nwanegbo, 2004). Some models of governance, however, either discount the significance of jurisdictionally based democratic traditions or fail to take them into account, most notably the Osborn and Gaebler (1992) reinventing government model (1992; see also Hirst 2000; Sorensen 2002). Other models are deeply contextual,

based on constitutional, legal, organizational and political influences and imperatives

(Lynn, Heinrich, and Hill, 2001). These models as described by Frederickson (2005) are state and jurisdiction – centered understandings of governance in which public administration is contingent on artifacts of constitutions, rules, laws, and politics. This perspective on governance in public administration makes the subject both bigger and grander, a kind of un – public administration.

Fourth, scholars who use the word governance, particularly Europe writers, claim that governance is primarily about change, about reform, about getting things right. In addition to the scholars there are policy entrepreneurs using the word governance to lend importance to their policy projects. Such perspective almost always being with the notion that things are broken down and need to be fixed. Investments in our prevailing institutions, our cities, states, and nations and their established governments are devalued, as are the accomplishments of those institutions. Order, stability, and predictability are likewise undervalued. Governance, it is claimed here, is about dynamic change about reform (see Frederickson, 2005:3).

In most of the more precise scholarly literature, despite the rhetoric of reform, governance is mostly about order and about how politicians and bureaucrats adapt in orderly ways to changing circumstances and values. There is a surface dynamic to governance as a form of orderly adoption using the logic of the diffusion of innovation and so-called best practices borrowed from other organizations or jurisdictions. But the underling values of governance are not primarily about change, they are about order. Most descriptions of elements of governance – networks, inter – organizational and inter- jurisdictional cooperation, power-sharing federations, public-private partnerships, and

contracting-out-are forms of institutional adaption in the face of increasing interdependence.

Fifth, governance here is often centered on non-state institutions-both nonprofit and for-profit contractors, non-governmental organizations, intergovernmental organizations, parastatals, and third parties generally. State-and jurisdiction-centered theory and research are, from some government perspectives, passé. In very strong terms, many have criticized that part of the governance perspective that emphasizes privatization, contracting-out, and public-private partnerships (see the “hallowed out” thesis, Rhodes,

1997; Newman, 2001; Milward and Provan, 2000). In their convictions regarding the superiority of the market over the polity, advocates for this governance perspective appear to somehow imagine that there can be governance without government (Peters and Pierre,

1998). At a minimum, when this perspective is implemented it seriously diminishes the capacity of the core state executive to steer (Rhodes, 2000). Indeed, it can be argued that under hollow-state conditions steering is reversed-the state being steered by its governance partners (Kettl, 1993; Frederickson, 1999). It is the states and their sub jurisdictions that deal with the vexing problems of race, poverty, and justice. In the words of Newman (2001: 171), “it is noticeable that theories of governance fail to deal adequately with the issues of diversity and patterns of inclusion on which it is based”.

From the criticisms of governance, two important implications arise. One is that the governance approach to the public management and administration emphasizes theory and research, explaining change and reform rather than the functioning of jurisdictions – cities, states, nations, and certain regional or global institutions – which are, after all, the dominant and preferred way to practice governance. Public administration, in practice, is

about organization, bureaucracy, and management and the context in which thy happen

(see Frederickson, 2005:6). Frederickson (2005) posits further that what people often vale is the jurisdictions in which they live and, by implication, stability, and permanence they provide. National and local identity is important to the people. Governance scholarship tends to ignore or at least de-emphasize the vast world of non-governance and not on government organization, bureaucracy, and management?

Concepts of governance as public administration reflect a standing theoretical debate in the field, the matter of distinctions between politics, and policy on one hand and policy implementation or administration on the other (see Woodrow Wilson, 1887 and

Wallace Sayre, 1958). Easy dismissal of the politics – administration dichotomy serves to focus the study of public administration, particularly by some governance theorist, on the constitutional and political context of the organization and management of the territorial state or jurisdiction. From this perspective, governance becomes steering and public administration becomes rowing, a lesser phenomenon in the scholarly pecking order, not to mention a lesser subject in governance. Public administration, thus understood, is the work that governments contract-out, leaving governance as the subject of our study.

Although the lines between politics, policy, and administration are often fuzzy and changing, and although we know, strictly speaking, there is not a politics-administration dichotomy (Wallace Sayre, 1958), it is nevertheless important to understand the empirical distinctions between political and administrative phenomena. Concepts of governance that advance our understanding of public-sector administration and organization are helpful.

Concepts of governance that simply change the subject of public administration to politics and policy making are not. In democratic government it is, after all, elected officials who

govern. Bureaucrats have roles and responsibilities for governing or governance, but in democratic polities these roles and responsibilities are different than the roles and responsibilities of elected officials. Newman (2001: 170) says it well that “neither ‘good governance’ nor ‘well-managed government’ could resolve the contradictions around the popular role of government and the appropriate boundaries of governance”. In the name of stamping out bureaucracy and replacing it with what they described as good governance,

Osborne and Gaebler (1992) advocate a range of managerial prerogatives that would significantly intrude on the political and policy-making prerogatives generally assumed to belong to elected officials, and particularly elected legislators, in a democratic polity.

The second implication of the critique is that governance theorists persist in looking for an all-pervasive pattern of organizational and administrative behaviour, a “general theory” that will provide an examination for the past and a means to predict the future.

Despite the accumulated evidence based on decade of work on theory and empirical testing of theory in public administration, no such pattern has been found (Frederickson and Smith, 2003).

In conclusion, we have to assert looking at the principal functions of governance and public administration that they are crosscutting critical facilitating factors in the process of achieving societal order, poverty reduction, and sustainable development. As the world focuses more and more on these broad goals whose achievement will lead to improvements in human life, and as globalization poses more and more challenges and provides opportunities, the issue of building the requisite capacities of governance and public administration becomes more pronounced, not only for developing countries but for developed ones as well. Consequently, there are emerging issues in governance and

public administration that require intergovernmental attention and focused debate, exchange of information and innovation, successful experiences among countries as well as technical cooperation in the direction of public administration capacity-building.

To construct a practical and usable concept of governance for public administration, the field would profit by narrowing the subject to its most common usages and returning to

Cleveland’s original conception. In precise terms, then, governance in public administration should be defined as “sets of principles, norms, roles, and decision making procedures around which actors (managers) converge in a given public policy arena (Krasner, 1983;

March and Olsen, 1997). It is important to note here that this definition includes many of the elements in the Lynn et al (2001) definition of governance set out earlier, and does not include others (e.g Outcomes as the dependent variable, environmental characteristics, client characteristics, regimes, judicial decisions, and he phrase “administrative practices that constrain, prescribe and enable the provision of public services”).

Government theorists suggest that governance can take any of thee theoretical forms: (1) vertical and horizontal in jurisdictional and inter-organizational cooperation; (2) extension of the state or jurisdiction by contracts or grants to third parties, including sub- governments; and (3) forms of public non-jurisdictional or nongovernmental policy making and implementation. At the same time, governance in public administration may take these forms either singularly or in combination. Inter-jurisdictional, third-party contract and public non-governmental governance comprehend those aspects of governance most relevant to public administration and the largest and most common forms of governance

(Frederickson, 2005: 30). While other models of governance are interesting and may be relevant, it is inter-jurisdictional, third-party and non-governmental governance that come

closest to comprehending the traditional practices of public administration, theories of public administration, and the modern practices of governance. The critical point here is that instead of governance replacing public administration, governance is a kind of public administration. In simple terms, it could be said that in the day-to-day, internal management of a government agency a person practices public administration. It could also be said that in the management of the extended state or jurisdiction, a person practices the public.

Organizational structures and levels of management discretion influence organization effectiveness and cost-savings associated with third-party governance are influenced by incentives and contact review standards and processes.

Lynn and Hill’s most important finding is that hierarchy and, as they put it, hierarchal governance is alive and well and the primary means by which we govern. It appears that the networked, associational, horizontal and conjuncture forms of governance are less important that governance scholars might think. “The seemingly ‘paradigmatic’ shift away from hierarchical towards horizontal governing (hence increasing the preference for

‘governance’ as an organizing concept) s less fundamental than it is tactical: the addition of new tools or administrative technologies that facilitate public governance within hierarchical system” (Frederickson, 2005: 33). For this instance, it is argued here that the study of governance focuses on inter-jurisdictional, third-party, and non-governmental governance as a way to narrow the grandness of the governance project.

To return to the three categories of governance earlier discussed, in the case of both inter-jurisdictional and third-party governance, it is important to get past the idea that there can be governance tree floating in space without governmental or bureaucratic roots.

Peter and Pierre (1998) asked whether there can be, as Cleveland seemed to imply, governance without government. The answer is no, at least following the narrower definition of governance argued here. This suggests a state or jurisdiction-centered approach to governance, an approach ready to accept the importance of hierarchy, order, predictability, and permanence. Despite all the scholarly focus on governance, it appears, even from the synthesized research of governance scholars that the old-time religion, traditional public administration, is the basis of policy implementation governance, and government is an essential precondition of governance.

Therefore, it is now understood that public administration as governance is the best description of the management of the transformed or postmodern state (Sorensen, 2004).

If that is the case, basic discussions about governance and assessment of governance would have to emphasize on the position of the public administration, especially the public managers in determining the functioning of governance. We shall therefore try to understand from the universal measure of governance how to look at the activities and performances of the public mangers.

Public Management and Governance

Looking at what it means to have efficient management and good quality services in the public sector and on how to improve public sector performance, Bovaird and Laffler

(2008) explores the process of governing and explains that there is a need to fundamentally alter it if governance is to legitimately make good use of the resources in the state to achieve a good output. This alteration is much required in the Nigerian setting of public management and governance. The basic issues associated with public

management and governance is best dealt with first at the point of identifying the place of public managers in the administration of the state. This in a clear form is the function of the public mangers in governance. Adebayo (1986:85) summarized there roles in his explanations as follows:

To implement and exercise the policies and decisions of those in authority who decide policy. Those in authority may be King of Emperor or they may be the legislature who makes the laws. In a parliamentary system of government, the policy maker will be the parliament and the Prime Minister with his cabinet. In a presidential system of government, the policy-makers will be the legislature who makes the laws to be implemented and the President or the Governor who, as the Chief Executive, also has responsibility for policy making. To assist the policy-makers by gathering and supplying facts and information which, will assist those in authority to take decisions. They… also assist in policy-making by pointing out various alternative means by which a particular policy may be implemented and leaving it to those in authority, that is, the policy-makers to consider the advise and take the decision. In this way, they… assist in the formulation of policy.

Public management itself is the act of conducting the public concerns towards the achievement of the societal goals. The persons responsible for the management of the public affairs are called the public managers. In popular way, they are the civil servants.

The civil service is basically made up of a body of officials responsible for advising the government of the day on matter s of policy an for implementing the decisions reached by the government (Okigboand Nsiegbunam; 2000:297). In Nwanegbo and Obi (2007: 113), they are strictly described as those public servants who are direct employees of the federal and state governments, other than the police, the armed forces personnel, the judicial personnel and the teachers. As Adebayo (1986: 87-89) rightly observed, “since it is the civil service machinery that is mainly responsible for the execution and implementation of government policies and programmes, it follows that the success or effectiveness of any

government depends largely on the civil service – especially its efficiency and ability to respond quickly to government tempo”. It is the repository of knowledge and experience in government and they also educate the new appointees, like Ministers, Commissioners, etc. the name public manager is usually attached to the senior civil servants, while public management is of universal application to the activities of the civil service. It doe not end in the civil service alone. It encompasses that of others in the service of the state and provision of social services, both directly and indirectly.

The public mangers do not just serve as neutral administrators of policy laid down by politicians, nor as a mere instruments of executing policies, they are themselves closely involved in the policy-making process (Adebayo, 1986:89). They equally have some influence in the legislative process especially as they assist in drafting proposals which form the basis of policy for the laws. Public managers generally operate in a myriad of such relationship structures to develop process for making decisions, implementing policy and identifying public priorities in the fist place; these relationships give form, pose constraints, or present opportunities for the way public policy is pursued (Ikejiani – Clark,

2008: 2). From the above discussions, it could be inferred that public management will be at best if the public managers, coordinating the activities of the other civil and public servants, with the knowledge and wisdom of administration are functionally involved in policy making as it should be in full advisory capacity. The problem as identified by

Adebayo (1986) is that policies are made by the political officers without the input of the public managers. It was as a result of this that he advocates that it should become a policy directive for the Head of Civil Service (by implication the public mangers) to be supplied with every policy advice paper from appointees for reaction before such advises

crystallizes into policy of the state (p. 110). Different situation is obtainable in Nigeria as it concerns policy making. Policy making situation in Nigeria involves mostly the practice of the political leaders of the state transforming their personal interests without a justifiable input by the policy advisers. In practice, when the chief executive gets impressed by the actions of a set of people or the support of his party members, or with the view to win support of a group in the state, he makes a policy pronouncement even before he beings to consider how to implement the policy. The other situation is that the public managers meet policy positions as directives. Is not only that they are usually not consulted, the have to encountered many difficulties in trying to implement them. In many cases, they sabotage such policies by consciously distorting some of the policy positions at the point of implementation, especially the principle of the policy they don’t believe in. with this therefore, we can say that the politics of policy making in Nigeria is not helping the policy making and implementation and hence, not enhancing delivery of social services. These are not the only problems encountered by policy process in Nigeria.

Discussing the problems of the public policy process, which is at the nerve of the governance, Ikelegbe (1994: 136) identified and presented these problems in four basic dimensions of the problems in the policy process. These dimensions are presented by Obi,

Nwachukwuy and Obiora (2008: 99 – 101) in this form:

The first is “Problem at the stage of the formulation of policies”. Problems of policy formulation affect the general policy and indeed may affect its achievement of the set foals.

Incidentally as they explained, most public policies in developing countries such as Nigeria have certain characteristics in their formulation which eventually affects them in their implementation, which includes;

i. Lack of clarity in the formulation of the policy;

ii. Bureaucratic bottleneck in the formulation of public policy and lack of

proper analysis of a policy before it is being formulated;

iii. Lack of proper training of policy formulators such as senior

administrators; and

iv. Lack of adequate planning.

These have consequences in the identification, designing and setting of goals etc. when these are not properly done, according to Obi et al (2008: 99), there is bound to be problems as we have earlier explained and it will affect the achievement f its set goals.

This is a very big problem to public management achieving the level of performance needed for the provision of the needed services to the society.

The second one is problems during policy implementation. Such problems according to Olaniyi (2003: 33) have led to failure of many policies since implementation is the process of interaction between setting of goals and actions geared towards achieving them. Implementation of policies depends on such basic factors like knowing what to do, the availability of resources, the ability to marshal and control these resources to achieve the desired and the level of cooperation between the implementing agencies (Barret and

Fuge, 1981).

The third problem is encountered at the evaluation stage. The evaluation of public policy according to Obi et al (2008: 100) s the comparism between intended outcome of policy and actual achievements on the basis of experience gained during the implementation stage. They identified the failure here as being caused by lack of press

freedom, ignorance on the part of the citizens, and institutional weaknesses. Institutional weaknesses more especially cover the weaknesses of the others as it can be identified further as generating the others.

Egnomwan (2000: 155) specifically identified inadequate definition of goals, over ambitious policy goals, lack of well defined programmes, poor implementation of goals, corruption, political opposition during implementation, lack of continuity or commitment of policy, and lack of clear designation of designation of responsibility as the principal causes of failure of policy in developing states, including Nigeria. The institution of the state that can maintain the bridge between these needed positions and the achievement of the objectives is the bureaucracy, which can administer not only the policies for the achievement of goals, but can also maintain continuity of the programme towards a clear objectives.

