A Love-Hate Relationship Far-Right Parties and the European Union Thilo Janssen
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Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany
University of Vermont ScholarWorks @ UVM UVM Honors College Senior Theses Undergraduate Theses 2018 Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany William Peter Fitz University of Vermont Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses Recommended Citation Fitz, William Peter, "Reactionary Postmodernism? Neoliberalism, Multiculturalism, the Internet, and the Ideology of the New Far Right in Germany" (2018). UVM Honors College Senior Theses. 275. https://scholarworks.uvm.edu/hcoltheses/275 This Honors College Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Undergraduate Theses at ScholarWorks @ UVM. It has been accepted for inclusion in UVM Honors College Senior Theses by an authorized administrator of ScholarWorks @ UVM. For more information, please contact [email protected]. REACTIONARY POSTMODERNISM? NEOLIBERALISM, MULTICULTURALISM, THE INTERNET, AND THE IDEOLOGY OF THE NEW FAR RIGHT IN GERMANY A Thesis Presented by William Peter Fitz to The Faculty of the College of Arts and Sciences of The University of Vermont In Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts In European Studies with Honors December 2018 Defense Date: December 4th, 2018 Thesis Committee: Alan E. Steinweis, Ph.D., Advisor Susanna Schrafstetter, Ph.D., Chairperson Adriana Borra, M.A. Table of Contents Introduction 1 Chapter One: Neoliberalism and Xenophobia 17 Chapter Two: Multiculturalism and Cultural Identity 52 Chapter Three: The Philosophy of the New Right 84 Chapter Four: The Internet and Meme Warfare 116 Conclusion 149 Bibliography 166 1 “Perhaps one will view the rise of the Alternative for Germany in the foreseeable future as inevitable, as a portent for major changes, one that is as necessary as it was predictable. -
EYE2018 Programme 3 FOREWORDS
European youthevent Programme 1-2 June 2018 Strasbourg #EYE2018 European youthevent Table of content Forewords .................................................................................................................. p. 5 The EYE follow-up ................................................................................................... p. 8 Programme overview ............................................................................................ p. 9 Activity formats ...................................................................................................... p. 10 Extra activities Collective events ............................................................................................................. p. 15 Activities without booking ............................................................................................... p. 18 Drop-in activities ............................................................................................................. p. 30 Artistic performances ...................................................................................................... p. 42 Bookable activities YOUNG AND OLD: Keeping up with the digital revolution ................................................. p. 50 RICH AND POOR: Calling for a fair share .......................................................................... p. 68 APART AND TOGETHER: Working out for a stronger Europe .............................................. p. 92 SAFE AND DANGEROUS: Staying alive in turbulent times .............................................. -
The Kremlin Trojan Horses | the Atlantic Council
Atlantic Council DINU PATRICIU EURASIA CENTER THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES Russian Influence in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom Alina Polyakova, Marlene Laruelle, Stefan Meister, and Neil Barnett Foreword by Radosław Sikorski ISBN: 978-1-61977-518-3. This report is written and published in accordance with the Atlantic Council Policy on Intellectual Independence. The authors are solely responsible for its analysis and recommendations. The Atlantic Council and its donors do not determine, nor do they necessarily endorse or advocate for, any of this report’s conclusions. November 2016 TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 Foreword Introduction: The Kremlin’s Toolkit of Influence 3 in Europe 7 France: Mainstreaming Russian Influence 13 Germany: Interdependence as Vulnerability 20 United Kingdom: Vulnerable but Resistant Policy recommendations: Resisting Russia’s 27 Efforts to Influence, Infiltrate, and Inculcate 29 About the Authors THE KREMLIN’S TROJAN HORSES FOREWORD In 2014, Russia seized Crimea through military force. With this act, the Kremlin redrew the political map of Europe and upended the rules of the acknowledged international order. Despite the threat Russia’s revanchist policies pose to European stability and established international law, some European politicians, experts, and civic groups have expressed support for—or sympathy with—the Kremlin’s actions. These allies represent a diverse network of political influence reaching deep into Europe’s core. The Kremlin uses these Trojan horses to destabilize European politics so efficiently, that even Russia’s limited might could become a decisive factor in matters of European and international security. -
