A Qualitative Exploration

Home , Gender role, More Than I Can Say

“I CAN FEEL IT MORE THAN I CAN SAY IT”: A QUALITATIVE EXPLORATION

OF BLACK WOMANHOOD

A Dissertation

Presented to

The Graduate Faculty of The University of Akron

In Partial Fulfillment

of the Requirements for the Degree

Doctor of Philosophy

Myriam Tamouhan Kadeba

December, 2017

“I CAN FEEL IT MORE THAN I CAN SAY IT”: A QUALITATIVE EXPLORATION

OF BLACK WOMANHOOD

Myriam Tamouhan Kadeba

Dissertation

Approved: Accepted:

______Advisor Department Chair Suzette L. Speight, Ph.D. Paul Levy, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Dean of the College Amber Hewitt, Ph.D. John Green, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Dean of the Graduate School Dawn Johnson, Ph.D. Chand Midha, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Date Delila Owens, Ph.D.

______Committee Member Nicole Rousseau, Ph.D.

______Committee Member John Queener, Ph.D.

ABSTRACT

Black Womanhood has been historically defined as antithetical to the normative feminine ideals in the United States. This hegemonic femininity prescribes standards that are considered ideals in describing the archetypical feminine woman. Black women have been stereotyped as unfeminine and unattractive, and this negative and pervasive social rhetoric continue to have a long lasting adverse impact on this population. Black feminist scholars have long articulated the importance of defining Black womanhood not in relation to hegemonic femininity, but by incorporating the actual experiences of Black women. Using an interpretative phenomenological methodology and based on interviews with Black women in the United States, the current study investigated Black women’s notion of womanhood. This study uncovered ways participants self-defined, resisted

negative and oppressive societal messages, and celebrated their own Black Womanhood.

Participants to the study were selected using a snowball sampling method. This

qualitative study sought out to advance the field of counseling psychology’s discourse on

the experiences of Black women by focusing on an emic definition of Black

Womanhood.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Completing this project required the unwavering support of my ever-expanding village, which is worth acknowledging. My California people (Mohamed, Christel, April,

Jennifer), thank you for the laughs and for believing in me. To my Arkansas village

(Amanda, Franklin, Belinda Angeline), you never doubted that I could get here, and I thank you for inspiring me. Wunam, this journey could not have taken place without you, and I thank you for knowing that I could complete this endeavor. In Virginia, I met colleagues whose help and support allowed me to see this project through completion;

Dan, Danielle, Jo Ellyn, Howard, Christine, Lisa, Camille, Megan, Miki, and Kristi, I sincerely thank you. I am also thankful to the families that took me under their wings and provided support throughout the years: the Johnson, Pappa, Lebbie, and Gandee families, thank you for your unparalleled care and encouragement.

Ohio became a home away from home for me, thanks to CPP, CCS, and all the amazing people I met. I would like to take the opportunity to thank supervisors and mentors who expanded my knowledge, skills, and abilities as a counseling psychologist.

Although they may not have been directly involved in the completion of this research study, these individuals’ support proved invaluable throughout the years. Dr. Shawn

Townes, thank you for being the first Black woman with a doctoral degree that I ever met, and for undoubtedly believing in my ability to reach such a milestone. Dr. Jeeseon

Park-Saltzman, Dr. Dennis Alexander, Dr. Angela White, Dr. Luis Cruz-Ortega, Dr.

Kayi Hui-Spears, Dr. Greg Robinson, Dr. John Harshbarger, Dr. Linda Subich, Dr.

Sydney Brodeur McDonald, and Dr. Jihad Aziz, thank you for fostering a sense of curiosity and for teaching me invaluable lessons as an emerging psychologist.

Additionally, it would be important for me to thank colleagues who provided necessary feedback and support during the development and execution of this research project. Kadian, Ciemone, Ariel, Sarah, Brittany, Molly, Amanda, Laura, Naomi, Ashlee,

Cierra, thank you for the support, and for providing a reflective space when needed. Mike

C., I thank you for the numerous consultations regarding methodology concerns, for your direct feedback associated with conducting an ethically sound research, but most importantly, for reminding me to remain critically engaged in my work. April, I thank you for your insightful and candid responses to my queries, as well as your continuous cheers of support. Vance, I thank you for pushing me and for helping me be accountable.

Lau, you have reflected the passion I felt throughout the years regarding this research project, encouraged me to keep going when I felt stuck, reminded me of the greater purpose of this endeavor, and allowed me to feel grounded when challenged. For this and much more, thank you. From brainstorming meetings, to consultations, debriefing post interviews, and through reviews of countless drafts, Nicki, your unmatched support has continued to stand out. I think of the many ways I drew from your unconditional support to move forward, and truly believe a heartfelt “thank you” is warranted. Your insight and attention to details facilitated progress during this journey, and I am forever grateful.