From these problems, we can rightly infer that the failure of governance would not be unconnected to the failure of governmental institutions’ making and implementing of right policies for the state. Secondly the failure of the policies cannot be understood outside the assessment of the operation of public administration and the officers of the state employed for the management and administration of the day to day running of the state and its bureaucracy; the public managers. Hence, the capabilities required in defining the objectives and in managing the sustained partnerships between the objectives and its achievement. If the problem is on the staff then the change will require retraining or hiring new personnel who have these skills and capabilities, senior management who will support the politicians to achieve greater visibility into their policy goals or that of the organization.

Perhaps, that is not the problem. But still the question that may be important is in finding

out if the problem really is on the quality and capability of the public mangers or in the amenability of the policy makers to the partnership of the public managers. This is one of the puzzles this work also intends to solve.

Measuring Governance

The acronym good governance in popular use today is according to Natufe

(2006:1) defined by its relationship to some key prerequisites, which includes accountability, transparency, participation, and predictability. Achieving an acceptable process of assessing and measuring the quality of governance of countries all around the world has taken the world bodies the substantial part of the last decade. Several efforts have been made in the research and international development community in order to come to an acceptable measurement scale. One of these efforts to create an internationally comparable measure of governance s the Worldwide Governance Indicators project, developed by members of the World Bank and the World Bank Institute. The project reports aggregate and individual indicators for more than 200 countries for six dimensions of governance: voice and accountability, political stability and lack of violence, government effectiveness, regulatory quality, rule of law, control of corruption (World Bank,

1991).

To complement the macro-level cross-country Worldwide Governance Indicators, the World Bank Institute developed the World Bank Governance Surveys, which are a country level governance assessment tools that operate at the micro or sub-national level and use information gathered from a country’s own citizens, business people and public

sector workers to diagnose governance vulnerabilities and suggest concrete approaches for fighting corruption (http://info.worldbank.org/governance/wgi2007/pdf/booklet).

Effective public sector management depends upon the knowledge, expertise, and skills of professionals who have a sophisticated understanding of public policy and administration. This is what governance within the society provides. The relationship between the quality of governance and the economic development in societies are always obvious. As Mishra (2003: 87) will put it, if there is no good governance, which means basically effective maintenance of law and order and a legal framework, which ensures that there is a level playing field, orderly economic development is not possible.

In Nigeria and in the South-Eastern Nigeria specifically, corruption in the form of bribery, criminal diversion of public fund into private use, nepotism and favoritism was identified to have wrecked incalculable havoc and has stunted economic development

(Ikejiani-Clark, 2008:9). Drawing instances from the records of activities of the administrations of some south-east states within the period under review, she presented record of wide-spread lootings by the State Governors. This by implication led to loose of

States resources which is unendingly being investigated by the Economic and Financial

Crime Commission (EFCC). Specifically for Chimaroke Nnamani (Enugu), Achike Udenwa

(Imo), Sam Egwu (Ebonyi), it was all records of rapacious accumulation of private wealth from the state resources (Ikejiani-Clark, 2008: 10 – 11). In the case of Anambra State under Chinwoke Mbadinuju administration, the situation of mismanagement and misapplication of fund so much affected the state that State schools were closed for almost one session (Obasanjo, 2005), salaries were not paid to workers with the attendant hunger while other sectors of the economy were crippled almost (see Nwanegbo, 2005b: 478 –

479). No better situations found about other South – Eastern. The situation of Governors of other zones in Nigerian is not different also. These above reported situations explain the case of bad governance. It did not show transparency, accountability and is not a maker of good governance.

Considering the structuring of the operations in government, it is not possible for the governors of the states or political office holder to divert or mismanage the government funds without the active connivances of the civil or public servants that work with them.

Hence, the joint involvement of both the politicians and the public mangers in the same process of managing the public policy and implementation brings them together into the same act of giving good or bad governance. In this circumstance, the situation of the

South-East presented clear case of bad governance. What it manifests, Ikejini-Clark

(2008b: 1-2) explained leaves a sour taste in the mouth of the South – Eastern States;

With the growing army of unemployed, increasing vicious armed robbery incidents, great swaths and stretches of valleys, gullies, mounds, undulating cascades of seesaw-like motor track ways representing roads, primary, secondary schools and universities, dilapidated, decaying and in ruins, the rise of a culture of opportunism, hangers on unscrupulously engaged in the quest to marry, build a house, get rich quick and live in conspicuous consumption. Decline in life expectancy due to decay in health care delivery services. Hopelessness and malaise constitute the bitter lessons confronting the South-

East. The menace of ecological disasters, decaying infrastructure and deplorable power supply constitute a miserable picture of human wretchedness that is a daunting challenge of the South-East in the present era.

The earlier stated six dimensions of governance actually tests human conditions as it is affected by governance of particular place (State). Furthermore, it may be seen too that these are conditions that places he person member of a society in an unsecured situation. The important concerns here is that considering the pivotal position of governance an public administration in public management (see Simbine, 2003: 105), and the supposed training and preparation of the public managers for the professional duty of checking the operations of the political office holder, there still exist a deep problem of managing public interests as identified in the statement of problem of problem. This indeed is one basic question that the available in Nigeria has tried to del with (though not yet adequately dealt with). There have been numerous suggestions to the causes and consequence of this to the development of the country. They have not really looked at the implications of this failure on the security and living of the individual persons. Especially, they have not looked at the south-eastern Nigerian situation. Principally too these factors that hinder the human’s capacity to live a free, decent and good life, outside the fear of death and of being hurt and fear of wants are what we call human security. The ugly conditions identified and classified by scholars and presented in the statement of problem are what constitute human security problems. For clarity sake we need to look at human security.

SECURITY

Humanity as a whole, face many threats to its existence. Such threats to humanity include the danger of losing the planet earth to violence. It s these threats that give rise to the concept of insecurity. Insecurity here has to do with not protection of the lives and

properties of the people and the entire society at large. Global insecurity is a state of danger to the entire human race and the global community. It is to avert the situation of destruction of both the individual lives and global existence that the needs for security arise in human existence. Security, therefore, simply put, is protecting oneself, other people, or society from these threats and challenges to our safety and existence (Iokibe,

1996: 15-16). One’s protection from extermination is what we classify as security. In other words, anything that can pose a threat to one’s existence or that harm or make life un- pleasurable can be classified as insecurity.

In thinking about who is responsible for our security, drawing from above, it is done in categories. First, it is the individual concerned that is responsible for one’s own personal safety. Logically, security begins at the individual level. It is to protect oneself – personal security that made man to go into the social contract which gave rise to state in the first place (see Nwoko, 2006). Particularly it is intended in private efforts, to provide the individual of security in his life and endeavour. To achieve this in our effort under the state, in the financial sense, we use insurance to help us in times of illness, accidents, or injury. We also use guns and cautious activities to avoid unintended effects on us. These are what we classify as traditional security.

Traditional security on one side is all about a state’s ability to defined itself against external threats. Traditional security (often referred to as national security or state security) describes the philosophy of international security predominance since the Peace of

Westphalia in 1648 and the rise of the nation – states (wikipedia.og/wiki/Human_Security).

While international relations theory includes many variants of traditional security, from realism to idealism, the fundamental trait that these schools share is their focus on the

primacy of the nation-state. On the other hand, it includes the activities of the individual person or persons towards ensuring their safety and existence.

The traditional notion of security as quickly as the Berlin Wall crumbled, jut as many political and social concepts which prevailed during the Cold War era, began to change. In this context, Inoguchi (1996) lucidly explained, the concept of security began to evolve so as to encompass concerns which more directly touched the lives of people. Security no longer simply referred to the protection of the nation-state, the defence of territories and boundaries and the preservation pf political sovereignty. Security also became concerned with the personal well-being of individuals. It began including the people’s right to feel secure in the basic needs that affected their existence: food, health, employment, population, human rights, environment, education, etc. For the common person, much more menacing than ballistic missiles and invading armies were the threats to their daily lives. That is human security.

Human security emerged as a challenge to ideas of traditional security. Human and traditional or national security is not mutually exclusive concepts. Without human security, traditional state security cannot be attained and vice-versa

(wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_Security). Therefore, Human security is an emerging paradigm for understanding global vulnerabilities whose proponents challenge the traditional notion of national security by arguing that the proper referent for security should be the individual rather than the state. This still does not mean individual security. Individual security as a concept is constituted by issues like freedom from physical hurt, injury, abuse or the threat thereof. It is individual because they have effects separately on a person rather than as a part of a group. They are things connected with one person – individual freedom.

State security, in most of Africa, is not threatened by conventional threats of armed attack by other countries but by more insidious measures, many of which flow from the very weakness of the state and its absence of control over its own territory. Other factors contributing to insecurity include resorting to extra – legal measures to gain and retain political power – such as support to armed factions in neighbouring countries favorable to its own domestic demands. Still with all these, it can be held that without the provision of effective national security, neither citizens not communities can be personally secure and stable countries and a body of practice of law – whereby countries regulate their interaction – individual, community, regional and international security remains elusive. But inspite of this, even with the effective national security in the conventional security form, it has been found that the security of persons and by that the society is still elusive. It is in the context of this that human security becomes very primary. Hence, discussions and interest of the world organization began changing to accommodate personnel and human security. Human security, as against individual security could be expanded from this core.

Human security though holds that a people-centered view of security is necessary for national, regional and global stability, but looks at the issue of security from a general preservation of the individual person. On a critical consideration, hunger, disease and environmental contamination represent grave security threats – even worse than physical violence. Various definitions of human security seem to understand this but constructed their definition from different views and perspectives. The following table contrasts four differences between the traditional security and human security as two different but interconnected perspectives of security.

Table 2: Differences between Traditional and Human Securities

Traditional Security Human Security

Referent Traditional security policies are Human security is people-

designed to promote demands centered. Its focus shifts to

ascribed to the state. Other interests protecting individuals. The

are subordinated to those of the important dimensions are to

state. Traditional security protects a entail the well-being of

state’s boundaries, people, individuals and respond to

institutions and values. ordinary people’s needs in

dealing with sources of

threats.

Scope Traditional security seeks to defend In addition to protecting the

states from external aggression. state from external

Walter Lippmann explained that aggression, human security

state security is about a state’s would expand the scope of

ability to deter or defeat an attack. It protection to include a

makes uses of deterrence strategies broader rage of threats,

to maintain the integrity of the state including environmental

and protect the territory from external pollution, infectious

threats. diseases, and economic

deprivation.

Actor(s) The stat is the sole actor, to ensure The realization of human

its own survival. Decision making security involves not only

power is centralized in the governments, but a broader

government, and the execution of participation of different

strategies rarely involves the public. actors, viz. regional and

Traditional security assumes that a international organization,

sovereign state is operating in an non-governmental

anarchical international environment, organizations and local

in which there is no world governing communities.

body to enforce international rules of

conduct.

Means Traditional security relies upon Human security not only

building up national power and protects, but also

military defense. The common forms empowers people and

it takes are armament races, societies as a means of

alliances, strategic boundaries etc. security. People contribute

by identifying and

implementing solutions to

insecurity.

Source: http://www/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_Security#cite_note-Jeong.

Table 3: Illustration Of Security Studies Field

Security for Whom? What Is The Source Of

The Security Threat?

Military Military, Non-military, or

Both

States National security Redefined security (e.g.,

(conventional realist environmental and

approach to security economic [cooperative or

studies) comprehensive] security)

Societies, Groups, and Intrastate security (e.g., Human security (e.g.,

Individuals civil war, ethnic conflict, environmental and

and genocide) economic threats to the

survival of societies,

groups, and individuals)

Alkire(2003)’s position different from the other approaches seek to narrow down and specify the objective of human security, Alkire (2003) pushes the idea a step further as

“to safeguard the vital core of all human lives from critical pervasive threats, without impeding long-term human fulfillment”. In a concept as such, she suggests the “vital core” cover a minimal or basic or fundamental set of functions related to survival, livelihood and dignity; and all institutions should at least and necessarily protect the core from any intervention (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Human_Security#cite_note-14 ).

It has to be explained here that if human security is freedom from want (that is a process widening people’s choices), human security can be understood as the ability to pursue those choices in a safe environment and on an equal basis with others. Human protection and security also implies protection against, or safety from a future risk of severs deprivation, injury or death, and requires rules, order and impartial adjudication and

application (Colliers, 2004:11). However, once we accept that predictability and control as part of our understanding of human security, it follows that such security cannot exist without due provision of adequate national security. For this therefore, we have to adopt in this paper that the concept of human security includes an obligation on the state to provide a facilitating environment from equality and individual participation through democracy, adherence to human rights and the participation of civil society.

It is in the context of the above discussions that Kofi Anan in the 2000 Millennium report came up with the broader definition. He explains that:

Human security … embraces far more than the absence of violent conflict. It encompasses human rights, good governance, access to education and health care and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfill his or her own potential. Every step in this direction is also a step towards reducing poverty, achieving economic growth and preventing conflict. Freedom from want, freedom from fear and the freedom of future generations to inherit a healthy natural environment-these are the interrelated building blocks of human-and therefore national security (CHS 2003:4).

Africa has also traditionally followed this expansive approach to the concept of human security. For example, Africans in the Non-Aggression and Common Defence Pact

(2004:14), explains that:

Human security means the security of the individual with respect to the satisfaction of the basic needs of life; it also encompasses the creation of the social, political, economic, military, environmental and cultural conditions necessary for the survival, livelihood and dignity of the individual, including the protection of fundamental freedoms, the respect of human rights, good governance, access to education, healthcare and ensuring that each individual has opportunities and choices to fulfill his/her own potential.

In the opinion of the Commission on Human Security (2003), human security encompasses all human rights, including civil and political rights, which protect people, and

economic, social and culture rights, which empower people. Protection strategies, set up by states, international agencies, NGOs and the private sector, shield people from menace. Empowerment strategies enable people to develop their resilience to difficult conditions. According to the Commission, both strategies are required in nearly all situations of human insecurity, though their form and balance will vary tremendously (see

Mhrish, 2008). In the Commission’s opinion, although the state remains the primary source of security, it often fails to fulfill its security obligations and, at times, has even become a source of threat to its own people. In the Commission’s view, human security complements state security by enhancing human rights and strengthening human development. By enhancing human right, human security seeks to protect people against a broad range of threats to individuals and communities. By strengthening human development, human security seeks to empower them to act on their own behalf.

African Human Security Initiative (2004: 8) in looking at the issue of human security in Africa adopted the same traditional approach. They first looked vertically at the distinction between five (5) levels of security namely: personal/individual, local/community, national, regional and international security (also see report of International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, 2001).

From what has been discussed above, it could be seen that the development of acceptable state of human security in a society is not just going to be an evolving undirected event. At least five additions are required to complete the transition from a simple focus on national, personal and community security to human security within the

African context. The first is the development of an administrative bureaucracy to manage the state along a rational-legal, as opposed to a personal or patrimonial, basis. The mere

existence of such a bureaucracy is insufficient if the state is not in control of its entire territory (including the movement of people and gods) and does not provide public order.

The second is the rise of an independent commercial class. This increases the resource base of the state and diffuses power, dividing the sources of patronage between politics and economics. The third is the transformation of subjects into citizens – traditionally through the process of nationalism as an ideology of the state. To achieve this, there has to be a reciprocal relationship of duties and rights between the individual and the state. That is a relationship that most African governments still have to earn.

The fourth is the introduction of democracy that institutionalizes the transfer of sovereignty from ruler to people. The final one is that the very weakness of African states demands a regional approach to security and development, within which peace is pursued as a collaborative venture and economic growth based on the removal of national impediments to trade and the pursuit of improved individual livelihoods.