Germany: Baffled Hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller
POLICY BRIEF Germany: Baffled hegemon Constanze Stelzenmüller Since the fall of the Berlin Wall, Germany has transformed into a hegemonic power in Europe, but recent global upheaval will test the country’s leadership and the strength of its democracy. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY are challenging Europe’s cohesion aggressively, as does the Trump administration’s “America First” The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 turned reunified policy. The impact of this on Germany is stark. No Germany into Europe’s hegemon. But with signs of country in Europe is affected so dramatically by this a major global downturn on the horizon, Germany new systemic competition. Far from being a “shaper again finds itself at the fulcrum of great power nation,” Germany risks being shaped: by events, competition and ideological struggle in Europe. And competitors, challengers, and adversaries. German democracy is being challenged as never before, by internal and external adversaries. Germany’s options are limited. It needs to preserve Europe’s vulnerable ecosystem in its own The greatest political challenge to liberal democracy enlightened self-interest. It will have to compromise within Germany today is the Alternative für on some issues (defense expenditures, trade Deutschland (Alternative for Germany, or AfD), the surpluses, energy policy). But it will also have to first far-right party in the country’s postwar history push back against Russian or Chinese interference, to be represented in all states and in the federal and make common cause with fellow liberal legislature. While it polls nationally at 12 percent, its democracies. With regard to Trump’s America, disruptive impact has been real. -
National- Konservativ Und Marktradikal
ANALYSEN PARTEIEN UND DEMOKRATIE NATIONAL- KONSERVATIV UND MARKTRADIKAL EINE POLITISCHE EINORDNUNG DER «ALTERNATIVE FÜR DEUTSCHLAND» FELIX KORSCH INHALT Homophober Testballon 2 Politiken der Exklusion 5 Marktradikal und national-konservativ 7 Geringer Gebrauchswert des Populismusbegriffs 10 Nationalismus ist nicht Anstrich, sondern Kern der AfD 15 Künftige Parteientwicklung im rechten Spannungsfeld 17 Literatur 21 2 HOMOPHOBER TESTBALLON Die Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) re- weichender Lebensstile, etwa die «höhe- üssiert durch ihre «radikal euro(pa)skep- re Suizidgefährdung unter homosexuel- tische Botschaft» (Plehwe 2014: 63). Ein len Jugendlichen, die erhöhte Anfälligkeit Umstand, der rasch dazu verleiten kann, für Alkohol und Drogen, die auffällig ho- das Menetekel des Rechtspopulismus zu he HIV-Infektionsrate bei homosexuellen erkennen. Das könnte sich nun als Miss- Männern», schließlich auch «das ausge- verständnis herausstellen. Denn die Partei prägte Risiko psychischer Erkrankungen verzichtet zwar nach wie vor auf ein Pro- bei homosexuell lebenden Frauen und gramm und ist damit ein Kuriosum inner- Männern». Es würden «Rechte für Les- halb der deutschen Parteienlandschaft; ben, Schwule, Bisexuelle, Transgender, das heißt aber nicht, dass seit Gründung Transsexuelle und Intersexuelle abgelei- im Frühjahr 2013 keine inhaltliche Ent- tet, die es nach dem Grundgesetz nicht wicklung stattgefunden hätte. Tatsächlich gibt», denn das beziehe sich – exklusiv – ist die AfD heute keine «Ein-Punkt-Partei» auf «Ehe und Familie als demokratische mehr – sie beschränkt sich nicht auf die Errungenschaft».1 Agitation gegen die Europäische Union. Mit dem Text des Bildungsplans haben Und bei genauerem Hinsehen zeigt sich, diese Anwürfe wenig zu tun. In einer ers- dass dies nicht einmal ihr zentrales Anlie- ten Fassung der Petition war noch deut- gen ist. -
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope
VOLUME 1 • NUMBER 1 • 2018 Aims and Scope Critical Romani Studies is an international, interdisciplinary, peer-reviewed journal, providing a forum for activist-scholars to critically examine racial oppressions, different forms of exclusion, inequalities, and human rights abuses Editors of Roma. Without compromising academic standards of evidence collection and analysis, the Journal seeks to create a platform to critically engage with Maria Bogdan academic knowledge production, and generate critical academic and policy Central European University knowledge targeting – amongst others – scholars, activists, and policy-makers. Jekatyerina Dunajeva Pázmány Péter Catholic University Scholarly expertise is a tool, rather than the end, for critical analysis of social phenomena affecting Roma, contributing to the fight for social justice. The Journal Tímea Junghaus especially welcomes the cross-fertilization of Romani studies with the fields of European Roma Institute for Arts and Culture critical race studies, gender and sexuality studies, critical policy studies, diaspora studies, colonial studies, postcolonial studies, and studies of decolonization. Angéla Kóczé Central European University The Journal actively solicits papers from critically-minded young Romani Iulius Rostas (editor-in-chief) scholars who have historically experienced significant barriers in engaging Central European University with academic knowledge production. The Journal considers only previously unpublished manuscripts which present original, high-quality research. The Márton Rövid (managing editor) Journal is committed to the principle of open access, so articles are available free Central European University of charge. All published articles undergo rigorous peer review, based on initial Marek Szilvasi (review editor) editorial screening and refereeing by at least two anonymous scholars. The Journal Open Society Foundations provides a modest but fair remuneration for authors, editors, and reviewers. -
Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe
This page intentionally left blank Populist radical right parties in Europe As Europe enters a significant phase of re-integration of East and West, it faces an increasing problem with the rise of far-right political par- ties. Cas Mudde offers the first comprehensive and truly pan-European study of populist radical right parties in Europe. He focuses on the par- ties themselves, discussing them both as dependent and independent variables. Based upon a wealth of primary and secondary literature, this book offers critical and original insights into three major aspects of European populist radical right parties: concepts and classifications; themes and issues; and explanations for electoral failures and successes. It concludes with a discussion of the impact of radical right parties on European democracies, and vice versa, and offers suggestions for future research. cas mudde is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Political Science at the University of Antwerp. He is the author of The Ideology of the Extreme Right (2000) and the editor of Racist Extremism in Central and Eastern Europe (2005). Populist radical right parties in Europe Cas Mudde University of Antwerp CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo Cambridge University Press The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York www.cambridge.org Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521850810 © Cas Mudde 2007 This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception and to the provision of relevant collective licensing agreements, no reproduction of any part may take place without the written permission of Cambridge University Press. -
Green Parties and Elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Green Par Elections
Chapter 1 Green Parties and Elections, 1979–2019 Green parties and elections to the European Parliament, 1979–2019 Wolfgang Rüdig Introduction The history of green parties in Europe is closely intertwined with the history of elections to the European Parliament. When the first direct elections to the European Parliament took place in June 1979, the development of green parties in Europe was still in its infancy. Only in Belgium and the UK had green parties been formed that took part in these elections; but ecological lists, which were the pre- decessors of green parties, competed in other countries. Despite not winning representation, the German Greens were particularly influ- enced by the 1979 European elections. Five years later, most partic- ipating countries had seen the formation of national green parties, and the first Green MEPs from Belgium and Germany were elected. Green parties have been represented continuously in the European Parliament since 1984. Subsequent years saw Greens from many other countries joining their Belgian and German colleagues in the Euro- pean Parliament. European elections continued to be important for party formation in new EU member countries. In the 1980s it was the South European countries (Greece, Portugal and Spain), following 4 GREENS FOR A BETTER EUROPE their successful transition to democracies, that became members. Green parties did not have a strong role in their national party systems, and European elections became an important focus for party develop- ment. In the 1990s it was the turn of Austria, Finland and Sweden to join; green parties were already well established in all three nations and provided ongoing support for Greens in the European Parliament. -
Europe's Two-Faced Authoritarian Right FINAL.Pdf
1 Europe’s two-faced authoritarian right: ‘anti-elite’ parties serving big business interests 15 May 2019 INTRODUCTION If the more pessimistic projections are to be believed, authoritarian right-wing politicians will do well in the upcoming European Parliament elections, reflecting a surge in EU scepticism and disillusionment with establishment parties, many of whom have overseen a decade or more of punishing austerity. These authoritarian right parties are harnessing this disillusionment using the rhetoric of ending corruption, tackling ‘elite’ interests, regaining ‘national’ dignity and identity, and defending the rights of ‘ordinary people’. However, the contrast between this rhetoric and their actual actions is stark. From repressive laws to dark money funding; from corruption scandals to personal enrichment; from corporate deregulation to enabling tax avoidance, the defence of ‘elite’ interests disguised as the defence of disaffected classes is a defining characteristic of Europe’s rising authoritarian right parties. After the election, Europe could well see the formation of a new axis by these parties across the EU institutions, simultaneously becoming a significant force in the European Parliament, while having a strong voice in the Council and European Council, and nominating like-minded commissioners to the EU’s executive. Such an alliance could undermine or prevent action to tackle some of the most pressing issues facing us such as climate change, whilst working against workers’ rights, and measures to regulate and tax business -
