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ESS9 Appendix A3 Political Parties Ed
APPENDIX A3 POLITICAL PARTIES, ESS9 - 2018 ed. 3.0 Austria 2 Belgium 4 Bulgaria 7 Croatia 8 Cyprus 10 Czechia 12 Denmark 14 Estonia 15 Finland 17 France 19 Germany 20 Hungary 21 Iceland 23 Ireland 25 Italy 26 Latvia 28 Lithuania 31 Montenegro 34 Netherlands 36 Norway 38 Poland 40 Portugal 44 Serbia 47 Slovakia 52 Slovenia 53 Spain 54 Sweden 57 Switzerland 58 United Kingdom 61 Version Notes, ESS9 Appendix A3 POLITICAL PARTIES ESS9 edition 3.0 (published 10.12.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Denmark, Iceland. ESS9 edition 2.0 (published 15.06.20): Changes from previous edition: Additional countries: Croatia, Latvia, Lithuania, Montenegro, Portugal, Slovakia, Spain, Sweden. Austria 1. Political parties Language used in data file: German Year of last election: 2017 Official party names, English 1. Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs (SPÖ) - Social Democratic Party of Austria - 26.9 % names/translation, and size in last 2. Österreichische Volkspartei (ÖVP) - Austrian People's Party - 31.5 % election: 3. Freiheitliche Partei Österreichs (FPÖ) - Freedom Party of Austria - 26.0 % 4. Liste Peter Pilz (PILZ) - PILZ - 4.4 % 5. Die Grünen – Die Grüne Alternative (Grüne) - The Greens – The Green Alternative - 3.8 % 6. Kommunistische Partei Österreichs (KPÖ) - Communist Party of Austria - 0.8 % 7. NEOS – Das Neue Österreich und Liberales Forum (NEOS) - NEOS – The New Austria and Liberal Forum - 5.3 % 8. G!LT - Verein zur Förderung der Offenen Demokratie (GILT) - My Vote Counts! - 1.0 % Description of political parties listed 1. The Social Democratic Party (Sozialdemokratische Partei Österreichs, or SPÖ) is a social above democratic/center-left political party that was founded in 1888 as the Social Democratic Worker's Party (Sozialdemokratische Arbeiterpartei, or SDAP), when Victor Adler managed to unite the various opposing factions. -
Challenger Party List
Appendix List of Challenger Parties Operationalization of Challenger Parties A party is considered a challenger party if in any given year it has not been a member of a central government after 1930. A party is considered a dominant party if in any given year it has been part of a central government after 1930. Only parties with ministers in cabinet are considered to be members of a central government. A party ceases to be a challenger party once it enters central government (in the election immediately preceding entry into office, it is classified as a challenger party). Participation in a national war/crisis cabinets and national unity governments (e.g., Communists in France’s provisional government) does not in itself qualify a party as a dominant party. A dominant party will continue to be considered a dominant party after merging with a challenger party, but a party will be considered a challenger party if it splits from a dominant party. Using this definition, the following parties were challenger parties in Western Europe in the period under investigation (1950–2017). The parties that became dominant parties during the period are indicated with an asterisk. Last election in dataset Country Party Party name (as abbreviation challenger party) Austria ALÖ Alternative List Austria 1983 DU The Independents—Lugner’s List 1999 FPÖ Freedom Party of Austria 1983 * Fritz The Citizens’ Forum Austria 2008 Grüne The Greens—The Green Alternative 2017 LiF Liberal Forum 2008 Martin Hans-Peter Martin’s List 2006 Nein No—Citizens’ Initiative against -
Social Democratic Parties and Trade Unions: Parting Ways Or Facing the Same Challenges?