The motivation for these five additions is inextricably a product of Africa’s modern history, to which we now turn our attention. For this work, w are going to be concerned with these two fundamental terms as operational or working terms of human security – basic needs and human protection, with one complementing the other. Basic needs here include those basic things in life that are needed by the individual to live a decent life. They include-food, clothing, shelter etc they are so important that without them, life is unpleasant. Without them in a person or societal life, there will be too much pressure and desperation which on its own lead to insecurity.

For the basic needs to be achieved and sustainable, our second aspect of human security need is very fundamental. That is the issue of human protection. The desire for

basic needs is realizable only on the situation where the individual is protected. Hence, the need for human protection.

GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN SECURITY

The question that may rightly guide the discussion here is in finding out, “the place of governance in ensuring the achievement of human security”. Putting it in another way, it can state thus: “what are the focus and commitments of the government or the state and governance in provision of the basic protections of the members of the society?”

We are going to look at this from two principal directions as it seems to relate: the activities of the global governance and that of the national/local governance within the

Nigerian state. Incidentally, there seems to be more of the issues of human security on the activities of global governance than at the state level. the global governance here includes governance as that being provided by the United Nations and its agencies and the international communities as a whole more especially as they relate to issues that concerns the individual members’ local states and the society.

It is in consideration of the fact that as much as the global government shows much concern to discussions and issues of human security, it does not vitiate the fact that as it entails the lives of the individual members of the states it brings in more directly the various states’ governance in the preservation of their security. That is why attention of discussions has to not only cover the two levels of governance, but indeed, shift from the security of the state to the security of the people. When the idea of an independent omission for Human Security was launched at the 2000 UN Millennium Summit, there was a general agreement on the importance of ensuring ‘freedom from want’ and ‘freedom from fear’. It also came because in addition to the long familiar problems and vulnerabilities, a

new breed of threats to human security in the form of terrorist attacks, ethnic violence, epidemics and economic downturns also came. Unfortunately, there is also a fear that existing institutions and policies are not able to cope with the weakening multilateralism, falling respect for human rights, eroding commitment to eradicate poverty and deprivation, outdated sectarian perspectives in education and the tendency to neglect global responsibilities in an increasingly integrated world. At the same time, the opportunities for working towards removing insecurity across the world also became greater now than ever before.

Fortunately, the United Nations and indeed the international communities have been promoting human security agenda in the most recent past. On January 1, 2001 in response to the outcome of the United Nations Millennium Summit, the government of

Japan initiated the formation of an independent omission on Human Security (the

“Commission”). The over-arching mission of the Commission is to secure “freedom from fear” and “freedom from want”. The Commissions in their report to the United Secretary

General On May 1, 2003, proposed a new security framework that centers directly and specifically on people. The Commission concentrates on a number of distinct but interrelated issues concerning conflict and poverty, including protecting people in conflict and post-conflict situations, shielding people forced to move, overcoming economic insecurities, guaranteeing essential health care, and ensuring universal education. In its report, the Commission formulates recommendations and follow-up activities (Mehrish,

2008: 2).

Infact, the overzealous nature of the Commission’s intention contained in their findings and recommendations regarding the pursuit and realization of human security

even began raising pertinent questions regarding the interplay between global governance and state sovereignty. To the extent that multilateral institutions and non-governmental organizations began asking what powers should they have to intervene in the situation that a state is not adequately meeting the human security needs of its citizens.

In the recent years, officials from the United Nations, World Bank, International

Monetary Fund, and Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development have become more focused on the human rights and development agendas of their client states. However, their efforts have been limited to improving the capacity of their client state to improve the lives of their citizens. By articulating an all-encompassing right to human security that focuses exclusively on the protection and empowerment of individuals and does not rely exclusively on the state for solutions, the Commission opens the door to a model of global governance that reserves the right to ignore state sovereignty (Mehrish,

2008:2).

In the opinion of the Commission, human security encompasses all human rights, including civil and political rights, which protect people’s economic, social and cultural rights, and which empower people. Protection strategies, set up by states, international agencies, NGOs and the private sector, are intended to shield people from menace.

Empowerment strategies also enable people to develop their resilience to difficult conditions according to the Commission, both strategies are required in nearly all situations of human insecurity, though their form and balance will vary tremendously.

In May 2004, the United Nations established the Human Security Unit (HUS) within the UN’s office for the coordination of Humanitarian affairs (Mehrish, 2008:3). The overall objective of the HSU is to place human security in the mainstream of Un activities. The

HSU is also responsible for managing the United Nations Trust Fund for Human Security

(UNTFHS). Which was initially funded by Japan. For the most part, the UNTFHS provides emergency relief and development assistance grants in war-torn or post-conflict areas.

While the UNTFHS provides short-term human security through financial aid in emergency situations, the HSU attempts to promote long-term human security solution through activities within the United Nations system. UNESCO is at the forefront of thee

HSU efforts.

The Universal Declaration of Human Right is the foundational document of international human rights law. It was adopted and proclaimed by General Assembly resolution 217 A (III) on December 10, 1948. although the Declaration, which comprises a broad range of rights, is not a legally binding document, it has inspired more than 50 human rights instruments which together provide international human rights standards.

These instruments include the International Convention on Civil and Political Rights and the International Convention on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights.

The rights contained in the Declaration and the two Covenants were further elaborated in such legal documents as the International Convention on the Elimination off

All Forms of Racial Discrimination, which declares the dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred as being punishable by law; Convention on the Elimination of All

Forms of Discrimination Against Women, which covers measures to be taken for eliminating discrimination against women in political and public life, education, employment, health, marriage and family and the Convention on the Rights of the Child, which lays down guarantees in terms of the child’s human rights.

The Declaration comprises 30 articles that contain a comprehensive listing of key civil, political, economic, social, and cultural rights. Articles 3 of the charter through 21 outline civil and political rights. These include the right against torture, the right to an effective remedy for human rights violations, and the right to take part in government.

Articles 22 through 27 detail economic, social, and cultural rights, such as the right to work, the right to form and to join trade unions, and the right to participate freely in the cultural life of the community.

At the World Conference of Human Rights held in Vienna, Austria in June 1993, 171 countries reiterated the universality, individisibility and interdependence of human rights, and reaffirmed their commitment to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. They adopted the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action, which provides a new

“framework of planning, dialogue and cooperation”, enabling a holistic approach to promoting human rights, and involving actors at the local, national and international levels.

The Vienna Declaration also makes concrete recommendations for strengthening and harmonizing the monitoring capacity of the United Nations system. In this regard, it called for the establishment of a High Commissioner for Human Rights by the General

Assembly, which subsequently created the post on December 20, 1993 (United Nations resolution 48/141).

At its 34th General Conference held in 2007, the United Nations Economic, Social and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) adopted a resolution calling of the finalization and implementation of a Plan of Action for the celebration of the 60th anniversary of the

Universal Declaration of Human Rights which comes up this 2008. It is also intended to

use the occasion as a springboard for examining the status of the international human rights movement, as well as for promoting emerging economic and social rights.

These are the extent of effort that the global governance has made and can make considering the supremacy of Nation-states on issues that concerns them and their citizens under the protective principles of sovereignty. This is without prejudice to the fact that the principal duties of protecting the individual members of the society and providing for them are that of the national and local governments. As Mehrish (2008) lucidly explained, the State remains the fundamental purveyor of security, which it often fails to provide, especially in the third world. It is indeed this aspect of governance that the view of the literature search will focus on.

As Zartman (1997:1) succinctly stated, “governance is conflict management.

Governing a state is not only the prevention of violent conflict from destroying the country; it is the continual effort to handle the ordinary conflicts among groups and their demands which arise as the society play its role in the conduct of normal politics. As organize interests or groups bring their demands to government, they necessarily conflict with others; either the demands themselves meet opposition from competing groups and demands, or, even if they do not, the measures required to satisfy the demands conflict with competing resource allocations or programmatic orientations”. The failure of governance drawing literarily form the above means collapse of the system, failure of the state and the consequence s the failure of the maintenance of human security. Odunuga

(1999) clearly concludes along this line too.

The African Development Bank (ADB) views good governance as one that embodies and promotes effective states, mobilized civil societies and productive private

sector while the UNDP view of good governance is of that which has a commitment to and the capacity of effectively addressing the allocation and management of resources to respond to collective problems (1999:3). One is inclined to support the notion that good governance is that one which has to do with …” the process of harmonizing and managing all diverse elements in the society (i.e. social, political, economic and cultural) to attain a desired level of socio-economic progress for all its members” (ibid). Any government that is able to accomplish all these in the words of Odunuga (1999) surely passes the test of good governance. That according to the UNDP is the “… state leadership that is predisposed to dialogue and consensus building, that recognized the value of pluralism, and that respects the views of others” (ibd). Such government would not only provide the physical needs of the people but satisfy their psychological desire of independence and integration. These are also the cores of human security (see human security above).

Measured against the definition of good governance, therefore Nigerian government have failed in that the manipulation of the instrument of government infavour of certain classes or groups of people has often led to denial of the basic needs of the greater majority of people, denied them the rights not only to have their needs satisfied but also to be heard. This has led to tension and instability which again contributes to national and by extension, human security problem in the country.

The causes of the above failure has been variously attributed to poor social formation, external factors (capitalist impact), undeveloped governmental system, especially unconsolidated democracies or absence of democratic culture, corruption of the politicians and state leadership. Efforts have also been made towards finding solution to this by various countries and concerned international assistance, but the problems have

not abated. Hence the need to look at the other aspect of governance which concerns the engine of policy making and policy implementation in the societies – the public administration aspect of governance, to see how they impact on human security as well as to see how the solution to the provision of the societal and or individual needs can be found through that.

1.6 THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK This study adopts the responsive capability analytical framework, which is an aspect of G.A. Almond’s General Systems theory. The system’s capability framework is an analytical construct designed as a basis for comparing different political systems in terms of their capacities to fulfill certain functional prerequisites necessary to ensure the maintenance, adaptation and survival of the political system. The notion of systems capabilities defines the extent to which the system can as David Easton has noted:

Some demands can be challenging to the system and the system has to possess the necessary elements and mechanisms to meet them in order to survival.

Essentially, the Almond’s systems capability scheme consists of five capabilities-the extractive, the regulative, the distributive, the symbolic, and the responsive; the fulfillment of which are necessary to ensure systems adaptation, change and survival. It is really the

“responsive capability” that is our concern here, but it is necessary that we first briefly explain what the others involve. The extractive capability addresses the issue of the ability of the political system to obtain the relevant resources, both from within and outside the system, to sustain itself.The regulative capability addresses the issue of the capacity of the political system to penetrate and exercise control over individuals and groups throughout the society. By its nature, the regulative capability involves the issue of the maintenance

and uses its military, police and other security forces to ensure the protection and defence of the society against external aggression and internal insurrection as well as the maintenance of law and order in the society.

The symbolic capability addresses the need and ability of the political system to create, develop and maintain relevant and adequate symbols with which to attract to itself and its institutions the support, loyalty and affection of its citizens.

The distributive capability focuses on the ability of the political system to adequately and equitable distribute “values” –goods and services to, and among its citizens both as individuals and as social groups throughout the society.

The responsive capability which this study predicates analysis, focuses on the capacity of the political system to respond adequately and vigorously to the demands made upon it both from the domestic and international environment. In short, the responsive capabilities addresses the issue of the need and ability of the political system to make available to its citizens, both in their individuals, and group capacities, those characteristics of democracy which they desire.

The responsive capability is so important and crucial function to be adequately fulfilled to guarantee the success of governance and human security. This is because it is through it that the political system responds to pressures that are likely to mar good governance. This is particularly so in the socially diverse –especially, the ethnically heterogeneous societies. In such societies, as it is the case with Nigeria, the political system is confronted with not only the problem of having to strive to maintain its institutions but more importantly, it has the added problem of how to ensure human security in the

society. This is because if the political system finds it difficult to respond to the demands made by its citizens and political institutions, this may endanger governance.

Our foregoing discussion clearly shows that there exist positive relationship between the ability of, and the degree to which, a political system adequately fulfills its responsive capability functions to its citizens, both as individuals and groups, and the support, which it can attract to itself from the citizens, for its survival. It therefore, follows that the extent to which human security is achieved especially in ethnically heterogeneous society such as Nigeria, is a function of the ability of the political system to fulfill its responsive capability function.

In the main, our decision to adopt this responsive theoretical orientation for this study is predicated on its explanatory capacity as it enables us establish a causal relationship between the ability of the political system to respond to demands made by its citizens and the support it gets for sustaining democracy.

1.7 HYPOTHESES This wok is guided by the following hypotheses: 1. Human insecurity in Anambra is a consequence of ineffective governance of the state. 2. The public managers in Anambra state have not provided good public service delivery in their state within the period under review.

1.8 METHODO OF DATA COLLECTION Methodology on research endeavours is like the set down rule to arrive at the end. It is the vehicle through which we ride to the destination of the research. It is the structure, conditions and procedure relevant to the study. Infact, its importance cannot be overemphasized and as Newcomb (1953:11) rightly observed, research results are no better

than the methods by which they are obtained. It is on the bases of this that methodological issues are hereby explained. The main concerns in this study are:

a. The Research Design

b. The Method of Data Analysis

RESEARCH DESIGN This research intends to use the case study approach to study the menace of human security in Nigeria. The primary aim of using this is to enable the researcher to find out as much detail as possible about the issues under study. It would involve collecting data that relate to the problem of human security, relying on the experience of the

Southeast Nigerian state Anambra and all the factors that affect the behaviour of the administrators in these states. In this way, we are going to use Anambra state administration, conduct more intensive investigation, thus providing specific instances for testing and validating data for reliable finding and theory building. The documentation research method will also complement case study approach in this study. The need for including the documentation method here cannot be overemphasized as we shall rely on literature developed by others. It will therefore not only help to cut cost, it make generalization easier (see Biereenu-Nnabugwu, 2004). It is also necessary to mention, for clarity sake that the complementary nature of these two approaches (Case Study

Approach and Documentation Method) is scientifically accepted in social science research.

DATA ANALYSIS This research is basically qualitative and non-experimental; thus we are using the observation method of documentary sources; that is, going though documented evidence to discover the various data and information that have made this work scientific. Non-

experiments are based on the same logic as experiments and can be designed to determine associations. Thus the study does not use experiment or controlled groups. The analysis of data based on the technicality of “Content Analysis” taking even from the name, is essentially a factor or an extension of documentary… instrument of data generation, which we used in the work. It focuses at the thorough examination of documents in order to generate information for inference based on the canons of scientific research (Biereenu-Nnabugwu, 2006: 252). As White (1983: 241) explains, the Content

Analysis enabled us “to scrutinize the content of a document in order to understand its structure, ideas and concepts and to quantify the message it relates”. The results of data analysis will be presented in narrative mostly, and in tables or other graphical representations where appropriate.

CHAPTER TWO HISTORY OF ANAMBRA STATE AND GOVERNANCE

History of Anambra State

Anambra is a state in south-eastern Nigeria . The Capital and the Seat of

Government is Awka . Onitsha and Nnewi are the biggest commercial and industrial cities, respectively. The state's theme is "Light Of The Nation". Boundaries are formed by Delta

State to the west, Imo State and Rivers State to the south, Enugu State to the east and

Kogi State to the north. The origin of the name is derived from the Anambra River

(Omambala) which is a tributary of the famous River Niger .

The indigenous ethnic group in Anambra state are the Igbo (98% of population) and a small population of Igala (2% of the population) who live in the western part of the state

(http://www.igbofocus.co.uk/html/anambra_state.html ). Anambra is the eight most populated states in the Federal Republic of Nigeria and the second most densely populated state in Nigeria after Lagos State . The stretch of more than 45 km between Oba and Amorka contains a cluster of numerous thickly populated villages and small towns giving the area an estimated density of 1,500–2,000 persons living within every square kilometer of the area.