Thank you for introducing me to Malaïka, Gabby, and Cleo and for their help during the transcription process. Their hard work is most definitely worth acknowledging.

I would also like to take this opportunity to acknowledge my dissertation committee: Dr. Amber Hewitt, Dr. Dawn Johnson, Dr. Delila Owens, Dr. Nicole

Rousseau, and Dr. John Queener. This research project would not have been the same without your expertise, flexibility, and in-depth feedback. I thank you for enriching my experience and assisting my development as a researcher. I also want to extend my sincere gratitude to my dissertation chair, Dr. Suzette Speight. Your wisdom, expertise, and unfaltering belief in my ability to succeed since my first year of graduate school have guided me and helped me recognize my own strength. I have learned from you how to own my voice and to use it in a manner that embodies the values espoused by the field of counseling psychology. For this, as well as the many lessons you imparted that I will carry with me through my entire career, I thank you.

Enfin, je me sens redevable envers ma famille pour leurs sacrifices et leur soutien.

Marybe, merci de continuer à me recevoir à bras ouverts. Pierre et Franck, merci pour le soutien. Yann, je te remercie parce que tu ne m’as pas laissé baisser les bras et tu continues à m’encourager quand j'en ai besoin. Daniel (Stu), merci pour le rappel que je suis la maîtresse de mon propre destin, agissant finalement comme une ancre pendant les périodes difficiles. À mon père, Omer, ton travail acharné n'est jamais passé inaperçu, et je suis éternellement reconnaissante. À ma mère, Fatoumata, qui continue à me montrer les valeurs de l'éducation, de la discipline, de la fierté, de la détermination et de la persévérance, pour tes sacrifices au fil des ans, et pour avoir dit que je pourrais le faire, je te remercie.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF TABLES ...... x

LIST OF FIGURES ...... xi

CHAPTER

I. INTRODUCTION ...... 1

Femininity ...... 2

Black Womanhood ...... 6

Current Study ...... 7

Rationale and Significance ...... 8

II. A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE ...... 10

Social Identity Theory ...... 10

Historical Womanist Theory ...... 12

Hegemonic Femininity and Black Womanhood ...... 15

Social Rhetoric ...... 19

Internalized Oppression ...... 23

Black Womanhood ...... 27

Summary ...... 33

III. METHODOLOGY ...... 36

Phenomenological Approach ...... 36

Researcher Subjectivity ...... 38

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Recruitment Procedure ...... 40

Research Participants ...... 40

Data Collection ...... 41

Data Analysis ...... 42

Trustworthiness, Dependdability, and Reflexivity ...... 44

Ethical Considerations ...... 47

IV. RESULTS ...... 48

What does the term “Black Womanhood” mean? ...... 48

Strength ...... 49

Multifaceted Black Womanhood ...... 50

Community Connections ...... 51

Pride and Respect ...... 52

How did participants describe their own Black Womanhood? ...... 52

Self-distinction from Social Rhetoric ...... 53

Strength ...... 55

Pride and Respect ...... 58

Community Connections ...... 59

Multifaceted Black Womanhood ...... 62

Uniqueness of Black Womanhood ...... 69

Oppression ...... 69

Strength and Resilience ...... 70

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Various types of Black Womanhood ...... 71

Energy ...... 73

V. DISCUSSION ...... 75

Summary and Interpretation of Results ...... 75

Limitations of the Study...... 89

Future Directions for Research ...... 91

Implications for Interventions ...... 93

Personal Reflections...... 96

Conclusion ...... 99

REFERENCES ...... 100

APPENDICES ...... 130

APPENDIX A. STUDY FLYER ...... 131

APPENDIX B. RECEIPT ...... 132

APPENDIX C. DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE...... 133

APPENDIX D. INTERVIEW PROTOCOL...... 135

APPENDIX E. IRB APPROVAL...... 137

APPENDIX F. INFORMED CONSENT ...... 138

LIST OF TABLES

TABLE Page

1. Study Participants' Demographic Information ...... 114

LIST OF FIGURES

FIGURE PAGE

1. “Strength” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood? ...... 120

2. “Various types of Black Womanhood” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood? ...... 121

3. “Community Connections” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood? ...... 122

4. “Pride and respect” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood? ...... 123

5. “Self-distinction from stereotypes” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood? ...... 124

6. “Strength” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood? ...... 125

7. “Pride and Respect” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood? ...... 126

8. “Community connections” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood? ...... 127

9. “Multifaceted Black Womanhood” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood? ...... 128

10. Uniqueness of Black Womanhood ...... 129

CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

There has been a surge of research related to social justice in the field of counseling psychology since well over the past decade (Vera & Speight, 2003). Bell

(1997) defined social justice as a vision of society where the distribution of resources is equitable and members of said society are physically and psychologically healthy.