Social Democratic Parties and Trade Unions: Parting Ways or Facing the Same Challenges? Silja Häusermann, Nadja Mosimann University of Zurich January 2020, draft Abstract Both social democratic parties and trade unions in Western Europe have originated from the socio-structural emergence, political mobilization and institutional stabilization of the class cleavage. Together, they have been decisive proponents and allies for the development of so- cial, economic and political rights over the past century. However, parties of the social demo- cratic left have changed profoundly over the past 30 years with regard to their membership composition and – relatedly – their programmatic supply. Most of these parties are still strug- gling to decide on a strategic-programmatic orientation to opt for in the 21st century, both regarding the socio-economic policies they put to the forefront of their programs, as well as regarding the socio-cultural stances they take (and the relative weight of these policies). Since their strategic calculations depend, among others things, on the coalitional options they face when advancing core political claims, we ask if trade unions are still "natural" allies of social democratic parties or if they increasingly part ways both regarding the socio-demographic composition of constituencies as well as the political demands of these constituencies. We study this question with micro-level data on membership composition from the Euroba- rometer and the European Social Survey from 1989 to 2014 as well as data on policy prefer- ences from the European Social Survey from 2016 while focusing on the well-known welfare regimes when presenting and discussing the results. -
Multilingual the Hague: Municipal Language Policy, Politics, and Practice
Multilingual The Hague: Municipal language policy, politics, and practice Anne-Mieke M. M. Thieme Leiden University January 2020 Supervisor: Prof. I. M. Tieken-Boon van Ostade Second reader: Dr. D. Smakman Acknowledgements This thesis would not have been what it is today without the help of many people. First of all, I would like to express my greatest gratitude to my supervisor, Professor Ingrid Tieken-Boon van Ostade. Her helpful feedback, enthusiasm, and insights encouraged me to get the most out of my Research Master’s thesis project. I am extremely thankful that she was my thesis supervisor. I would also really like to thank Dr Eduardo Alves Vieira for discussing my thesis ideas with me and giving useful advice about which directions I could consider. I am also grateful to the audience at Anéla’s 2019 Study Day about Multilingualism in Education and Society for their interesting comments. I am incredibly indebted to Peter Sips, Lodewijk van Noort, and Frank Welling of the municipality of The Hague, who kindly talked to me and gave me insight into municipal language policy. Without their help, this thesis would have an empty shadow in comparison to what it is now. They showed me how relevant the topic was, inspiring me to dig deeper and push further. Thank you so much, Peter, Lodewijk, and Frank. Lastly, I would like to thank my family and friends for the unconditional support they gave me, for listening to my ideas, and asking helpful questions. I am forever grateful that they were there for me along the way. -
Using Faith to Exclude
View metadata, citation and similar papers at core.ac.uk brought to you by CORE provided by Loughborough University Institutional Repository 5 USING FAITH TO EXCLUDE THE ROLE OF RELIGION IN DUTCH POPULISM Stijn van Kessel 1 Religion has played a crucial role in the formation of the Dutch party system, and party competition in the first decades after World War II was, to a consid- erable degree, still determined by the religious denomination of voters. Most religious voters were loyal to one of the three dominant ‘confessional’ parties: the large Catholic People’s Party (KVP) or one of the two smaller Protestant parties (ARP and CHU).2 Until the parliamentary election of 1963, the com- bined vote share of the three dominant confessional parties was around 50 per cent. Most secular voters, on the other hand, turned either to the Labour Party (PvdA), representing the working class, or the Liberal Party (VVD), repre- senting the secular middle class. The fact that voting behaviour was rather predictable resulted from the fact that Dutch parties and the most significant religious and social groups—arguably with the exception of the secular middle class and the VVD—were closely aligned.3 One aspect of this ‘pillarisation’ of society was that the electorate voted largely along traditional cleavage lines of religion and social class. 61 SAVING THE PEOPLE The dividing lines between the social groups gradually evaporated, in part due to the secularisation of society since the 1960s. Except for the secular middle class, the social background of the electorate continued to determine voting patterns quite predictably in the following decades, but by the turn of the twenty-first century the explanatory power of belonging to a traditional pillar had faded to a large extent.4 What is more, as Dutch society became more secularised, the level of electoral support for the three dominant confes- sional parties began to decline. -
The Dutch Parliamentary Elections: Outcome and Implications