Anambra is rich in natural gas , crude oil , bauxite , ceramic and has an almost 100 percent arable soil. Most of its natural resources is largely untapped. In the year 2006, foundation laying ceremony for the first Nigerian private refinery Orient Petroleum Refinery

(OPR) was made at Nsugbe-Umuleri area The Orient Petroleum Resource Ltd, (OPRL)

owners of OPR, was licensed in June 2002, by the Federal Government to construct a private refinery with a 55,000 b/d capacity. Furthermore, Anambra state is a state that has many other resources in terms of agro-based activities like fishery and farming, as well as land cultivated for pasturing and animal husbandry.

Anambra possesses a history that stretches back to the 9th century AD, as revealed by archaeological excavations at Igbo-Ukwu and Ezira ; Great works of art in iron, bronze, copper, and pottery works belonging to the ancient Nri kingdom Kingdom of Nri , revealed a sophisticated divine Kingship administrative system which held sway in the area of

Anambra from c. 948 AD to 1911. During the Nigerian/Biafran war, a relief airstrip, was constructed by Biafran Engineers in the town of Uli/Amorka(code named "Annabelle").

Extremely dangerous relief flights took off from Sao Tome and other sites loaded with tons of food and medicine for the distressed Biafran population. Uli/Amorka airstrip was the site were brave American pilots like Alex Nicoll, and scores of others, made the supreme sacrifice in the service of humanity, delivering tons of relief supplies to the Biafran population (http://ajcarchives.net/AJC_DATA/Files/661.PDF ).

Old Anambra State was created in 1976 from part of East Central State , and its capital was Enugu . A further re-organisation in 1991 divided Anambra into two states,

Anambra and Enugu . The capital of Anambra is Awka . The state is blessed with rich tourist attraction among which are:

Agulu Crocodile Lake is located along Awka road in Agulu, Aniocha Local

Government Area of the state. A potential tourist site, it is home to an estimated three hundred crocodiles and water turtles. Fishing is not allowed on the lake and the crocodiles,

being sacred animals to the people, cannot be killed. Legend says that these crocodiles were instrumental in delivering the town from enemy soldiers during the Nigerian civil war.

It is believed that these sacred crocodiles and turtles transformed themselves into beautiful ladies and lured the soldiers unawares into the lake where they disappeared without trace.

At noon the crocodiles and the turtles appear at the banks of the lake to take in sunlight.

Ogbunike Caves , listed by UNESCO as a world Heritage Site is one of the most visited tourist sites in Anambra State. It is classified as a Sandstone cave (Lateritic sandstones of Campanian-Miocene age) It has very scenic vegetation with attractive waterfall. It is situated in the Ogba hills Ogbunike, across the Ugwu-Aga Escarpment

Umunya by the Enugu/Onitsha Expressway and lies in the coordinates of N06 11 11 and

E06 54 21.

Igbo Ukwu Museum : lgbo Ukwu is an ancient town known for astonishing metalcrafts and has remained an attraction to tourists because of its bronze artifacts. The bronzes which were first noticed in 1938 and later excavated by Thurstan Shaw (an

English archaeologist) date back to about the 9th century, are of high value and historic relevance.

Uzu-Oka: Awka is historically known for the great metal foundary, Uzu

Craftmanship. Imo-Awka is an annual festival celebrated by the natives.

Other Anambra tourism potentials and cultural festivals include:

• Ijele Masquerade listed in UNESCO Archives as Intangible cultural element Ijele

dance festival is home to the Olus of Omambala area: Aguleri, Umuleri, Awkuzu,

Umunya, etc.

• Omaba Yearly New-Yam Festival.

• Umunya Apparition Site features monthly pilgrimage of devotees.

• Obu Gad at Aguleri.

• Ini Iguedo (Iguedo Grave) at Nando.

• Odinani Museum at Nri.

• Ini Eri (Eri Grave) at Ivite, Aguleri

• The River Niger at Onitsha with the famous Niger bridge is the eastern gateway

linking the South East with Niger Delta and Western Nigeria.

• Umuoji Masquerade Promenade attracts thousands of visitors annually.

• Ofala (Ovala) Festival is the commemorative of Kingship celebrated by various

towns. It was popularised by Onitsha town.

• Igu-Aro is the major kingship festival among the Nri.

• Nkpokiti Dance, Umunze is known for fantastic acrobatic performances.

• St Mary's Catholic Church, Nnokwa whose imposing dome dominates the skyline

kilometers away.

• The Basilica of the Most Holy Trinity , Onitsha (also host the grave of the Blsd.

Father Iwene Tansi)

• Rogeny Tourist Village at Oba (a stadium that is equipped with recreational

activities including a swimming pool, zoo, shrine, soccer stadium, etc.) (The

Guardian , Thursday, March 16, 2006) .

Educationally, Anambra is a centre of excellence. There are the Nnamdi Azikiwe University

(UNIZIK), Awka a federal university with College of Medicine situated at Nnewi. The

UNIZIK Nnewi runs a modern Teaching Hospital with facilities also at Umunya and Ukpo.

The Anambra State University , formerly known as Anambra State University of Science and Technology (ASUTECH), with two campuses, one in Uli, and another at Igbariam; the

Federal Polytechnic, Oko; Nwafor Orizu University of Education (formerly known as the

Nwafor Orizu College of Education), Nsugbe . Private Universities include The Tansian

University, Umunya and Modonna University, Okija. There is also the St Don Bosco Youth

Training Centre at Ugwuagba (near Mgbuka Market), Obosi.

Literacy rate in the state is comparatively high. Some of the more notable secondary schools include St Charles' Special Science School (SCSSS), Onitsha ; Christ the King college (C.K.C) Onitsha; Our Lady's High School, Onitsha; Comprehensive

Secondary School Nawfia; Dennis Memorial Grammar School (D.M.G.S) Onitsha; Queen

Of the Rosary College (Q.R.C.) Onitsha, St. Monica's College, Ogbunike , Nnamdi Azikiwe

Secondary School, Abagana ; St Mary's High School, Ifite-Dunu; Igwebuike Grammar

School, Awka; Father Joseph Memorial High School, Aguleri; Girls High School, Umunya and Community Secondary School Igbariam. Primary and secondary school enrollment in the state is one of the highest in the country. Consequently, Anambra state has the highest number of JAMB candidates going after the limited number of spaces in Nigeria's tertiary colleges.

History of Governance in Anambra State

In Nigerian Politics Anambra (comprising of the Enugu state, Anambra state and parts of Ebonyi state) was first created by General Murtala Mohammed on February 3,

1976 from the defunct East Central State in South-East Nigeria. The present Anambra

State came into existence on August 27, 1991 during the military regime of General

Ibrahim Babangida. The present Anambra state is historically significant to Ndigbo for many reasons. First, the town of Nri, which has genealogical implications as their traditional home, is located there. Secondly, several Igbo personalities of national and global acclaim with proven records of excellence such as Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe (Zik of Africa and First Indigenous Governor General and President of Nigeria) Dim Emeka Ojukwu (the secessionist leader of defunct Biafra), Professor Chinua Achebe, Emmanuel Ifeajuna,

Asika Ukpabi, Chuba Okadigbo, Emeka Anyaoku, Alex Ekwueme, are indigenes of the state. Thirdly, Anambra has remained the cockpit of the involvement of Ndigbo in Nigerian politics with its indigenes playing pivotal roles in the structure and functioning of the

Nigerian state (Okereke, 2008).

It is however quite regrettable that the pursuit and utility of state power in Anambra has since its creation, proved an invitation to conflicts which if not checked, holds no other promise than despair and decadence for the state and its inhabitants It important at this point to highlight that the involvement of Ndi-Anambra (Anambra people) in Nigerian politics dates back to pre independent era. Nnamdi Azikiwe was a prominent figure in the nationalist agitations for political independence of Nigeria. Others like Abyssinia Nwafor

Orizu, Chike Obi, Mokwugo Okoye, and MCK Ajuluchukwu were prominent members of the radical Zikist movement and the National Council of Nigerian Citizens (NCNC). It is

important to note that while these people played prominent roles in the early years of the

Zikist movement, disaffection emerged in the late 1940s and early 1950s. While Mokwugo

Okoye registered his disillusionment in his book titled A Letter to Dr. Azikiwe, Chike Obi chose to form an opposition party on whose platform; he secured a seat in the Eastern

House of Assembly and for some time at the Federal House of Representatives( The

Guardian , August 5, 2004: 65).

This party was called the Dynamic Party. At independence, Dr. Azikiwe became the

Governor General representing the British monarch, while Abyssinia Nwafor Orizu became the President of Senate in the first republic.The roles of Emeka Odumegwu Ojukwu,

Emmanuel Ifeajuna and Humphrey Chukwuka in the early years of military misadventure in

Nigerian politics, further demonstrates that Ndi-Anambra have played significant roles in the shaping of modern Nigeria. For instance, while Ifeajuna took active part in the prosecution of the January 1966 coup, Ojukwu frustrated the coupists. During the civil war, personalities from Anambra also played significant roles in the conduct of the war and the administration of Biafra. Emeka Ojukwu led the secessionist Biafra; Dr. Azikiwe opted for the national unification of Nigeria. Others like Ifeajuna was executed for treason under

Ojukwu’s government, Christopher Okigbo was slain in battle, Chike Obi was detained while Dr. Asika Ukpabi, a university teacher who opposed the secession from onset was made the administrator of post war East Central state by General Gowon. It is significant to note here that these discrepancies and dissension has remained till date, the hallmark of

Anambra politics (Okereke, 2008).

The evident division among Anambra political elites widened in the Second

Republic. While Nnamdi Azikiwe led the Nigeria People’s Party (NPP), Alex Ekwueme and

Chuba Okadigbo joined the National Party of Nigeria (NPN). MCK Ajuluchukwu was a leading ideologue of the Obafemi Awolowo’s led Unity Party of Nigeria (UPN) while Chinua

Achebe and Arthur Nwankwo joined Malam Aminu Kano’s Peoples Redemption Party

(PRP). The return of Emeka Ojukwu after thirteen years of exile and his subsequent declaration of membership of the NPN also contributed in compounding the divergent alliance and trends in Anambra politics.

It is significant to note that at the state level, the intrigues in Anambra politics during the second republic was also characterized not only by the intense struggle for political control between the NPP and NPN which saw Jim Nwobodo and Christian C. Onoh at polar extremes of an intense political contest, but also by antagonistic dichotomy between

Anambra North (Wawa i.e Enugu State) and Anambra South (Ijekebee i.e present

Anambra state). This proved a potent divisive factor and source of persistent tension in the young state. The evident tensions attained national acclaim with the activities of Ikemba

Front (a gang of political thugs loyal to Dim Emeka Ojukwu, the ex-Biafran warlord) and their chains of violent confrontations with the then incumbent Governor of the state, Chief

Jim Nwobodo which climaxed in the 1983 bloodbath at Nkpor junction. This complex web of crisis also manifested during the military administration of Colonel Robert Akonobi (from old Anambra South) who got entangled in the Wawa-Ijekebee controversy and consequently had a rough time contending with strong personalities of Wawa origin such as Chief Christian C. Onoh.

In the botched third Republic, the short lived civilian administration of Okwadike

Chukwuemeka Ezeife was not isolated from the intrigues in the New Anambra politics.

However, he did not experience such political hiccups and strangleholds as his

predecessors and successors. Yet, the demonstration of bloodbath and devastation still adds another dimension to the Anambra Crisis.With the advent of the Fourth Republic and emergence of Governor Chinwoke Mbadinuju as the Executive Governor of the state on

May 29, 1999, the people of Anambra State were set for another wave of political crisis between Governor Mbadinuju on the one hand and his defacto political Godfather, Chief

Emeka Offor who could not get all his candidates for executive positions in the state appointed and Igwe John Nnebeolisa (the Ibilibi Ogada na Awkuzu) who claimed that the

Governor had plans to dethrone him as the traditional ruler of his people. Governor

Mbadinuju’s attempts to secure a second term in office was unsuccessful due to mounting opposition to his style of leadership and having failed in his bid to secure the gubernatorial candidacy of his original party, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), he changed party and contested the 2003 Gubernatorial election on the platform of the Alliance for Democracy

(AD). Mbadinuju was eventually defeated by the PDP candidate, Dr. Chris Nwabueze

Ngige, in the election. Ngige also experienced his own troubles in the hands of his political sponsors led by Esele Chris Uba.

The Nature and Genesis of the Current Political Crisis in Anambra State

Varying interpretations have been emerging in attempts to unravel the persistent political crisis in Anambra state. First, there is the ethnic interpretation of the crisis. Proponents of this view maintain that the ongoing political turmoil in Anambra is an attempt to disorganize

Ndigbo in national politics. The argument here is that, since Anambra is the cockpit of Igbo politics and since the crème la crème of Igbo political elites are indigenes of Anambra, that the surest way to pocket Ndigbo in national politics is to hijack the power base in Anambra which can be achieved through the use of Trojan horses and Fifth columnists. Secondly,

there is the intra class dimension, characterised chiefly by the infighting within the established political class in the state. This trend was very evident in the second republic and manifests this time with the likes of Chuba Okadigbo, Alex Ekwueme, and Emeka

Ojukwu competing from different poles to influence the trend of governance in the state.

Yet, there is the inter class analysis which views the crisis in Anambra as a struggle by some nouveau riche businessmen in the state to wrestle power from the established political class. Here, politics is conceived as a big investment to be pursued with deadly seriousness. The activities of Chief Emeka Offor and Esele Chris Uba buttress this point.

Finally, there is another contention that the on going political imbroglio in the state is chiefly motivated by the attempt by the former Head of State, President Olusegun

Obasanjo to settle some personal score with his political opponents in the state, notably,

Chief Alex Ekwueme who contested against him in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP)

Presidential primaries in 1999 and 2003; Chief Emeka Ojukwu, who was the presidential flag bearer of the All Progressive Grand Alliance (APGA) and the impeached Senate

President, Chuba Okadigbo who was the Vice Presidential candidate of the opposition All

Nigerian People’s Party (ANPP). The strategy here is to use some political neophytes to embarrass these heavy weights in their home state (Okereke, 2008).

The latest political logjam in Anambra state came to public knowledge with the failed abduction of the incumbent Governor of the state, Dr. Chris Ngige on July 10, 2003 by Esele Chris Uba’s faction supported by a team of policemen led by an Assistant

Inspector General (AIG) of Police, Raphael Ige who claimed to be acting on Orders from

Above. The Nigerian Police authorities denied any prior knowledge of the abduction which coincided with President Obasanjo’s trip to Principle and Sao Tome to reinstate that

country’s President, Fradique de Menezes, who was earlier toppled in a military putsch.

Consequently, the Presidency, like the police authorities, also denied prior knowledge of the abduction saga.

Since the July 10, 2003 episode in Anambra State, several issues have emerged between the contending factions in the crisis. First Esele Chris Uba’s faction claimed that the Governor resigned from office and this provided the grounds for their attempt to swear in Dr. Okey Ude (the then deputy Governor) as the executive governor. The incumbent governor, Dr. Chris Ngige refuted the allegations claiming that the purported resignation letter was signed by him under duress in a shrine before his assumption of office and that things fell apart between him and Chris Uba’s faction when he refused to mortgage

Anambra State by paying N3 billion naira (about $22.8 million USD) state funds to Uba’s function.