Beyond the Nation State Also by David Hanley
Beyond the Nation State Also by David Hanley CHRISTIAN DEMOCRACY IN EUROPE: A Comparative Perspective CONTEMPORARY FRANCE (with A. P. Kerr and N. H. Waites) KEEPING LEFT? CERES and the French Socialist Party PARTY, SOCIETY, GOVERNMENT: Republican Democracy in France SOCIAL-DÉMOCRATIE ET DÉFENSE (co-editor with H. Portelli) SPANISH POLITICAL PARTIES (co-editor with J. Louglin) Beyond the Nation State Parties in the Era of European Integration David Hanley Professor of European Studies Cardiff University, UK © David Hanley 2008 Softcover reprint of the hardcover 1st edition 2008 978-1-4039-0795-0 All rights reserved. No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No paragraph of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, 90 Tottenham Court Road, London W1T 4LP. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. First published 2008 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS and 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10010 Companies and representatives throughout the world PALGRAVE MACMILLAN is the global academic imprint of the Palgrave Macmillan division of St. Martin’s Press, LLC and of Palgrave Macmillan Ltd. Macmillan is a registered trademark in the United States, United Kingdom and other countries. -
A Companion to Nineteenth- Century Britain
A COMPANION TO NINETEENTH- CENTURY BRITAIN Edited by Chris Williams A Companion to Nineteenth-Century Britain A COMPANION TO NINETEENTH- CENTURY BRITAIN Edited by Chris Williams © 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd 350 Main Street, Malden, MA 02148-5020, USA 108, Cowley Road, Oxford OX4 1JF, UK 550 Swanston Street, Carlton South, Melbourne, Victoria 3053, Australia The right of Chris Williams to be identified as the Author of the Editorial Material in this Work has been asserted in accordance with the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, except as permitted by the UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, without the prior permission of the publisher. First published 2004 by Blackwell Publishing Ltd Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A companion to nineteenth-century Britain / edited by Chris Williams. p. cm. – (Blackwell companions to British history) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-631-22579-X (alk. paper) 1. Great Britain – History – 19th century – Handbooks, manuals, etc. 2. Great Britain – Civilization – 19th century – Handbooks, manuals, etc. I. Williams, Chris, 1963– II. Title. III. Series. DA530.C76 2004 941.081 – dc22 2003021511 A catalogue record for this title is available from the British Library. Set in 10 on 12 pt Galliard by SNP Best-set Typesetter Ltd., Hong Kong Printed and bound in the United Kingdom by TJ International For further information on Blackwell Publishing, visit our website: http://www.blackwellpublishing.com BLACKWELL COMPANIONS TO BRITISH HISTORY Published in association with The Historical Association This series provides sophisticated and authoritative overviews of the scholarship that has shaped our current understanding of British history. -
2019 © Timbro 2019 [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019
TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX 2019 © Timbro 2019 www.timbro.se [email protected] Layout: Konow Kommunikation Cover: Anders Meisner FEBRUARY 2019 ABOUT THE TIMBRO AUTHORITARIAN POPULISM INDEX Authoritarian Populism has established itself as the third ideological force in European politics. This poses a long-term threat to liberal democracies. The Timbro Authoritarian Populism Index (TAP) continuously explores and analyses electoral data in order to improve the knowledge and understanding of the development among politicians, media and the general public. TAP contains data stretching back to 1980, which makes it the most comprehensive index of populism in Europe. EXECUTIVE SUMMARY • 26.8 percent of voters in Europe – more than one in four – cast their vote for an authoritarian populist party last time they voted in a national election. • Voter support for authoritarian populists increased in all six elections in Europe during 2018 and has on an aggregated level increased in ten out of the last eleven elections. • The combined support for left- and right-wing populist parties now equals the support for Social democratic parties and is twice the size of support for liberal parties. • Right-wing populist parties are currently growing more rapidly than ever before and have increased their voter support with 33 percent in four years. • Left-wing populist parties have stagnated and have a considerable influence only in southern Europe. The median support for left-wing populist in Europe is 1.3 percent. • Extremist parties on the left and on the right are marginalised in almost all of Europe with negligible voter support and almost no political influence.