Unfortunately, years of oppression have marginalized racial and ethnic minority groups in the United States, particularly Black women. Crenshaw (1991) coined the term

“intersectionality” to describe the ways race and gender interact to shape the lives of

Black women. Intersectionality posits that discrimination Black women experience cannot be fully understood by considering the ways racism and sexism separately impact said experiences. Such an additive model to understanding the impact of systemic oppression is an antiquated, Eurocentric, and patriarchal lens through which Black women’s experiences are inaccurately represented (Crenshaw, 1991; Rousseau, 2013). In addition, this group of women has long been characterized as unfeminine, unkempt, and undesirable, in strong contrast to the U.S. notion of femininity, which is synonymous with White femininity (Collins, 2005). As such, varied social rhetoric negatively depicting Black women have been constructed and used to misrepresent and oppress

Black women (Rousseau, 2009). Internalization of such images of Black Womanhood has been linked to psychological and physical negative outcomes for Black women,

including eating disorders, hypertension, depression, low self-esteem, diabetes, and high blood pressure (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Black, Murry, Cutrona, & Chen, 2009;

Munhall, 1994; Neil & Wilson, 1989; Thompson, 1994). Furthermore, feminist scholars, including Patricia Hill Collins and bell hooks have argued for a definition of Black

Womanhood that centers Black women’s voices and moves away from defining Black

Womanhood as the antithesis of hegemonic femininity. Therefore, using an intersectional lens, this project sought to elucidate how Black women in the study defined Black

Womanhood as a whole and defined their own Black Womanhood. Since Black women have long been marginalized, the current research sought to use an emic approach to defining Black Womanhood, thus holding implications to create mental health interventions that are culturally sensitive and appropriate to Black women.

Femininity

Femininity is understood as an ideology and subsequent cultural practices performed by women in a given society. Because of this ideology’s undeniable presence in our society, all women engage with feminine ideals, whether it is by enacting what is considered “feminine” or resisting femininity’s influence on their construct of gender.

According to Collins (2005), some women possess a higher status in society due to acting according to a set of normative feminine behaviors. Collins (2005) described the dominant notion of femininity in the U.S., also known as hegemonic femininity. Under

“hegemony”, members of a certain social group enact the views most prevalent in society

(Connell, 2002). Since femininity is understood as a socially constructed standard for women’s appearance, demeanor, and values (Bordo, 1993), hegemonic femininity refers to the set of feminine behaviors and norms enacted by women that support the dominant

role of men in society. According to Collins (2005), hegemonic femininity consists of

beauty, demeanor, marriage and family arrangements, sexuality, and race, specifically

White race (Collins, 2005). Typically, White upper-middle class women who can achieve the ideals of dominant femininity are perceived as more valuable within society, leading

“other” women, racial and ethnic minority women to be viewed as unfeminine, of lesser value, and less desirable (Banks, 2012; Cole & Zucker, 2007).

Hegemonic femininity has several benchmarks, according to Collins (2005). The first one prescribes women should not resemble or act like men. Women’s appearance is, therefore, judged and their demeanor in society is used to evaluate their femininity. From a physiological perspective, an ideal woman in U.S. society possesses attributes such as breasts, round buttocks, hips, curves, is slim, and is devoid of facial hair and bulky muscles, which would make her resemble a man (Chavetz, 1978).

Historically, the prototype of feminine beauty in the U.S. has been a young woman with milky White skin, slim and curvy figure, as well as long blond hair. This image of femininity automatically discounts Black women as beautiful and feminine

(Gurin & Gaylord, 1976). Not only are Black women unable to meet the skin color ideal of femininity, their natural hair texture also works against their achievement of feminine ideals. A “good hair” versus “bad hair” debate greatly influences racial politics in describing Black Womanhood, in the sense that long, straight hair (“good hair”) is deemed more desirable than short, kinky hair (“bad hair”). Bearing in mind those ideals, most Black women have difficulties being considered beautiful in our society owing to different hair texture, body types, and facial features. Most importantly, Black women’s skin color automatically places them in an inferior position in the U.S.’ patriarchal

society compared to White women as they can never be White, therefore failing to

achieve one of the main requirements of hegemonic femininity, beauty, and thus

desirability (Collins, 2005). Although problematic, the patriarchal societal structure in

place in the U.S. remains the established norm, a norm within which Black women are

automatically excluded (Rousseau, 2013).

In addition to physical attributes, Collins (2005) argues that women have to maintain an appropriate feminine demeanor in order to differentiate themselves from men. Women are to avoid male characteristics such as assertiveness strength, and leadership. Instead, women are to present as docile and agreeable, deferring to their male counterparts. Female submissiveness is a key characteristic of hegemonic femininity.