Next, despite the persistent public demand that the culprits be tried for treason, as a deterrence to future occurrence, the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) preferred to treat the matter as a family Affair while the Presidency preferred to adopt a mere Political

Solution to such an affront to the country’s nascent democracy. The purported complacency, if not complicity of the PDP dominated Federal government becomes more obvious when it merely retired AIG Raphael Ige and refused to charge the principal actors in the abduction saga for treason under the provisions of Criminal Code Act (cap. 77, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria, 1990) as a violation Section 1, Subsection 2 of the 1999

Constitution (Federal Republic of Nigeria: 1999) which categorically asserts that:

The Federal Republic of Nigeria shall not be governed, nor shall any person or group of persons take control of the Government of Nigeria or any part thereof, except in

accordance with the provisions of this Constitution.

To this effect, the attempted coup on the Anambra state government is an affront on the constitution which should be treated in accordance with what the legal statutes of the country stipulate. It is the position of this paper that if Governor Ngige had resigned as claimed, there would have been no need for the heavy police invasion of Anambra State

Government House as occurred on July 10, 2003.

A chronology of the events that followed the July 10, episode includes:

• The impeachment of the Speaker of Anambra State House of Assembly, Honourable

Eucharia Anozodo and subsequent replacement by Honourable Mike Belonwu.

• Retirement from service of AIG Raphael Ige and his subsequent death on suspected case of heart failure.

• Impeachment of the Anambra State Deputy Governor, Dr. Okey Ude and subsequent replacement by Chief Ugochukwu Nwankwo.

• Justice Wilson Eboh Eboh’s – ruling in July, 2003 that Dr. Chris Ngige should stop parading himself as Governor of Anambra State. This he later denied in reaction to adverse public opinion.

• Constant harassment of Governor Chris Ngige by Chris Uba and his group who have heavy police escorts. This culminated and in the reported assault on Governor Ngige’s convoy on November 24, 2003 at Amawbia along the Enugu-Onitsha expressway by Chris

Uba’s faction.

• The expulsion of Chris Uba and some members of his faction from the PDP and their subsequent re-admission into the party.

• Failure of the police to implement the ruling of an Awka Magistrate Court ordering the arrest of Chris Uba and 14 others for harassing the Governor in a suit filed by the Anambra

State government.

• Violent clash between the loyalist of Governor Chris Ngige on the one hand and Chris

Uba on the other at the December 6, 2003 South East Zonal Congress of the PDP scheduled to hold in Enugu (South East Nigeria)

• Peace deal in Owerri, Imo State (South East Nigeria) between Governor Ngige’s and

Chris Uba’s faction concluded in December 22, 2003.

• January 2nd 2004 ruling by Justice Stanley Nnaji of Enugu State High Court, during court vacation, ordering the Inspector General of Police to withdraw the policemen attached to

Governor Ngige. The Inspector General implemented this verdict with immediate effect, thereby exposing Governor Ngige’s life to danger.

• Mass rally in Anambra State in support of Governor Chris Ngige with demonstrators carrying the effigy of Chris Uba and his cohorts.

• In March 2004, Governor Ngige was involved in a ghastly auto accident. An L300 commercial bus collided with his bullet proof jeep. Governor Ngige miraculously escaped the cold hands of death but his vehicle severely damaged. Though no group claimed responsibility, but the crisis continued.

• In mid 2004, tales of the absurd reigned following the discovery at Ogwugwu shrine in

Okija, Anambra state where the purported Ngige-Uba Power Pact was sealed in secrecy.

• Between November 10th and 12th 2004, Anambra state was subjected to an orgy of violence by political thugs believed to be working for Esele Chris Uba. The hoodlums virtually shut down governance in the state for three days. About seven persons were

feared dead while the offices of the Governor, Deputy Governor, State Legislative quarters and House of assembly, State Independent Electoral Commission, Anambra State

Broadcasting Service, Onitsha South Local Government Council, State Education

Commission and Women Development Centre were razed. Beside the dead persons, the destruction wrought by the hoodlums was put at about $230 million (USD). ( Africa Today ,

February 2005) The State Police Commissioner acknowledged receiving intelligence report from the State Security Service and other security agencies about the impending violence, but confessed that the efforts of the Command to contain the insurgency was overwhelmed by the thugs ( The Punch , November 17, 2004: p. 16). Yet, the State Police

Command had earlier in October disbanded and arrested members of the Anambra

Vigilante Service (ANVS)

• On December 6th 2004, Chief Audu Ogbeh, ex- PDP National Chairman, wrote an open letter to President Obasanjo, urging him to take decisive steps to end the political embarrassment in Anambra state.

• In January 2005, Dr. Chris Ngige and Esele Chris Uba were suspended from the PDP and an Eight man panel headed by the incumbent governor of Osun state, Brigadier

General Olagunsoye Oyinlola (rtd) was set up to investigate the allegations against them.

The suspension however did not affect Ngige’s position as a governor.

• In February 2005, Chief Audu Ogbeh was compelled to resign as National Chairman of the PDP under what he termed “unsettling circumstances” He was succeeded by Colonel

Ahmadu Ali (rtd)

• Dr. Ngige and Esele Chris Uba were eventually expelled from the PDP in March 20,

2005. (Okereke, 2008).

It is a widely held belief that rigging elections has for a long time been as Nigerian as pounded yam. ( West Africa , 1983: 1863). The conduct of Election 2003 appears not to be an exception. The ongoing political crisis in Anambra State has so far raised question on the transparency of the 2003 General elections which the opposition and critics qualify as a Monumental Fraud and a Legitimating of the People’s Disempowerment. The case of

Anambra state is one instance. Trapped between calls for trial on charges of treason and possible conviction, members of Chris Uba’s faction, threatened that if they are not freed of any complicity in the abduction saga, that they will open up and reveal how the 2003 election was contested and won by his party, the ruling PDP in Anambra State. It is the position of this paper that this threat may have contributed to the way and manner in which the PDP and Presidency has handled the matter so far.

Esele Chris Uba, a brother in law to the President’s wife, Lady Stella Obasanjo, is reputed to have spent about a billion naira ($7.6 million USD) to ensure that both Obasanjo and the PDP swept Anambra during the 2003 general election in Nigeria. Uba even boasted openly that he had made history by single handedly producing the three senators from the state, all members of the Federal House of Representative from the state, all but one of the 30 members of the state House of Assembly, plus the state governor and his former deputy. ( Africa Today , February 2005: p. 1) Insisting that he is not a Father

Christmas, Esele Chris Uba vowed to unseat Ngige for his refusal to pay a whooping N3 billion Naira (about $22.8 million USD) as election expenses.( This Day, January 7, 2004: p. 4)

As such while Dr. Chris Ngige remains the Governor, the case of electoral malpractice against the PDP instituted by Peter Obi, the All Progressive Grand Alliance

(APGA) gubernatorial candidate in Anambra State is still at the electoral tribunal and may be the last joker of opponents of Governor Ngige (within the PDP) when they may have exhausted other antics at removing the Governor.

While reading the verdict of the PDP National Working Committee (NWC) set up to investigate the abduction episode in Anambra State, the party’s National Chairman, Chief

Audu Ogbeh observed that the entire atmosphere surrounding the incident smells of a well hatched conspiracy. For him, the speed with which the AIG arrived in Awka without the knowledge of the local Anambra

State Commissioner of Police or the State Director of the State Security Service (SSS); the speed with which the Speaker, the House and the Deputy Governor moved within 12 hours to accept the ‘letter of resignation’ and urged the Anambra Chief Judge to swear in the deputy; the rush to broadcast, all have the elements of a coup which fortunately failed

(This Day , August 19, 2005: p. 5).

Commenting on the role of Governor Ngige, Chief Ogbeh regretted that either by negligence or by careless unawareness of the enormity of his place and power as governor, he allowed himself to become a virtual slave at the hands of manipulators and a willing complaint to evil happening, even when these were clearly detrimental to his own and his office well being and indeed that of the state and the nation.

Yet, the PDP tagged this evident rape of democracy, A Family Affair. Who knows what the party will come up with if tomorrow, another cohort within the party kidnaps the

President? Maybe, a Bedroom Affair, this time. In all the PDP initially expelled the culprits from the party, especially Chris Uba, Chuma Nzeribe, Obi Okoye, Ikechukwu Abana, and

Okechukwu Odunze and later recalled them. Governor Ngige was advised to strengthen

his hold on his state and recognise that he is the captain of the ship. It has however been reasoned that the expulsion of Chris Uba and his cohorts seems a deliberate ploy of the

PDP to appease enraged public opinion so as to recall them when public nerves has calmed down. Today, Governor Ngige has been expelled from the party. What a noble way to uphold democracy.

The role of the Nigerian Police in the whole episode stands significant. It raises questions of national security on the one hand, while stimulating the demand for state police on the other. First, it must be realised that the abduction of Governor Ngige was perfected by some men of the Nigerian police, led by Assistant Inspector General (AIG) of

Police, Raphael Ige. It is interesting to note that AIG Ige was sent on summary dismissal after the police authorities denied involvement. The question now is what happened to other men and officers involved in the episode?

It is also thought provoking that the then Inspector General of Police, Tafa Balogun, founds it easy to attach men of the mobile police to guard Esele Chris Uba, a young business man, while it is a federal policy that top ranking public officers like Judges should be stripped of their police orderlies. Yet, it is even more thought provoking that the then

Inspector General, acting on a court ruling of questionable jurisdiction found it easier to withdraw the policemen attached to guard the Anambra State Government House, and by extension the State Governor, than to effect the arrest of Esele Chris Uba as ruled by an

Awka Magistrate Court of competent jurisdiction in compliance with the verdict. Yet and equally thought provoking is the fact that the Nigerian police force which has attained global certification for competence in international peace keeping and which has often been used to quell ethnic agitations in the Niger delta was unable to prevent the political

brigandage that wrought mayhem in Anambra in November 2004 despite adequate security alert from the SSS.

The unfolding drama adds another plus to the agitations for state police. This even becomes more pronounced with the increase in wave of violent crimes, political assassination and recurring incidence of attacks on elected governors. It is of note here that the military with particular reference to the army, navy and air force has exercised severe restraints to intervene. This is quite remarkable but the position of the military should not be taken for license since military intervention usually occur against a background of political pathologies and socio economic anxieties now evident in Nigeria.

Legislature

The role of the legislative arm of government at both the national and Anambra state levels has been a case of mixed spices. It is on record that while the National

Assembly went out in theory to condemn the abduction saga, there was attempt on the floor of the Senate to deliberate on a bill that will encourage the declaration of a state of emergency in Anambra state with an aim of removing Governor Ngige. But for the likes of

Comrade (now Senator) Uche Chukwumerije, who were vehemently opposed to the move,

Senator Arthur Nzeribe and his co-marksmen of the executive may have succeeded. This action goes further to give credibility to the allegations of federal government complicity in the so called Orders from Above.

The Anambra state House of Assembly on its part also demonstrated initial legislative ineptitude and conspiracy in the attempted putsch. For instance, the then speaker of the House, Honourable Eucharia Anozodo, together with the members of the

House, accepted the purported resignation of Governor Ngige and without caution,

mounted pressure on the state Chief Judge, Chief U.N. Udechukwu to swear in Dr. Okey

Udeh, (the then, but now impeached Deputy Governor) of the state – as Governor while the where about of Governor Ngige was still unknown. Though the Honourable members later retracted their actions after the successful triumph of Governor Ngige, claiming that they were misled into taking presumptive actions by the Speaker and members of Chris

Uba’s faction, their initial collaboration with the coupists, still leaves much to be desired from an elected legislative body in a supposed growing democracy.

The Judiciary.This is another institution for the consolidation of democracy. It is important to note that there is no better test of the excellence of a government than the efficiency of its judicial system. This is because the citizenry feel secure with the awareness that he can rely on the certain, prompt and impartial administration of justice.

Bearing this in mind, one will be at a loss at the role of the Nigerian Judiciary in the

Anambra State crisis. For instance, the unpopular verdict passed by an Enugu State High

Court presided over by Justice Stanley Nnaji over a case of human right violation instituted by one Nelson Achuku (a suspended member of Anambra State House of Assembly) against the Governor on January 2, 2004, during the courts vacation, is not only seen as an a re-enactment of July 2003 ruling of an Abuja Federal High Court presided over by

Justice Wilson Eboh Eboh which has been generally conceived as an evidence of judicial complicity in the whole episode, but it is also a violation of Section 308, subsection 1, of the 1999 Constitution(Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999) of Federal Republic of Nigeria which grants immunity against civil or criminal proceedings to a Governor in any court in

Nigeria while in office. It is even more embarrassing to hear Justice Eboh Eboh retracting a judgment he signed and made public on the guise that the Court Registrar misrepresented

his verdict. Could this be a second thought in response to public uproar to the judicial embarrassment?

The conduct of the judiciary in the Anambra episode also gives credence to the so called orders from above. This becomes obvious when one reflects that Chapter 7, of the

1999 Constitution locates the recommendation for the appointment and promotion of judges throughout the country in the National Judicial Council (NJC) which is a federal executive body established under Section 153 subsection 1(i) of the said document. To this effect, the complicity of Judges at both the state and Federal levels may be in response to anticipated elevation to higher national offices like the Supreme Court, when they play ball or for some anticipated financial gains in a society that attach high premium to materialism.

Dr Ngige was removed in March 2006 when Mr. Peter Obi of APGA dragged him to court on charges of electoral malpractice. The Court of Appeal in Enugu asserted that his election victory in 2003 was fraudulent and ordered him to leave the seat ( The

Guardian , Thursday, March 16, 2006).

Peter Obi was in turn ousted by a faction of the Anambra State House of Assembly on November 2, 2006 and replaced by Virginia Etiaba , his deputy. On February 9, 2007

Mrs. Etiaba handed power back to Obi after the Court of Appeal had nullified Obi's removal ( Nigerian Tribune , Saturday, February 10, 2007). On April 14, 2007, Mr. Andy

Uba of PDP was "elected" the new governor of the state and, on May 29, was sworn in as the new governor. The election was reported to be massively rigged and was disapproved all over the country. On June 14, 2007 the Supreme Court of Nigeria removed Mr. Andy

Uba from office and replaced him with his predecessor Peter Obi , on the ground that Peter

Obi's tenure had not ended, therefore there was no vacancy in the governorship.

(http://www.itu.int/osg/csd/wtpf/wtpf2009/bios/Ndukwe.html )

On Saturday, 6th February 2010, Peter Obi was re-elected governor for a second term of four years, after a hot contest with Dr. Chris Ngige , a former governor of the state;

Prof. Charles Soludo , a former governor of the Central Bank of Nigeria and Mr. Andy Uba who was a strong voice in the state's politics. Other contenders included Mrs Uche

Ekwunife, Prince Nicholas Ukachukwu and many others. Altogether, there were twenty-five contestants for the office. Mr. Peter Obi was named the winner of the election, with more than 30% votes above the immediate runner-up. The table below shows the list of

Anambra state administrators and Governors.

Table showing list of administrators and governors of Anambra State till date.