CRS INSIGHT The Dutch Parliamentary Elections: Outcome and Implications March 20, 2017 (IN10672) | Related Author Kristin Archick | Kristin Archick, Specialist in European Affairs ([email protected], 7-2668) The March 15, 2017, parliamentary elections in the Netherlands garnered considerable attention as the first in a series of European contests this year in which populist, antiestablishment parties have been poised to do well, with possibly significant implications for the future of the European Union (EU). For many months, opinion polls projected an electoral surge for the far-right, anti-immigrant, anti-EU Freedom Party (PVV), led by Geert Wilders. Many in the EU were relieved when the PVV fell short and the center-right, pro-EU People's Party for Freedom and Democracy (VVD), led by incumbent Prime Minister Mark Rutte, retained its position as the largest party in the Dutch parliament. Several commentators suggest that the Dutch outcome may be a sign that populism in Europe and "euroskeptism" about the EU are starting to lose momentum, but others remain cautious about drawing such conclusions yet. Election Results The Dutch political scene has become increasingly fragmented; 28 political parties competed in the 2017 elections for the 150-seat Second Chamber, the "lower"—but more powerful—house of the Dutch parliament. Concerns about immigration, national identity, and the role of Islam in the Netherlands (approximately 5.5% of the country's 17 million people are Muslim) dominated the campaigning. The VVD came in first, with 33 seats, but lost roughly one-fifth of its previous total. The PVV finished second, with 20 seats, making modest gains on its 2012 election results but not performing as well as expected. -
Of Incumbent Prime Minister Mark Rutte
GENERAL ELECTIONS IN THE NETHERLANDS 17th March 2021 Dutch Prime Minister, Mark Rutte, European Elections monitor (VVD), wins the general elections for a fourth consecutive term in office Corinne Deloy Results The liberal People's Party for Freedom and Democracy saw its number of elected members almost halved: 8 (VVD) of outgoing Prime Minister Mark Rutte has won seats (-6). the Dutch general elections for the fourth time in a row. As in 2017, the decline of the left is mainly due to the The party won 34 seats in the House of States General, PvdA, which has long been the leader of the left and is not the lower house of parliament (+1 compared to the growing. As Cas Mudde, a professor at the University of previous legislative elections of 15 March 2017). Due to Georgia in the United States, writes, "the Dutch Labour the health situation, the elections were held over three Party is suffering 'pasokification', whereby the influence days, between 15 and 17 March, so that vulnerable of social democratic parties declines with each election people could have the time and room necessary to as with the Panhellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) in perform their civic duty. People over 70 were invited to Greece or the Socialist Party (PS) in France.” vote by post. "Voters in the Netherlands have given my party a massive vote of confidence. I am very proud of Geert Wilders' right-wing populist Party for Freedom this," said Mark Rutte after the results were announced, (PVV) came third with 17 MPs (-3). "One thing is certain, adding "proud of what we have achieved over the last the stronger we are, the more people will vote for my ten years in the Netherlands.” party, the harder it will be to exclude us," Geert Wilders repeated during the campaign. -
Fleur De Beaufort and Patrick Van Schie Interpret the Results of The
The Dutch elections and ‘populism’ www.worldcommercereview.com Fleur de Beaufort and Patrick van Schie interpret the results of the Dutch elections, and consider the growth in the support for the alternative 'populist' parties The background to the elections in the Netherlands In March 2021 the scheduled elections were held for the Second Chamber, which is the more important of the two chambers comprising the Dutch parliament. As many as 37 parties sought a seat in the new Second Chamber. The elections were remarkable for various reasons and the run-up to them proceeded more messily than ever before. On the left, where three political parties – the Partij van de Arbeid [Labour Party] (PvdA), GroenLinks [Green-Left Party], and the Socialistische Partij [Socialist Party] have been talking in vain about combining their forces for many years now, they again beat about the bush as is customary in relation to the contentious issue of ‘greater cooperation’. On the right, conflicts ensued in the weeks preceding the elections, which resulted in splits and the birth of new competitors. In the meantime, the existing government coalition of four centre-right and centre-left parties (the third cabinet of Prime Minister Mark Rutte) fell on 15 January in the wake of a social allowance affair which saw the Tax and Customs Administration office wrongly accuse and prosecute the recipients of childcare allowances as frauds over a lengthy period of time. The fall of the Rutte III government was accompanied by the demise of the odd key political player and the social democrats were urgently compelled to seek a new leading candidate (because their current one had been www.worldcommercereview.com responsible in his capacity as a minister in the previous government), while others explicitly secured the ongoing support of their rank and file, and remained. -
Uva-DARE (Digital Academic Repository)