Women who demonstrate appropriate feminine demeanor through submissiveness are more positively perceived and treated as more valuable in society compared to women who behave in clear contradiction of this ideal by acting masculine. In terms of feminine demeanor, Black women contend with negative images of Black femininity, depicting them as unattractive, emasculating, and far from being submissive (Collins, 2005). These racialized and gendered images of Black womanhood provide a social rhetoric through

which Black Womanhood is demonized (Rousseau, 2013).

Heterosexuality and heteronormativity constitute other important tenets of

hegemonic femininity. According to hegemonic femininity, women should be married to

heterosexual men who would then have access to their bodies for sexual pleasure. This

narrow view of sexuality presents heterosexuality as the normal or preferred sexual

orientation, thus understanding women’s sexuality through a heteronormative lens. A

woman’s sexuality is seen as secondary and as belonging to her male partner, feeding

4 into a context of male dominance. Women who control their own sexuality or reject heterosexual male partners are often considered unfeminine (Collins, 2005). Additionally,

Black women have historically been branded as sexually deviant to justify their sexual exploitation beginning with slavery, which also validates the high morality of White women (McGuire, 2011). Furthermore, Black women were rarely seen as fragile and ornamental within the family unit since they often had to work outside of the household in order to provide for their families. Labeled as promiscuous, sexually insatiable, unattractive, and even incapable of being victims of rape, stereotypes of Black women were created to justify the abuse inflicted upon them during slavery (hooks, 1981; Jewell,

1993; West, 1995). Unfortunately, many of these stereotypes have persisted and continue to influence how Black women conceptualize their gender in the United States today.

Hegemonic femininity also highlights the importance of work and marriage, in the sense that the woman’s role is to run the family, household, and become a mother.

Motherhood within marriage has become a distinct marker of femininity, and it promotes the survival of the heterosexual family (Chaney, 2011). In other words, to be truly feminine is to produce heirs within the limits of the heterosexual, nuclear family. This guarantees the continuation of the male lineage while the man provides for the woman and the family’s financial needs. Juxtaposed to this conceptualization of work and marriage in U.S. society, Black women have been historically forced to labor through enslavement and necessity. The expected reproductive labor of Black women seldom happened within the context of heteronormative ideals (e.g., marriage) and very often

Black women held the role of domestic laborer to White families (Jones, 2009). Within the U.S. capitalistic economy and society, Black women’s value has thus been tied to

5 providing reproductive labor. As such, Black women are excluded from heteronormative ideals of work and marriage, as Black women have historically and rarely been afforded the luxury of redeeming this labor for the benefits of one’s own families (Rousseau,

2013).

According to Collins (2005), the definition of hegemonic femininity inherently excludes Black women. In short, femininity in the U.S. is conceptualized as hegemonic

White femininity. As demonstrated above, white, middle class, heterosexual femininity has been characterized as normative in the U.S., providing a yardstick to measure other femininities (Jewell, 1993). Due to this, women who do not fit these “normative” standards of femininity are relegated to the bottom of the femininity hierarchy. Black women have continuously challenged and resisted this hegemonic femininity and asserted their own femininity and respectability (West, 1995). Not only have Black women been combatting a social rhetoric that provides biased and false narratives of Black

Womanhood, they have also been advocating for a more culturally specific definition of womanhood, one that would encompass their lived experiences and realities (Chaney,

2011).

Black Womanhood

Although the literature often uses femininity and womanhood interchangeably, the term Black Womanhood (instead of Black femininity) is most used by Black authors

(DuCille, 1994) and will therefore be employed in the rest of the study. Black women have long been advocating for an adaptation of the current definition of femininity in the

United States. Research stemming from the 1970s challenged universal notions of femininity and scholars such as Patricia Hill Collins and bell hooks (amongst many

others) have focused on the experiences of Black women. Collins (1990) stated that race,

gender, class, and sexuality were interconnected for Black women and strongly

influenced their perceptions of femininity. Many Black women resist society’s feminine

ideals by engaging in behaviors that can be seen as conflicting with hegemonic

femininity. Black womanhood has come to be understood as incorporating aspects of

strength, expressiveness, resilience, and leadership, traits that are typically considered

masculine (Gilkes, 2001).

Unfortunately, the available literature on femininity continues to extrapolate

Black Womanhood from hegemonic femininity (Cole & Zucker, 2007). Because there is

a paucity of research focusing on Black women’s own definition of womanhood, the

present project investigated a culturally specific definition of womanhood in regards to

Black women.