Took Left Name Title Party Notes Office Office John Atom Governor March July 1978 Military Kpera 1976 Col. Datti Governor July 1978 October Military Sadiq 1979 Abubakar Jim Nwobodo Governor October October NPP 1979 1983 Christian Governor October December NPN Onoh 1983 1983 Allison Governor January August Military Madueke 1984 1985 Samson Governor August December Military Omeruah 1985 1987 Robert Governor December August Military

Akonobi 1987 1990 Herbert Eze Governor August January Military 1990 1992 Joseph Abulu Administrator 27 August January Military 1991 1992 Chukwuemeka Governor 2 January 17 SDP Ezeife 1992 November 1993 Dabo Aliyu Acting November December Police Administrator 1993 1993 Mike Attah Administrator 9 21 August Military December 1996 1993 Rufai Garba Administrator 21 August 6 August Military 1996 1998 Emmanuel Administrator 6 August 29 May Military Ukaegbu 1998 1999 Chinwoke Governor 29 May 29 May PDP Mbadinuju 1999 2003 Chris Ngige Governor 29 May 17 March PDP 2003 2006 Peter Obi Governor 17 March 3 APGA 2006 November 2006 Virginia Etiaba Governor 3 9 APGA Appointed when the previous November February governor, Peter Obi, was 2006 2007 impeached by the state legislature for alleged gross misconduct. She transferred her powers back to Peter Obi three months later when an appeal court nullified the impeachment. Peter Obi Governor 9 Present APGA February 2007

Source : Wikipedia free encyclopedia

CHAPTER THREE

PUBLIC MANAGEMENT AND GOVERNANCE IN ANAMBRA STATE

3.1 Public Service Delivery

The public service remains very critical and crucial to national development and democratic stability in developing societies. While years of military rule and authoritarian regimes in most developing societies have impacted negative political culture on the character and philosophy of the service, yet, its roles in national development cannot be undervalued. However, since military regimes and other authoritarian regimes have lost their appeal in modern government the need to reform public service to be in tune with democratic values becomes highly imperative. There is no gainsaying that the public service plays critical role in galvanising the nation and its resources to development. An efficient public service acts as catalyst in the development of nations. While on the other hand, its inefficiency can constitute as one of the heaviest millstones round the neck of developing nations (Bonnie and Kehinde, 2007).

Therefore, it is important to note that the public service must be efficient to service the newly found democratic project for stability and survival of the polity. Since it is the vehicle and machinery of public policy formulation and implementation, the service has a very critical role to play. It is also worthy to note that democracy with its attractive valves will enhance the workings of the public service and redefine, re-orientate and reposition it to be more effective, mobile and productive partner in national reconstruction agenda.

Public service must be a partner in reform driving which is imperative for democratic survival.

Anambra is arguably the most cosmopolitan of southeastern states, and represents a strategic access to the southeast of Nigeria from the River Niger end. The state has a history of leadership in the area of commerce with towns like Onitsha and Nnewi being major centers for entrepreneurial activities. The current Anambra state emerged from the restructuring of the old one following the states creation exercise in 1991. Anambra State has one of the highest levels of manpower resource and the lowest level of poverty incidence in the southeast. Despite its endowments, Anambra State has had a disproportionate share of the socioeconomic and political crises that have characterized

Nigeria's history as a nation.

Apart from the general neglect and mismanagement that characterized military governance in Nigeria, the even more appalling corruption and mismanagement of successive civilian administrations in the state; armed conflict in some parts of the state notably, Aguleri and Umuleri; protracted industrial unrest and labour problems; and more recently, unprecedented forms of political instability and tension, have had devastating effect on the state. Expectedly, these years of crises were not without adverse effects on socio-economic development and livelihood in the state. The incidence of poverty increased from 32.2% in 1996 (poverty profile for Nigeria 1988) to 53.5% in 2003

(Anambra UNDP office), enrolment in public schools, (especially in secondary schools) stagnated in 2002. Literacy for individuals 15 years and above 73.6% in 1999

(FOSIUNICEF 2000) is believed to have stagnated. Reports show that the proportion of individuals with access to safe drinking water declined from 49.8 (FOS, UNICEF 2000) to

49% between 1999 and 2003 due mainly to the near total collapse of public water facilities in major towns like Onitsha. Similarly percentage of total population with sanitary means of

excreta disposal which stool at 85.5% in 1999 (FOS, UNICEF 2000) is now said to be 49%

(Anambra WES). Even though there is insufficient data to evaluate the trend in state GDP within the period, there was noticeable decline in average household income.

Paradoxically, despite the decline in most of the social indicators, the near-neglect of infrastructural development, and increase in both state revenue allocation and internally and generated revenue; available data indicate that Public debt profile grew astronomically, with internal debts reaching over one billion Naira by 2003. It is sad therefore that in spite of the comparative advantage of the state in terms of internally generated revenue and high level of manpower capacity, it is still weighed down by socio- political and economic crises.

3.1.1 Situation of Children and Women in Anambra State

Like in most other parts of the country, children and women have been among the

Principal victims of these combined, economic, social and political crises in the state.

Available reports indicate that even though efforts have been made to improve the general condition of children and women since the creation of the state, these efforts do not seem to be having significant impact. For instance, infant mortality and under five mortality which was 6911000 and 12611000 respectively in 1999 are believed to be currently worse.

Likewise Anambra women still face high risks in pregnancy or during delivery due mainly to the decay of public sources of medicare and the high cost of medicare from private sources. The maternal mortality ratio is still about 100 times higher than in the industrialized nations. Current and concrete data on the incidence of malaria, contraceptive use, birth registration, and growth status of children in the state were not

available. 1999 figures however indicate that 17.1% and 4.1% of U5 children in the state were moderately and severely underweight respectively (FOSAJNICEF 2000).

Indeed most social indicators show that not only is there lack of progress in terms of enhancing the status of children and women in Anambra but that there may be in fact a declining trend in some of the areas. For example, in spite of the UBE scheme, available data indicate that primary school attendance in 2003 is considerably worse than in 1999.

Primary school completion is equally declining. The declining trend of completion rate is partly due to the rising incidence of poverty in the country resulting in high opportunity cost for education and high drop-out rates. There were also prolonged strikes by - - teachers in the public schools on account of non-payment of salaries and generally poor conditions of service. Vaccination coverage rates and adult literacy rates are all considerably worse than in 1999. The current situation of children and women in Anambra has largely been shaped by structural factors that have impeded development in the entire nation and by unique historical, governance and economic issues in the state.

Table 3.1.1 : Showing percentage of Children of primary School age attending

Primary School at Anambra 1999-2003

Year % of Children 6-11

yrs

Male Female Total

1999 82.7 84.5 83.70

2003 40.0 40.1 40.05

Compiled from FOS/UNICEF 2003

Table 3.1.2: Primary School Completion rate in Anambra State

1999 2003

Male Female Total

70.3% 56% 64% 60%

MIC of 10-15 Yrs Olds who reached grade 5

Table 3.1.3: Weight of Infants at Birth in Anambra State 2003

Clases <2500grams >2500grams

Pretern 39 __

Others (Male) 718 2846

Others (female) 987 2479

Total 1744 (24%) 5322(75%)

Compiled from Anambra NHMIS 2003

Table 3.1.4: Health Problems involving <5 children as a proportion of all cases 2033 SN Health Children<5 yrs Total cases %

Problems

1 Measles 440 677 65

2 Malaria 11744 26322 45

3 Diarrhoea 2263 3740 61

4 Malnutrition 402 782 57

5 Accident 304 1085 28

6 Pneumonia `1625 2610 62

7 Other 6734 18971 55

Ailments

Source: Anambra State Ministry of Health.

Still on the issue of women and children we have as follows:

Population under 5: 532,5 14.

Population Aged 5: 10,258

Population 6-1 1: 727,095

Population 12 - 18: 773,228.

Population 18+: 1,868,157

Infant Mortality Rate: 7311000 (mics)

U5MR: 13811000

MMR: 28011 00,000

Infant: 52.92% lT, Last Pregnancy: 19%

Ratio of health facility population: 1:1426

Malnutrition Rate

Under 1: 15.7%

Under 5; 1 - 4 years: 25.9%

Access to Safe Water: 49.8%

Access to Sanitary Latrines: 85.5%

Source: Anambra State Economic Empowerment and development Strategy (SEEDS).

3.2 Anambra State and the Environment

Over 70% of the land of Anambra State, with its fragile geology, is presently being ravaged or threatened by erosion at various levels of development, and stages of maturity.

Over 20% of the land has been lost to gullies. Furthermore, complex network of gullies are

now advancing towards the highlands. The rest of the land are hazarded by massive sheet, real and channel erosion in various directions. Landslides are of common occurrence particularly during the rains. Extensive gully erosion and mass wasting are exacerbated by large scale and rains. Extensive gully erosion and mass wasting are exacerbated by large scale and wide spread flooding and sheet outwash which is common phenomena during the rainy season.

Major flood disasters accompanies by erosion, gulling and landslide are of regular occurrence. These devastating events have kept the citizens of the State in a state of continuous concern and fear and dismay all the year round. There are about 500 erosion sites in Anambra State. The results of direct and indirect transfer of technology and modern living standards in Anambra State, and population explosion with its attendance effect have taking their toll. Municipal Solid Waster (MSW) more commonly known as trash or garbage - consists of every day items such as product packaging, grass clippings, furniture, clothing, bottles, food scraps, newspapers, appliances, paint, and batteries, etc.

In 2001, Nigerian residents, businesses, and institutions produced more than 88 million tons of MSW, which is approximately 4.4 pounds of waste per person per day, up from 2.7 pounds per person per day in 1960. Several MSW management practices, such as source reduction, recycling, and composting, prevent or divert materials from the waste stream. Source reduction involves altering the design, manufacture, or use of products and materials to reduce the amount and toxicity of what gets thrown away. Recycling diverts items, such as paper, glass, plastic, and metals, from the waste stream. These materials are sorted, collected, and processed and then manufactured, sold, and bought as new products. Compositing decomposes organic waste, such as food scraps and yard

trimmings, with microorganisms (mainly bacterial and fungi), producing a humus-like substance (Anambra SEEDS).

FEPA has ranked the most environmentally sound strategies for MSW. Source reduction (including reuse) is the most preferred method, followed by recycling and composting, and, lastly, disposal in combustion facilities ad landfills. Currently, in Anambra

State less than 5 percent is recovered and recycled or composted, 55 percent is burned at combustion facilities, and the remaining 40 percent is disposed of in landfills.

Environmental problems such grow in number every day. Such problems are a legacy of many years of carelessness and disrespect for the environment and are a result of the sudden upsurge in human population in the last two centuries (Anambra SEEDS)

Every year, Anambra State generates approximately 0.12 million tons of "trash",

Less than 10% of it is recycles the rest is either incinerated or buried in landfills. With a little forethought industrialists could reuse or recycle more than 70% of the land filled waste, which include valuable materials such as glass, metal and paper. This would reduce the demand on virgin sources of these materials and eliminate potentially severe environment, economic and public health problems. About 86% of landfills in Anambra

State are leaking toxic materials into rivers, streams and aquifers. Once ground water is contaminated, it is extremely expensive and difficult, sometimes even impossible to clean it up.

Despite best efforts data shows that pollution and waste are growing at or above the rate of population and economic growth in Anambra State. Government contributes to these concerns as they are major purchases of goods and services, are major developers,

greatly influence the way Anambra communities and the economy grow, and generate significant waste and pollution.

A recent survey conducted for the State Ministry of Environment and forestry reveal that only little above 15% of the 187 industrialists surveyed had any knowledge of what

Environmental Management Systems, Environmental Impact Assessments, Occupational

Safety Standards and Environmental Audits were all about. Regarding environmental protection, almost all opined that ANSEPA should be held responsible. Some of these industrialists are those concerned with food, petrochemicals, plastics and batteries. Little wonder that fish merchants interviewed in Onitsha confirmed the scarcity of fish and the attendant rise in prices. The reasons they say is that marine life is facing extinction because of dangerous effluents that are steadily being discharged into the River Nigeria with impunity. The fish that manage to survive end up in our diets causing illness and death (Anambra SEEDS).

In Anambra State, domestic and industrial waste water goes directly into major water bodies without treatment. Hazardous chemicals used in the home and industries sometimes find their way into the aquatic environment, causing damage to the ecosystem and contaminating drinking water supplies. For example, Onitsha, (population of about 1 million) has no waste water treatment plant. All waste water is dumped in the river Nigeria.

Hazardous chemical wastes from industrial sources are often dumped onto poorly prepared and managed landfill sites with little or no separation of toxic wastes. This frequently results in contamination of drinking water, soil and air. Disposal of liquid wastes such as dyes is also a particular problem in the State. Chemical substances are every where in the environment, and just like plants or water, chemicals occur naturally in the

environment. All matter is composed of chemicals, including our food, drinks, clothing, medicines, plants and even ourselves. Although it is often thought that if a chemical is present "naturally" in the environment it is harmless, this is sometimes not the case.

IN fact, many natural chemicals, or derivatives of those chemicals, can be just at toxic to humans and the environment as man-made (synthetic) chemicals like pesticides, therapeutic drugs, and the solvents we use in industry. Nature is capable of producing a vast array of toxic chemicals.

CHAPTER FOUR

GOVERNANCE AND HUMAN SECURITY IN ANAMBRA STATE

4.1 Governance and Insecurity in Anambra State

According to UNO Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation of Extra- legal, Arbitrary and Summary Execution, “Governments shall prohibit by law all extra-legal, arbitrary and summary executions and shall ensure that any such executions are recognized as offences under their criminal laws, and punishable by appropriate penalties which take into account the seriousness of such offences. Exceptional circumstances including a state of war or threat of war, internal political instability or any other public emergency may not be invoked as justification of such executions. Such executions shall not be carried out under any circumstances including, but not limited to, situations of internal armed conflicts, excessive or illegal use of force by public official or other person acting in an official capacity or a person acting at the instigation or with the consent or acquiescence of such person, and situations in which deaths occur in custody. This prohibition shall prevail over decrees issued by governmental authority” Torture and Extra- judicial killing are in the same category with capital punishment or death penalty. The universal concerns trailing these triple tragedies have been thunderous. While capital punishment is anachronistic judicial sanction, which has been outlawed in well over hundred countries, torture, both mental and physical, is a heinously degrading treatment, which has been widespread in many countries, including Nigeria.

Also, in Nigeria, extra-judicial killing causalities have far more outweighed the statistics of capital punishment. In the area of torture, State actors (members of armed forces) and non-State actors (individuals) are involved. In the area of extra-judicial killing,

only State-actors are involved. It simply means killing by a law enforcement agent, of a citizen outside the process of law. While China and Iran are ranked as the world leading death-penalty countries, Nigeria, a death-penalty country, is the world leading torture and extrajudicial killing country. It is believed that between 1999 (September) and

2002(September), about five thousand citizens were killed extra-judicially by the OTA

(Onuicha Traders Association) and the Bakassi Boys. Thousands of innocent citizens were also reportedly tortured by same. Those killed or tortured were reportedly accused falsely.

Crimes of rape, abduction, burglary, armed robbery,etc leveled against those vigilante operatives also reportedly took place (Umeagbalasi, 2009).

Despite the fact that Chapter Four of the Constitution of Nigeria, 1999, outlaws torture and extra-judicial killings (see sections 33 and 34), no existing criminal code, penal code, criminal law and their procedures have expressly criminalized them (torture and unlawful killing). Offences are classified in these laws in the forms of felony, misdemeanor and simple offences, but in practice, victims are generally treated as felons, which usually result to torture, extra-judicial killing, extortion, etc. In most cases, simple offences’ suspects are labeled felons and are murderously tortured so as to be intimidated and extorted.

These are horrible situations, which Anambra State had undergone and still to some extent undergo. Anambra State is blessed with 4,816 square kilometers of land mass. It is a trade-prone society and one of the leading commercial States in Nigeria. It is highly urbanized and has over 200 known markets with over 400 branches of the nation’s 24 existing banks. In the area of telecommunications, there are hundreds of telecom masses

(GLOBACOM has 78 alone).

Traders constitute about 70 percent of Anambra’s adult population. The State hosts all manners of characters from Ebonyi, Enugu,Imo, Abia, Delta, Edo States etc. It is second to Lagos State in terms of hosting people from different States of origin who reside in same. Seventy-five percent of the male population, between the ages of 18 and 65, who trade in the State, did not go beyond primary school level. Twenty percent did not go beyond secondary school level and less than five percent have tertiary education or are in the process of having same. There is high rate of literacy among Anambra’s adult females, but such intellectual know-how is substantially embedded in their paper certificates and not in their brains. Anambra State is also home to bricklayers, carpenters, road side mechanics, vulcanizers, men and women petty traders, commercial motorcycle riders, commercial vehicular drivers, etc. The States has a high concentration of commercial motorcycles. With these on the ground, there are high incidences of crimes and commission of crimes. Celebration of criminality and naira and kobo is substantially the order of the day in the State. Value system is on the decline and social and political consciousnesses are substantially absent. Mass ignorance is on the increase, and corruption is also high among these populations.