UvA-DARE (Digital Academic Repository) Data & Democracy Political microtargeting: A threat to electoral integrity? Dobber, T. Publication date 2020 Document Version Other version License Other Link to publication Citation for published version (APA): Dobber, T. (2020). Data & Democracy: Political microtargeting: A threat to electoral integrity?. General rights It is not permitted to download or to forward/distribute the text or part of it without the consent of the author(s) and/or copyright holder(s), other than for strictly personal, individual use, unless the work is under an open content license (like Creative Commons). Disclaimer/Complaints regulations If you believe that digital publication of certain material infringes any of your rights or (privacy) interests, please let the Library know, stating your reasons. In case of a legitimate complaint, the Library will make the material inaccessible and/or remove it from the website. Please Ask the Library: https://uba.uva.nl/en/contact, or a letter to: Library of the University of Amsterdam, Secretariat, Singel 425, 1012 WP Amsterdam, The Netherlands. You will be contacted as soon as possible. UvA-DARE is a service provided by the library of the University of Amsterdam (https://dare.uva.nl) Download date:25 Sep 2021 Chapter 2 Two crates of beer and 40 pizzas: the adoption of innovative political behavioral targeting techniques3 3 This chapter is published as: Dobber, T., Trilling, D., Helberger, N., & De Vreese, C. H. (2017). Two crates of beer and 40 pizzas: the adoption of innovative political behavioural targeting techniques. Internet Policy Review, 6(4), 1–25. https://doi.org/10.14763/2017.4.777 23 Two crates of beer and 40 pizzas Abstract Political campaigns increasingly use data to (micro)target voters with tailored messages. -
Dutch Political Parties on the European Union
MARCH 2017 Dutch political parties on Analysis the European Union The results of the Dutch national elections – Scenario 4 ‘Doing less more efficiently’ on March 15 are looked upon in the EU – Scenario 5 ‘Doing much more together’. as a possible precursor of the upcoming elections in France and Germany later this The expressed views of 14 Dutch political Michiel Luining year. Although the EU has hardly played parties can to some extent be linked to a role in the debates during the Dutch Juncker’s scenarios. Specific policy area election campaign, much of the international choices within the scenarios could differ debate has focused on whether an ‘anti-EU’ with the positions of the Dutch parties government will be elected. however. The EU positions of the Dutch political parties are best reflected in four While there are at least two political parties (other) categories as demonstrated below. that desire to leave the EU, this time an A more detailed overview of the priorities extraordinary amount of political parties of the political parties can be viewed in compete in the Dutch elections (at least the Mattermap. 14 serious contenders out of 28). As a result, as far as the EU is concerned, a 1. Leaving the EU (2 parties: PVV, variety of opinions exists. The outgoing Forum voor Democratie) Dutch government consists of two parties The (extreme) right wing party of Geert (a coalition of the VVD, centre right liberals, Wilders, the Party for Freedom (PVV), calls and the Labour Party), but if current polls are for a ‘Nexit’ and is currently still leading anything to go by, four or maybe five parties in most polls. -
WCR Summer 2021
WORLD COMMERCE SUMMER 2021 REVIEW THE BVI FINTECH FLEUR DE BEAUFORT JON CUNLIFFE TALKS TRANSFORMATION. SIMON AND PATRICK VAN SCHIE ABOUT THE FUTURE OF GRAY CHARTS THE GROWTH INTERPRET THE RESULTS MONEY IN AN INCREASINGLY OF THE BVI TO A GLOBAL OF THE DUTCH ELECTIONS DIGITAL WORLD FINTECH HUB AND ‘POPULISM’ THE GLOBAL TRADE AND FINANCE PLATFORM CONTENTS China and the WTO: two systems meet Petros Mavroidis and André Sapir focus on the build-up to China joining the WTO, and argue that expectations for China’s behaviour were misguided from the start China and the WTO: an uneasy relationship Petros Mavroidis and André Sapir examine the Chinese economic and trading structure, that has continued despite expectations it would liberalise and open up China and the WTO: how can they work together better? The WTO is limited in its ability to shape China's trade policy. Petros Mavroidis and André Sapir consider how the China-WTO relationship can be reformed and improved Africa’s latent assets www.worldcommercereview.com Soeren Henn and James Robinson identify latent assets in Africa that bode well for sustained economic growth How the pandemic could save us We are at a crossroads. Ian Goldin argues that the pandemic has created opportunities for change which would have been impossible before the pandemic CONTENTS Quo vadis, Swiss-EU relations? Switzerland’s decision to abandon InstA talks with the EU will have widespread consequences. Stefanie Walter says future relations now depends both on the EU’s response and on domestic developments A connectivity game changer Multi-modal connectivity is poised to be a game changer. -
Report 2021, No. 5
News Agency on Conservative Europe Report 2021, No. 5. Report on conservative and right wing Europe 5th March 2021 GERMANY 1. jungefreiheit.de (translated, original by Fabian Schmidt-Ahmad, 25.02.2021) Departure of Fabio de Masi The crack in the left The Left Party in the German Bundestag loses its financial policy spokesman and deputy parliamentary group leader. Fabio de Masi, who has been a member of parliament since 2017, has announced that he will withdraw from politics and no longer want to run for a mandate. What he reveals in his farewell letter says a lot about a party that claims to know the "real conditions" of society and always suspects the "cultural superstructure" to be in others. “There is a tendency in various political spectrums and especially in social media to only debate politics about morals and attitudes. I think this is a step backwards, ”criticized de Masi. Anyone who takes a “correct attitude” as a yardstick “is actually trying to prevent the argument with rational arguments”, it continues. "Such a culture of debate has nothing to do 2 with enlightenment, but is an expression of an elitist claim to truth, such as the church served in the Middle Ages." The “white man” is none other than the worker It is not the disappointment of a politician being sidelined - as if the Left Party had so many financial experts to show for it - but the expression of a long-simmering conflict among the left. The traditional left saw itself as rooted in the working class, belonging to this milieu.