Current Study

Black Womanhood has been historically defined as antithetical to the normative

feminine ideals in the United States. Black women have been stereotyped as unfeminine,

unattractive, and unkempt, and these negative representations continue to have a long

lasting adverse impact on this population (French, 2013). Black feminist scholars, such as

Shirley A. Hill, Patricia Hill Collins, bell hooks, and Evelyn M. Simien, have articulated the importance of defining Black Womanhood not in relation to hegemonic femininity, but by incorporating the actual experiences of Black women (Chaney, 2011). The few existing studies suggest that Black women do conceptualize womanhood differently,

therefore making it important for research to focus on an emic definition of womanhood

7 for Black women (Belgrave, Abrams, Hood, Moore, & Nguyen, 2015; Settles, Pratt-

Hyatt, & Buchanan, 2008).

The current study intended to investigate Black women’s notion of womanhood by centering the participants’ voices as experts of their experiences. Using a qualitative research methodology and drawing from a phenomenological paradigm, this study aimed to answer the following research questions: How do Black women define Black

Womanhood in a society that oppresses and undervalues both Blackness and womanhood? How do Black women define their own Black Womanhood?

Data analysis for this study was conducted using the Constant Comparative

Analysis (CCA) method, which is an iterative and inductive process through which data is being reduced through continuous coding (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Although often associated with a grounded theory (GT) approach to qualitative research, newer research has highlighted the use of CCA as a technique for data analysis outside of GT (Fram,

2013). Because of some of its strengths, including maintaining an emic perspective to the research, CCA was utilized throughout this study (Fram, 2013).

Rationale and Significance

This research project is consistent with counseling psychology’s emphasis on cultural diversity and promotion of social justice (Speight & Vera, 2004). By focusing the research on a marginalized group, this study reflected the core values of the field of counseling psychology (Watkins, 1994), and sought to increase understanding regarding

Black women. Since the study aimed to add to the literature available on Black women and Black Womanhood, it is important to recognize some of its implications. Research has demonstrated that professionals may intentionally or unintentionally perpetuate social

8 injustices within their practice by failing to acknowledge inequalities faced by minority groups in the United States (Crethar, Rivera, & Nash, 2008). Therefore, this study holds preventative, educational, and remedial implications, including increased awareness for mental health professionals regarding a key component of Black women’s identity as well as an ability to engage in a more culturally appropriate manner with potential clients instead of imposing Western norms of femininity. The current study also holds theoretical implications, including building on literature available on Black women to develop theories based on the actual experiences of this population.

CHAPTER II

A REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE

This chapter reviewed the literature pertaining to Black Womanhood. An overview of Social Identity Theory and Historical Womanist Theory as theoretical frameworks used in this study was initially provided. Black Womanhood was then discussed, along with defining hegemonic femininity. This chapter also discussed a social rhetoric pertaining to Black women, by describing several pervasive images of Black womanhood predominantly present in U.S. society, as well as exploring the negative impact those images of Black Womanhood have on Black women. Finally, this chapter provided arguments in favor of conducting the current research and highlighted the literature-based need for research focusing on Black women.

Social Identity Theory

Social identity theory evolved from the work of Tajfel (1972) who introduced the term to describe how a system of social categorizations “creates and defines an individual’s own place in society” (Tajfel, 1972, p.292). An individual’s social identity represents the person’s “knowledge that he belongs to certain social groups together with some emotional and value significance to him of this group membership” (Tajfel, 1972, p.292). The self is considered reflective, likened to an object that can classify and name itself in relation to other social categories through a process called self-categorization

(Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987). One’s identity is therefore created

through self-categorization (Stets & Burke, 2000). An individual holds a social identity

by knowing that he or she belongs to a certain social group. This social group is defined

as a group of individuals who hold a common social identification and view themselves

as members of the same social categorization (Turner et al., 1987). By distinguishing

between one’s identity compared to others through a process of social comparison,

individuals who are similar to the self are regarded as the in-group, whereas individuals

who differ are labeled as the out-group (Stets & Burke, 2000).

The processes of self-categorization and social comparison in forming a social identity generate different outcomes (Turner et al., 1987). Self-categorization heightens the perceived similarities between the self and other in-group members in terms of attitudes, behaviors, beliefs, speech style, affective expressiveness, while emphasizing the differences between the self and other out-group members on the same attributes (Stets &

Burke, 2000). The social comparison process selectively applies those heightened similarities and differences to some dimensions, mainly ones that would result in outcomes that promote a greater sense of self and enhance self-esteem (Hogg & Abrams,

1988). A person’s self-esteem improves when the result of the comparison between the in-group and out-group fares in favor of the in-group, leading one’s group of identification to be viewed positively (Hogg & Abrams, 1988). According to Hogg and

Abrams (1988), individuals are born into a society that is already structured and has attributed more or less power, prestige, and status to each group. We derive our sense of self from the social categories to which we belong. Throughout one’s life, however, a person is a member of a distinct combination of social categories, making that person’s identity and experience unique (Hogg & Abrams, 1988).