These are in-spite of the dogged efforts of Governor Peter Obi to return the State and her people to our rich value system of the past. These make the State prone to institutionalized or entrenched culture of torture and extra-judicial killing. There are 177 communities’ armed vigilante groups for Anambra’s 177 communities. There are over 200 armed vigilante groups for over 200 markets in the State and hundreds of other armed vigilante groups for Anambra’s urban residences. These thousands of vigilante operatives, are made only to pass through the process of musketry (knowledge of handling arms, etc),

with zero strict code of conduct to tame their excesses. As a result, it may be safe to say that three, out of every four suspects, arrested by them, are tortured, both physically and psychologically and four, out of every six suspects, arrested by them, for alleged stealing or armed robbery, are severely tortured and killed extra-judicially, except in rare circumstances, where police intervened. In such situations, the police take such severely tortured suspects and “waste” them, instead of taking them to hospital for medication. In the periods between 1999 and 2002, OTA and Bakassi Boys’ vigilante groups reigned in the State. About five thousand citizens were reportedly butchered and thousands of other citizens tortured (Umeagbalasi, 2009).

The law establishing Bakassi Boys (AVS Law No. 9 of 2000) was observed in a serious breach. The present Vigilante Service Law ( AVS Law of December 2007), though anachronistic, bars all vigilante groups operating in the State, from maintaining detention centers, torturing and killing their suspects, engaging in civil matters, etc, but these provisions only exist on paper and not in practice. The said law contains some contentious provisions, which are inconsistent with Federal criminal laws and the 1999 Constitution, which might have explained why Governor Peter Obi refused to sign same into law.

The House passed it after mandatory thirty days in accordance with Section 100(5) of the 1999 Constitution. In the area of Anambra State Police Command, incidences of torture and extra-judicial killing are very high. It is generally believed that three, out of every five arrested armed robbery suspects are tortured and killed extra-judicially.

Sometimes, innocent citizens are arrested on their ways to lawful businesses, accused of simple criminal offences, asked to pay huge sums of money, and when they are unable to pay, they will be labelled “armed robbers” and transferred to the SARS offices for severe

torture and possibly killed extrajudicially. Suspects, who are held in SARS cells are routinely brought out and shot dead. Some innocent citizens are also killed extra-judicially on our roads by extortionist police officers. Critics and political opponents of the then

Government of Anambra State were also targeted. Some were falsely accused and killed extra-judicially, while others narrowly escaped being murdered. Those prominent citizens who were tortured and killed extra-judicially are the following: Mr. Chuma Onwuazo (April

2000), Comrade Bonaventure Egbuawa(July 2000), Honourable Ifeanyi Ibegbu (attempted murder)(August 2000), Prophet Edward Okeke (November 2000),Chief Ezeodimegwu

Okeke (February 2001), Okechukwu Nwagboo (February 2001),Chief Rockfeller Okeke

(April 2001), Felix Ikebude (December 2001), Mrs. Ngozi Oranu (November 2001), Chief

Sunday Uzokwe (January 2002), Mr. O. Odigwe(August 2002), and Barristers Barnabas and Amaka Igwe (September 2002). These prominent citizens were butchered through the instrumentalities of the OTA and the Bakassi Boys Vigilante Groups. Till date, their killers are on the prowl.

The State Police Command is also guilty of torture and extra-judicial killing. On 4 th day of November 2004, Comrade Ifeanyi Onuchukwu of the Humane Justice, Nnewi,

Anambra State, was arrested, via SSS invitation, for organizing a eaceful protest against the ill-conduct of a sanitation body, working for the then government of Anambra State. He was labeled “armed robber” and dumped at the CPS, Oka office of the SARS. He was brought to the dreaded station in the morning and in the evening, between 7:15 pm and

8.00 pm, he saw when and how twenty detainees were brought out from the SARS cell, lined up and slaughtered by the SARS operatives. Eyewitnesses’ accounts alleged that their remains were conveyed in a police van and dumped somewhere around Agu-Oka.

Comrade Onuchukwu, who disguised himself, managed to get the identities of the slaughtered from a fellow detainee, whom one of the police officers gave a piece of paper to compile their names but forgot to recover same before they were slaughtered.

He gave the following names and their States of origin: Samuel Odoh (Enugu),

Ofodike Odoh (Enugu), Chibueze Ugwueke (Ebonyi), Ugochukwu Okonkwo (Abagana-

Anambra),Chizoba Mbaebie (Mba-ukwu-Anambra),Ifeanyi Nwafunanya (Oka-

Anambra),Ugochukwu Anakwe(Nibo- Anambra), Ifeanyi Izueke (Enugu), Ekene Ejike

(Oba- Anambra), Chinedu Okoro (Enugu), Uche Ubaka (Oka – Anambra), Charles,

Onyeabo Anaekwe (Onuicha- Anambra), Leonard Obasi (Ugwuoba- Enugu ), Emeka

Ofoke (Ebonyi), Chibuzo Asouzu (Agulu- Anambra), Obiajuru (Osamala- Anambra) and

Ugo Nwaude (Enugu). Comrade Ifeanyi Onuchukwu was held till 19 th day of November

2004, when Barrister Chuka, obele-chuka secured his bail.

Comrade Onuchukwu also reported that five more suspects were killed extra- judicially some days later. After the last quarter of the 2008 bullion van robbery at Oka-uzu, near Oka, Anambra State, it was alleged that the SARS operatives at the SARS office at

Oka-uzu brought out some of those being held in their cell and slaughtered them “in anger”. Instances of the foregoing are too numerous to be mentioned. Even when the police investigators came from Abuja, they could not lay hands on any register containing the names of slaughtered detainees. Of course, the said investigation ended shoddily.

Extra- judicial killing and torture are indeed, a fact not only in the Nigerian State of

Anambra, but also in Nigeria as a whole (Odumga).

4.2. Poverty Situation in Anambra

Despite the number of poverty schemes of government and the extensive support of international community in general and the United Nations agencies in particular, the poverty situation in Nigeria has become worse since the 1990s moving from a 1992 level of 42.7% to 65.5% of the population in 1996 and over 70% by 2002. Although the picture is better in the southeast than elsewhere in the country, many households in Anambra state do not earn enough income to meet their basic human needs. With a prevalence rate of

53.5% in Anambra state by 2002 estimates, the highest level of poverty include rural households and people in the following sectors or occupations: - agriculture, trading, production, transportation, clerical and related positions. Low level of education of the household heads and large family size are associated with increased prevalence of poverty in the state.

The gender dimension of poverty in Anambra state is a serious problem, although available data do not show a higher prevalence of poverty in female headed households.

The subordinate status of females who are mostly petty traders and their limited access to employment opportunities, credit facilities, agricultural lands, and other resources are factors that contribute to increased pauperization of women in the state. Similarly, female- headed households such as those headed by widows, infertile women, unmarried mothers and mothers with only female children are particularly vulnerable to extreme poverty. An important characteristic of the poor in the state is that they tend to be more concentrated in communities that are usually cut off from the benefits of development, by the absence of social amenities, access roads and other facilities. The sublime attention given to basic social services, health education etc, has tended to increase the burned of the poor who is

left without much survival options. Anambra state government has recently introduced a number of initiatives to address poverty situation and these can be complimented by donors ( Anambra SEEDS).

CHAPTER FIVE SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

5.1 Summary and Conclusion The central objective of this study abinitio is to First, analyze the implications of poor performance on the delivery of basic services to the people of Anambra state and Second, to determine the relative extent to which poor performance of Nigerian governments contributes to the low level of human security in Nigeria. After a critical analysis of available data and literature, the study revealed as follows:

1. That Anambra state within the period under review has been a victim of poor

service delivery. This is more disheartening we one looks at the situation of

children and women in the state. For instance, available reports indicate that

even though efforts have been made to improve the general condition of children

and women since the creation of the state, these efforts do not seem to be

having significant impact. For instance, infant mortality and under five mortality

which was 6911000 and 12611000 respectively in 1999 are believed to be

currently worse. Likewise Anambra women still face high risks in pregnancy or

during delivery due mainly to the decay of public sources of medicare and the

high cost of medicare from private sources. The maternal mortality ratio is still

about 100 times higher than in the industrialized nations.1999 figures however

indicate that 17.1% and 4.1% of U5 children in the state were moderately and

severely underweight respectively.

2. We further revealed that most social indicators show that not only is there lack

of progress in terms of enhancing the status of children and women in Anambra

but that there may be in fact a declining trend in some of the areas. For

100

example, in spite of the UBE scheme, available data indicate that primary school

attendance in 2003 is considerably worse than in 1999. Primary school

completion is equally declining. The declining trend of completion rate is partly

due to the rising incidence of poverty in the country resulting in high opportunity

cost for education and high drop-out rates.

3. The study showed that there were also prolonged strikes by - - teachers in the

public schools on account of non-payment of salaries and generally poor

conditions of service. Vaccination coverage rates and adult literacy rates are all

considerably worse than in 1999. The current situation of children and women in

Anambra has largely been shaped by structural factors that have impeded

development in the entire nation and by unique historical, governance and

economic issues in the state.

4. We further revealed that within the period under review that Anambra witnessed

the worst form of insecurity. It is believed that between 1999 (September) and

2002(September), about five thousand citizens were killed extra-judicially by the

OTA (Onuicha Traders Association) and the Bakassi Boys. Thousands of

innocent citizens were also reportedly tortured by same. Those killed or tortured

were reportedly accused falsely. Crimes of rape, abduction, burglary, armed

robbery, etc leveled against them.

5. We showed that with a prevalence rate of 53.5% in Anambra state by 2002

estimates, the highest level of poverty include rural households and people in

the following sectors or occupations: - agriculture, trading, production,

transportation, clerical and related positions. Low level of education of the

101

household heads and large family size are associated with increased prevalence

of poverty in the state. The gender dimension of poverty in Anambra state is a

serious problem, although available data do not show a higher prevalence of

poverty in female headed households. The subordinate status of females who

are mostly petty traders and their limited access to employment opportunities,

credit facilities, agricultural lands, and other resources are factors that contribute

to increased pauperization of women in the state.

In the final analysis, it is our firm believe that in spite of the sordid situation in

Anambra state, that all hope is not lost. The government of Peter Obi having not been apparently tied to the apron string of any godfather can make the people of Anambra smile again.

102

BIBLIOGRAPHY BOOKS Adebayo, A. (1986), Power in Politics, Ibadan: Spectrum Books Limited.

Ademolekan, L and Gboyega, A. (1979) ed. Leading Issues in Nigeria Public Service Ile- Ife: University of Ife Press.

Agranoff, R. J. (1985), Intergovernmental Management: Human Services, Problem-Solving in Six Metropolitans Areas, Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Ake, C. (1996), Is Africa Democratizing? CASS Monograph No. 5. Lagos: Centre for Advanced Social Sciences.

Ake, C. (1989), “ How Politics Under Develops Africa” in J. Ihonbvere (ed), The Political Economy of Crisis and Underdevelopment in Africa: Selected Works of Clande Ake, Lagos: Jad Publishers.

Albert, I. O (1994), “Urban Violence in Contemporary Africa: Some Theoretical Explorations”, in Albert, I. O. et al (eds), Urban Management and Urban Violence in Africa, Ibadan: IFRA.

Anikpo, M. (1991), State Formation in Pre-Colonial African: Analysis of Long Distance Trade and Surphus Accumulation in South Eastern Nigeria, Port Harcourt: Pam Unique.

Axelrod, R. (1984), The Evolution of Cooperation, New York: Basic Books.

Bakoje, M. A. (2005), “Military Professionalism and Conflict Management in Nigeria: A Case Study of Tiv-Jukun Conflict Since 1980”, in A.M. Yakubu, R. T. Adegboye, C. N. Ubah and B, Dogo (eds.) Crisis and conflict Management in Nigeria Since 1980, Vol. 2 Governance and Conflict management, Nigeria Defence Academy Book Series No. 1.

Berbeshkina, Z., Yakovleva, L. and Zerkin, D. (1985), What is Historical Materialism? Moscow: Progress Publishers.

Becht, Marco, Patrick Bolton, Ailsa Roell, “Xorporate Governance and Control” (October 2002; Updated August 2004). ECGI – Finance Working Paper N. 02/2002. Retrieved From http://ssm.com/abstrct=343461.

Biereenu-Nnabugwu, M. (2004), Fundamentals of Political Inquiry, Enugu: Quintagon Publishers.

Biereenu-Nnabugwu, M. (2006), Methodlogy of Political Inquiry: Issues and Techniques of Research Method in Political Science, Enugu: Quintagon Publishers.

103

Bowman, A and Kearney, R. C. (2002), State and Local Government (5 th edition), Boston: Houghton Mifflin Company.

Castells, M. (2000), The Rise of Networked Society; 2 nd ed. Oxford; Blackwell.

Chabal, P. and Dolz, J. (1999), African Works: Disorder Ad Political Instrument, Oxford: International African Institute & James Currey.

Chambers English Dictionary (1990), Edinburgh: W & R Chambers Ltd.

Cleveland, H. (1972), The Future Executive: A Guide for Tomorrow’s Manager, New York: Harper & Row.

Cilliers, J. (2004), Human Security in Africa: A Conceptual Frameworks for Review, Monograph for the African Human Security Initiative, www.africareview.org.

Cooper, P.H. (2002), Governing by Contract: Challenges and Opportunities for Public Managers, Washington D.C: CQ Press.

Downs, A. (1967), Inside Bureaucracy; Boston: Little, Brown.

Egonmwan, J.A. (2000), Public Policy Analysis: Concepts and Applications, Benin-City: Ressyin Nig. Company.

Eells, R.S.F. (1960), The Meaning of Modern Business: An Introduction to the Philosophy of Large Corporate Enterprise (Columbia Univeristy Press, NY). Retrieved from http://books.goggle.Com/books? Id=xgleAAAIAAJ.&pgis=1.

Elkin, S. L. (1987), City and Regime in American Republic, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

Frederickson, H. G. (2003), The Public Administration Theory Primer; Boulder CO: Westview Press.

Gauba, O.P. (2003), An Introduction to Political Theory (4 th Edition), New Delhi: Macmillan Press.

Haq, K., (1999), “Human Security for Women”. In Tehranian, M. (ed.), Words Apart: Human Security and Global Governance, London, I.B. Tauris Publishers. Haas, P. M. (1990), Saving the Mediterranean: The Politics of International Environmental Cooperation, New York: Columbia University Press.

Hanson, R. (2003), Civic Culture and Urban Change: Governing Dallas, Detroit: Wayne State University Press.

104

Hasenclever, A. Mayer, P. Rittberger, V. (1997), Theories of International Regimes, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Heinrich, C., Lynn, L.E. Jr. (ed.) (2000), Governance and Performance: New Perspectives, Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.

Hirst, P, (2000), “Democracy and Governance”, in J. Pierre (ed.), Debating Governance: Authority, Steering and Democracy, Oxford: Oxford university Press.

Hyden, G. (1999), “Governance and Reconstitution of Political Order”, in R. Joseph (ed.), State Conflict and Democracy in Africa, Bowlde: Lynne Reinner Publishers.

Ifeanacho, M. and Arokoyu, S.B. (1999), “Patriotism and Ethnicity in Nigeria: A Critical Analysis of the role of Leadership in Nigeria in National Development”, in T. Tamuno et al (eds.), Ethnicity Conflict and Development Prospects in Nigeria: A Book of Readings, Owrri: Corporate Impressions.

Igwe, O. (2002), Politics and Globe Dictionary, Enugu: Jamoe Enterprises (nig).

Ikelegbe, A.O. (1996), Public Policy Making and Analysis, Benin-City: Uri Publishing Ltd.

Inoguchi, T. (1996), “Perface”, of the Kentaro, S. and Inoguchi, T. (eds.), Selected Papers Delivered at the United Nations University Global Seminar ’96 Shonan Session, Held between 1-4 Oct. 1996 at Kobe Japan. Retrieved 6 th August, 2008 from http://www.unu.edu/unupress/planet.ht#Human#Human .

Lokibe, M. (1996), “Human and World Security”, in Kentaro, S. and Inoguchi, T. (eds.), Selected Papers Delivered at the United Nations University Global Seminar ’96 Shonan session, held between 1-4 Oct., 1996 at Kobe Japan. Retrieved 6 th August, 2008 from http://www.unu.edu/unupress/planet.ht#Human#Human

Jega, A.M. (1996), “The Political Economy of Nigerian Federalism”. In J.I. Elaigwu and R.A. Akindele (ed.) Foundation of Nigeria Federalism Series: Vol. 3, Abuja: National Council on Intergovernmental Relations.

Jega, A.M. (2003), “The State and Identity Transformation Under Structural Adjustment”, Nigeria, Kano: Nordiska Afrika institute, Uppsala and the Centre for Research and Documentation.

Kernaghan, K. Marson, B. and Borins, S. (2000), The New Public Organization, Toront: Institute of Public Administration of Canada.

Kettl, D. (1993), Sharing Power: Public Governance and Private Markets, Washington DC: Brookings Institution.

Kooiman, J. ed. Modern Governance, London: Sage.

105

Kranser, S. D. ed. (1983), International Regimes, Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.

Lippmann, W. 91943), U.S. Foreign Policy, (Boston,).

Lynn, L. E. ed., Henrich, C. and Hill, C.J. (2001), Improving Governance: A New Logic for Empirical Research, Washington, DC. Georgetown University Press.

Lyonns, W., Lowery, D. and DeHoog, R. H. (1992), The Politics of Dissatisfaction: Citizens, Services, and Urban Institutions, Armonk, NY: Sharpe.

Mahbubul Haq (1994), Human Development Report, United Nations Development Programme, New York: United Nations.

March, J. and Olsen, J.P. (1989), Rediscovering Institutions, New York: The Free Press.

March, J. and Olsen, J.P. (1995), Democratic Governance, New York: The Free Press.

Marx, K. and Engels, F. (1976), “Manifesto of the Communist Party”, in Karl Marx and Fredrick Engels, Collected Works, Vol. 6.

Mbembe, A. (2001), “On Private Indirect Government” in On the Post-Colony, Berkeley: University of California Press.

Mclean, L. and McMillan, A. (eds.) (1996), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics, Oxford university Press.

Mishra, R. (2003), “Tacking Corruption in Public Services: The Prospects for India in the 21 st Century”, in G. Onu (ed.) Corruption and Sustainable Development: The Third World Perspective, Onitsha: Bookpoint Publisher .

Newcomb, T. (1953), “The Interdependence of Social-Psychology Theory and Methods: A Brief Overview”, in L. Festinger and D. Katz (eds.), Research Methods in Behavioural Science, New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston.

Newman, J. (2000), Modernizing Governance, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Niskanen, W. (1971), Bureaucracy and Representative Government, Hawthorne, NY: Aldine de Gruyter.

Nwana, O.C. (1981), Introduction to Educational Research, Ibadan: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd.

Nwnegbo, C. J. (2005a), Internal Conflict African Development: An Overview of Nigerian Situation, Awka: Pond Academic Publishers.

106

Nwanegbo, C. J. (2005b), “Then Against Us: A Critical Appraisal of the Bourgeoisie/State Sponsored Conflicts in Anambra State” in A. M Yakubu, R.T. Adegboye, C. N. Ubah and B, Dogo (eds.) Crisis and Conflict Management in Nigeria Since 1980, Vol. 2 Governance and Conflict Management, Nigeria Defence Academy Book Series No. 1.

Nwanegbo, C.J. (2006), “Inter-Group Conflicts in Africa: Causes, Consequences and Management (A Nigerian Perspective)” in E. A. Obi and O.S.A. Obikeze (eds.) Contemporary Social Issues in Nigeria, Onitsha: Bookpoint Publishers.

Nwanegbo, C. J. (2008), “The Nature and Scope of Government” in O.B.C. Nwankwo (ed.) Fundamentals Issues in Political Science, Enugu: Quintagon Publishers.

Nwanegbo, .J. and Obi, E. A. (2008), Development Administration: Theory and Applications, Onitsha: Bookpoint Educational Ltd.

Nwankwo, O.B.C. (2008), “Good Governance Matter for Development”. In Public Sector management in Nigeria, Valedictory Book of Readings in Honour of Prof. M.S.O. Olisa by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Anambra State University, Igbariam Campus (in Press).

Nwoko, I.N. (2006), Basic World Political Theories (2 nd Edition): Ancient to Contemporary; Enugu: Snaap Press Ltd.

Obsi, I. N. (1999), State-Labour Relations Under SAP in Nigeria, Ibadan: Sam Bookman Publisher.

Obi, E. A., Nwachukwu, C. L. and Obiora, A.C. (2008), Public Policy Analysis and Decision Making, Onitsha: Bookpoint Educational Ltd.

Odunuga, S. (1999), “The Dialectic Relationship Between Conflict and Good Governance”, in A. Adedeji (ed.) Comprehending and Masking African Conflicts, London : ACDSS- ZED books.

Okafor, E.E. (2008), “Public bureaucracy in Nigeria: A Critical Approach”, in Public Sector Management in Nigeria, Valedictory Book of Readings in honour of Prof. M.S.O. Olisa by the Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, Anambra State university, Igbariam Campus (in Press).

Okigbo, A. C. and Niegbunam, C. (2000), Modern Public Administration: Principles and Practices, Enugu: John Best Enterprises.

Olaniyi, J.O. (1998), Foundation of public Policy Analysis, Ibadan: SUNAD Publishers Ltd.

107

Onyeonoru, I. and Fayankinnu, E. (2003), “Social Security Question and Corruption in Nigeria”, in G. Onu (ed.) Corruption and Sustainable Development: The Third World Perspective, Onitsha: Bookpoint Publisher.

Osborn, D. and Gaebler, T. (1992), Reinventing Government, Reading, MA: Addison- Wesley.

O’Toole, L. J. Jr. (2003), “Intergovernmental Relations in Implementation”, In B. G. Peters and J. Pierre (eds.), Handbook of Public Administration, Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

Oyediran O. (ed) (1979), Nigeria Government and Politics Under Military Rule 1966-76, Ibadan: Macmillan Press.

Peters, B.G. (1996), Governance: Four Emerging Models, Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Pierre, J. ed. (2000), Debating Governance: Authority, Steering and Democracy; Oxford : Oxford University Press.

Rhodes, R.A.W. (1997), Understanding Governance: Policy Networks, Governance, Reflexivity, and Accountability, Buckingham: Open University Press.

Rhodes, R.A.W. (2000), “Governance and Public Administration”, in J. Pierre d., Debating Governance: Authority, Steering and Democracy Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Rohr, J. (1986), To Run a Constitution: The Legitimacy of the Administrative State, Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Rosenbloom, D.H. (2003), Administrative Law for Public Managers, Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

Sabina Alkire, “A Conceptual Framework for Human Security”, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security, and Ethnicity (CRISE), Working Paper 2, London: university of Oxford, 2003, # 15 online.

Saches, J. (2005), “Public Sector (Mis) Management and the Quest for Good Governance in Nigeria: The Case of the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA)”, in G. Onu (ed.) Corruption and Sustainable Development: The Third World Perspective, Onitsha: Bookpoint Publisher.

Sorensan, E. (2004), The Transformation of the State: Beyond the Myth of Retreat, London: Palgrave Macmillan.

Stewart, F. (2004), “Development and Security”, Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security, and Ethnicity (CRISE), Working Paper 3, London: University of Oxford.

108

Strange, S. (1983), “Cave! Hec Gragones: A Critique of Regime Theory”, in S. D. Krasner (ed.), International Regimes, Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press.

Stone, C. (1989), Regime Politics, Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Tadjbakhsh, S. & Chenoy, (2006) A. M. Human Security: Concepts and Implications. London: Routledge.

Tadjbakhsh, S. (2005), “Human Security: The Seven Challenges of Operationalizing the Concept”, UNESCO Conference Human Security: 60 Minutes to Convince, Paris , 13 Sep.

Tadjbakhsh, S. (2005), Measuring a Human Security Index? Introductory Thoughts and Literature Review, Unpublished Working Paper, CHPS, Sciences Po, Paris.

Tedheke, M.E.U. (2005), “The National Question Versus Micro National Chauvinism: Issues in the Dialectics of Conflicts in Nigerian Federalism”, in A.M. Yakubu, R.T. Adegboye, C.N Ubah and B, Dogo (eds,) Crisis and Conflict Management in Nigeria Since 1980, Vol. 2 Governance and Conflict Management, Nigeria Defence Academy Book Series No. 1.

Thomas, C., (2001), “Global Governance, Development and Human Security: Exploring the Links’, Third World Quarterly, Vol. 22(2): 159-175.

Tullock, G. (1965), The Politics of Bureaucracy, Washington, DC: Public Affair Press.

Wakili, H. (2005), “Religious Conflict and Democratization in Nigeria’s North-West Zone”, in A.M. Yakubu, R.T. Adegboye, C.N. Ubah and B, Dogo (eds.) Crisis and Conflict Management in Nigeria Since 1980, Vol. 2 Governance and Conflict Management, Nigeria Defence Academy Book Series No. 1.

Wilson, J. Q. (1989(, Bureaucracy: What Government Agencies Do and Why They Do it, New York: Basic Books.

Wright, D. (1997), Understanding Intergovernmental Relations, 3 rd ed., Washington, DC: International Thompson Publishing.

Zartman, I. W. (1997), Governance ad Conflict Management: Politics and Violence in West Africa, Washington D.C.: Brookings Institution Press.

109

JOURNALS AND PERIODICALS

Agranoff, R.J. (2003), “Leveraging Networks: A Guide for Public Managers Working Across Organizations”, March, New Ways to Manage Series, Arlington, VA: IBM Endowment for the Business of Government.

Ake, C. (1973), “Explaining Political Instability in New States”, The Journal of Modern African Studies 11 (3).

Asobie, H.A. (2008), “The Answer Lies within Us”, A Presidential Address Presented at the 26 th Annual Conference of Nigerian Political Science Association (NPSA) held in Bayero University, Kano, August 22; Published in NPSA Newsletter, Vol. 1, No. 1., 2008.

Conger, W. (2006), “Agorist Class Theory: A Left Libertarian Approach to Class Analysis” in Movement of the Libertarian Left, Retrieved from September 10 th , 2008 from.

Becht, M, Bolton, P. and Roell, A. (2004), “Corporate Governance and Control” (October 2002; Updated August 2004). ECGI-Finance Working Paper No. 02/2002, http://ssrn.com/abstract=343461 .

Benner, T., Reincike, W.H. and Witte, J.M. (2003), “Global Public Policy Networks”, Brookings Review, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Spring).

Birdsall, N. (2003), “Asymmetric Globalization”, Brookings Review, Vol. 21, No. 2 (Spring).

Dessler, D. (1989), “What’s at Stake in the Agent-Structure Debate?”, International Organization. 43:3 (Summer).

Frederickson, H. G. (1999), “The Repositioning of American Public Administration”, PS: Political Science.

Gilmour, R.S., Jensen, L.S. (1998), “Reinventing Government, Accountability, Public Functions, Privatization, and the Meaning of “State” Action”, Public Administration Review, 58.

Graham, C. and Litan, R. E. (2003), “Governance in an Integrated Global Economy”, Brookings Review, 21 (Spring).

Haas, P.M. (1992), “Introduction: Espistemic Communities and International Policy Cooperation”, International Organization 46.

Hasenclever, A. Mayer, P. Rittberger, V. (1996), “Interests, power, Knowledge: The Study of International Regimes, Cambridge”, Mershon International Studies Review, 40.

110

Haseclever, A. Mayer, P. Rittberger, V. (2000), “Integrating Theories of International Regimes”, Review of International Studies, 26.

Keohane, R. (2002), “International Organizations and Garbage Can Theory”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 12.

Kikert, W. (1997), “Public Administration in the Netherlands: An Alternative to Anglo- American “Managerialism”, Public Administration, 75.

Knott, J. (1993), “Comparing Public and Private Management: Cooperative Effort and Principle-Agent Relationships”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 3.

March, J. and Olsen, J.P. (1983), “What Administrative Reorganization Tells Us About Governing”, American Political Science Review, 77.

King, Gray and Christopher Murray (2002), “Rethinking Human Security”, Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 116, No. 4 Winter #585-610. Retrieved from http://gking.harvard.edu/files/hs.pdf .

Konkin, E. S. (1973), “Cui Bono? Introduction to Libertarian Class Theory”, New Libertarian Notes #28.

March , J. and Olsen, J.P. (1998), “The Institutional Dynamics of International Political Order”, international Organization 52.

Milward, H. and Provan, K. (2000), “Governing the Hollow State”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 10.

Meo, T. (1984), “The New Economics of Organization”, American Political Science Review, 28.

Memhrish, B. N. (2008), Human Security and Governance: A Conceptual Framework in http://ideas.repecorg/s/icf/icjgp.html .

Obianyo, N.E. (2008), “Citizenship and Ethnic Militia Politics in Nigeria, Marginalizaiton or Identity Question: The Case of MASSOB”, In Themes and Perspectives of the Social Sciences in Africa. A periodic Publication of the Faculty of the Social Sciences, Nnamdi Azikiwe University, Awka, Vol. 1. No. 1, July.

Osinubi and Osinubi, (2006), “Ethnic Conflict in Contemporary Africa: The Nigerian Experience”, Journal of Social Sciences, Vol. 12, No. 2.

Ostrom, E. (1998), “A Behavioural Approach to the Rational Choice Theory of Collective Action: Presidential Address, American Political Science Association, 1997, Published in American Political Science Review, 92.

111

Okereke, N.E. (2008) “Opensore of Democracy: An Empirical Analysis of the Anambra Political Crisis” in Peace, Conflict and Development Research

Paris, R. (2001), Human Security-Paradigm Shift or Hot Air? In: International Security, Vol. 26, No.2.

Peters, B. G. and Pierre, J. 91998), “Governance Without Government? Rethinking Public Administration”, Journal of Public Administration Research and Theory, 8.

Tadjbakhsh, S. (2007) “Human Security in International Organizations: Blessing or Scourge?”, The Human Security Journal, Volume 4, Summer N Human Security Centre. “What is Human Security”. Retrieved on 19 April 2008 from http://www.humansecurityreport.info/index.php?option=content&task=view&id=24&it emid=59 .

Woods, N. (2003), “Unselected Government”, Brookings Review 21:2 (Spring).

CONFERENCE PAPERS, OFFICIAL DOCUMENT AND UNPUBLISHED MIMEOGRAPHS Ajoetomob, J.O. and Ayanwale, A.B. (2007), “Education Allocation, Unemployment and Economic Group in Nigeria: 1970-2004” Unpublished Research Report.

Anambra State Economic Empowerment and Development Strategy (SEEDS) Document. First Draft for Comments and Suggestion

Caron, B. (2008), “IFRA – Grants Announcement for Doctoral and Post Doctoral Reach Grants 2008 on Conflict and Violence in West Africa”, Institute Francais De Recherche en Afrique.