In the U.S., Whiteness and male-ness are two social categories holding more power, privilege, and prestige compared to other groups (Feagin & O’Brien, 2004). Black

feminists, among others, have stressed the importance of the concept of intersectionality

to emphasize the combination of gender and other salient dimensions of women’s

identities (such as race and sexual orientation, for example) as crucial in understanding

one’s experience (Collins, 2000; Crenshaw, 1991; King, 1988; Settles, 2006).

Intersectionality recognizes a multiplicity of women’s experiences and attempts to move

away from a generic notion of “femininity” while embracing multiple “femininities” that

take into account the different statuses that various women hold in society (Pyke &

Johnson, 2003). Although Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1976) describes a process

through which individuals come to define themselves, this theory fails to contextualize

the processes of self-categorization and social comparison within systems of oppression

present in U.S. society, unlike Historical Womanist Theory (Rousseau, 2013).

Historical Womanist Theory

Historical Womanist Theory (HWT) evolved and was developed by Rousseau

(2013) to contextualize the very distinct roles Black women hold in the U.S. Drawing

from multiple theories and paradigms, HWT seeks to offer a comprehensive theoretical

framework encompassing economic, social, and political components to highlight the

ways in which systems of oppression interact to create unique sets of experiences for

Black women (Rousseau, 2013).

HWT contends that Black women are subject to multiple levels of oppression as

laborers, Black, and as women, given their historically forced labor in a racialized,

patriarchal, and capitalistic society within the U.S. (Davis, 1983; Rousseau, 2013). Of

12 particular mention, the term “racialized patriarchy” is utilized to accurately encapsulate the dynamic and complex relationship between racism and sexism in the U.S. (Jordan-

Zachery, 2007).

HWT draws from five theoretical perspectives to form its foundation. Among its tenets, Historical Materialism contends that social classes are products of capitalism and that the ruling class employs the state as a means to assert and maintain domination over the working class (Marx, 1848; Rousseau, 2009). Thus, Black women must be understood within the class structure. Womanism is incorporated within HWT to compensate for a shortcoming of Historical Materialism, namely its failure to incorporate analyses of race and gender within its understanding of the U.S. economic structure.

Womanist theory centers the experiences of Black women by highlighting the intersectional nature of Black women’s lives, rearing an analysis of both race and gender, as well as acknowledging Black women’s historical struggles to connect with Black men for liberation of all Black people (Walker, 1983). Although Womanism speaks to the experiences of Black women, the theory does not incorporate a thorough analysis of economic structures within the U.S., thus missing an essential component to understanding Black women’s experiences (Rousseau, 2013). HWT employs tenets of

Material Feminism to address the previously stated shortcoming, which describes women as serving dual roles within the labor market of a capitalist economy, roles that are essential to the success of such an economy, and roles that render women’s liberation from a capitalist structure impossible (Kollontai, 1972; Rousseau, 2013). Material

Feminism, however, fails to explore the role race plays within these processes of economic oppression and exploitation (Rousseau, 2013). HWT additionally incorporates

Black Feminist Theory’s tenets, highlighting a matrix of systems of oppression interacting to shape the experiences of Black women in the U.S. (Collins, 1990;

Rousseau, 2013). Similar to Womanism, Black Feminism seeks to move away from a compartmentalized understanding of oppression (e.g., strictly racial or gendered oppression) to describe a hierarchical and exploitative system that utilizes multiple forms of oppression to further stratify Black women in the U.S. (Collins, 1990). Finally, HWT employs Critical Race Theory as a means to describe the way the ruling class utilizes the social construct of race within the U.S. capitalist society to maintain its dominance

(Delgado, 2012). Critical Race Theory, however, does not incorporate gender as an important intersecting oppressed identity in its understanding of the U.S. racialized economic structure, thus rendering this theory incapable to fully grasp the experiences of

Black women (Rousseau, 2013).

Given the previously described foundational tenets, Historical Womanist Theory holds several assumptions. According to Rousseau, said tenets include:

(1)bureaucracy and institutionalized racism facilitate the racialized patriarchy of the capitalist structure; (2) the needs of the political economy define Black women’s position within the U.S. social structure; (3) tools and technology fundamentally dictate and regulate the position of laborers in U.S. economy; (4) Black women exist as a unique laboring class in the U.S. racialized patriarchy; (5) there are a set of intersecting oppressions that impact Black women; (6) the classed and racialized experiences of Blackness in the U.S. carries a certain universality that encompasses Black men and women; (7) even though Blacks of all genders have a shared racialized and classed history in the U.S., each group experiences unique oppressions specific to their social location; (8) social rhetoric is purposefully constructed and manipulated as a tool of oppression; and (9) it is necessary to develop consciousness, vision, and strategy as means of overthrowing the oppressive systems that have historically maintained power over Black women in the U.S. (Rousseau, 2013, p. 199).

Taken together, Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1976) and Historical Womanist

Theory (Rousseau, 2013) were utilized within this research study to provide the lenses

through which Black women’s definitions of Black Womanhood were analyzed,

interpreted, and understood. In U.S. society, which is characterized by both racism and

sexism, an oppressed versus privileged continuum exists, opposing Black and White

Womanhood (Hurtado, 1989). Controlling images of Black Womanhood emerge as a way to regulate Black women’s bodies and perpetuate a system in which Black women are devalued and White women are elevated and prized (Manring, 1998). In order to better understand the intersection between race and gender for Black women in the U.S., it is important to examine how Black women self-identify in a society that continues to devalue their racial and gender identities.

Hegemonic Femininity and Black Womanhood

Femininity, as defined by Bordo (1993), represents socially constructed standards applied to and expected from women regarding their values, behaviors, demeanors, and appearance (e.g., being caring, nurturing, knowing how to cook). Hegemony is defined as

a ruling class’s (or alliance’s) domination of subordinate groups through the elaboration and penetration of ideology (ideas and assumptions) into their common sense and everyday practice. Hegemony is systematic (but not necessarily or even usually deliberate) engineering of mass content to establish order. (Sewell, 1992 p.9).

Under hegemony, members belonging to specific groups or classes mirror the views and practices established as dominant in society (Connell, 2002). Hegemonic femininity, then, obliges all women to behave and present themselves in accordance to standards ascribed to them, which reinforce men’s dominant position in society.

White women who are able to achieve and implement the ideals of hegemonic

femininity are subsequently more valued within our society (Collins, 2005). By raising

White women above others and valuing their characteristics as ideal and feminine, “Other

Women” are inevitably considered of lesser value and unfeminine (Cole & Zucker,

2007). Hegemonic femininity, highlights differences between Black and White women, uplifting one group while denigrating the Other. Considering that White femininity has been deemed normative and ideal, European notions of beauty and femininity, specifically physical appearance, represent what women in our society are supposed to look like (Collins, 2005). Physical characteristics such as skin color, body type, hair texture, and facial features comprise important feminine dimensions (Collins, 2005).

Hegemonic femininity specifically prescribes a set of behavioral standards considered appropriate for women. A feminine woman is one who displays characteristics such as, being nurturing, caring, self-concerned, timid, and considerate of others (Abbott, 1969). Ideal women are supposed to demonstrate their femininity by being domestic, emotional, weak, dependent, and submissive to men (Chavetz, 1978).

When developing the Conformity to Feminine Norms Inventory, Mahalik and colleagues

(2005) identified eight feminine norms: (1) Nice in relationships (developing friendly and supportive relationships with others; (2) Thinness (pursuing a thin body ideal); (3)

Modesty (refraining from calling attention to one’s talents and abilities; (4) Domestic

(maintaining the home); (5) Care for children (taking care and being with children); (6)

Romantic relationship (investing self in romantic relationships); (7) Sexual fidelity

(keeping sexual intimacy contained within a committed relationship); and (8) Invest in appearance (committing resources to maintaining and improving physical appearance).

Although the authors identified the eight previously stated categories, they recognized the possibility of other feminine norms from different cultural groups. Indeed, the inventory was created, developed, and normed on samples of predominantly White women and thus

is not necessarily representative of Black women’s experiences (Mahalik, Morray,

Coonerty-Fermiano, Ludlow, Slattery, & Smiler. 2005).

In addition to feminine traits and behaviors, heterosexuality represents another cornerstone of hegemonic femininity. Sexuality is an ever evolving concept given meaning by economic, historical, cultural, and social forces (Kitzinger, Wilkinson, &

Perkins, 1992). Heterosexism is characterized by the belief in the inherent superiority of one form of sexual expression over another (Jackson, 2006). Ideologically, heterosexuality is deemed normal while all other forms of sexuality are considered deviant, abnormal, and pathological (Kitzinger et al., 1992). Under hegemonic femininity the sexual binary that is heterosexuality-homosexuality promotes heterosexual women as normative with superior status when compared to other women who do not meet the standard of normative heterosexuality. Additionally, heteronormativity extends to regulate and exclude women who do not perform their sexuality within the parameters of a heteronormative model, even as they may identify as heterosexual (Jackson, 2006).

Black women’s sexuality has long been depicted as dirty, unnatural, and sinful

(Jewell, 1993; Rousseau, 2009). The institution of slavery reinforced beliefs about the inhumanity of people of African descent. Negative attitudes and perceptions of Black women’s bodies and sexuality (e.g., being seen as savage, wild, and animal-like) were used to justify the sexual exploitation of enslaved Black women by slave masters

(Higginbotham, 1992). Black women’s experiences were inevitably tied to both their race and gender, living in chattel slavery because of their race while also falling victim to rape because of their gender (Higginbotham, 1992). Black women, seen as savage and deviant because of century-long held European beliefs, were juxtaposed against pure, virgin, and

moral White women (Jewell, 1993). Because of their perceived categorization as

unfeminine and subhuman, enslaved Black women were not afforded the same rights as

White women, including being able to participate in marriage, which represents another

benchmark of hegemonic femininity (Higginbotham, 1992).

According to Collins (2005), hegemonic femininity prescribes the traditional

American family to be a heterosexual, racially homogenous couple. This couple would then produce their own biological children, all under the authority of the father. The father’s role in the family is to earn the family’s income whereas the mother’s duties revolve around caring for the children and the household. This traditional heteronormative family operates on the assumed separation of work and family and is typified by a public versus private work dichotomy (Collins, 2005). The public sphere of work is characterized by paid employment completed by men whereas the private sphere of work encompasses the unpaid familial household duties accomplished by women

(Glenn, 1994). This family created by heterosexual attraction is sanctioned by the government and the children born from the union are conferred legitimacy (Anderson,

1991; Thorne, 1992).

The traditional American family schema constitutes a narrow representation of family that has often been difficult, if not impossible to achieve by many groups, especially Black women. A division of labor between the public domain of paid work and the private sphere of unpaid family responsibilities does not represent the experiences of

Black women. During slavery, Black women did not get remunerated for their domestic or agricultural work. Moreover, Black women experienced violations such as being separated from their children, not able to choose their mate, and being sexually exploited

18 by the slave master (Collins, 2005). In addition, the public/private binary equates manhood with working outside of the family and womanhood with taking care of the family. As a result, Black women have been seen as less feminine because of their presence in the public work sphere since slavery, earning wages outside of the household, and spending less time taking care of their own children (Kerber, 1988). Thus, Black women are deemed deficient when compared to the ideal woman (Higginbotham, 1983;

Glenn, 1985; Mullings, 1997). Under slavery Black women performed laborious manual tasks alongside men at the plantations. Black women also worked inside their owners’ home as cooks, maids, taking care of White children (Collins, 2005; Higginbotham,

1992). The gains of their labor did not benefit their own family. Slavery exploited Black women’s sexuality and fertility to benefit a capitalist society, at the expense of their own family (Zinn, 2003). The rape of enslaved Black women provided a constant flow of future slaves. Black women were denied marriage, citizenship, and even humanity.

Slavery provided no precedent for Black motherhood to be seen as a private, within family occupation (Higginbotham, 1992). In light of those differences of experiences,

Black women were, and are still to this day, excluded from the hegemonic definition of femininity.

Social Rhetoric

According to Social Identity Theory, individuals identify with groups (defined by their race and gender, for example) that are afforded more or less power in society

(Hoggs & Abrams, 1988). Within a system of oppression, the dominant group is afforded the power to define and name what is considered “normal” and “correct”, while denigrating, misrepresenting, and labeling as “other” groups of individuals who do not fit

within the context of what has been defined as “normal” (Hardiman & Jackson, 1997,

Speight, 2007). A social rhetoric is created, through reiteration of false narratives about a group the dominant culture is seeking to define (Rousseau, 2009). Such social rhetoric, more salient than a stereotype, becomes an inextricable component of the narrative in society that highlights and prescribes what the oppressed group is allowed to become within said society (Rousseau, 2009). Throughout history, Black women’s experiences highlight the crucial role race played in shaping class relations and constructing gender differences (Higginbotham, 1992). Several cultural images engrained within the social

rhetoric of Black Womanhood were created and disseminated throughout society as a means to justify the abuse perpetuated on Black women. Whether those images and the assumptions associated with them were truthful or erroneous has had little to do with their internalization (Jewell, 1993). Although the cultural images created to depict Black

Womanhood were distorted and uncharacteristic of Black women, they had a significant influence on perceptions and expectations of Black women (Jewell, 1993). In order to better understand this social rhetoric created to demonize and devalue Black women, it is important to deconstruct several images associated with Black Womanhood.

According to Jewell (1993), there are essentially three cultural images of Black women that have stood the test of time: Mammy, Sapphire, and Jezebel. The Mammy stereotype originated in slavery and describes an obese woman with dark complexion, with African features and exaggerated large breasts and buttocks. She was often displayed wearing a headscarf with a permanent grin, showing her shiny white teeth, which were a strong contrast against her dark skin. She worked in her master’s house, serving as a housekeeper, nanny, and cook with no financial remuneration (Jewell, 1993;

Thomas, Witherspoon, & Speight, 2004; West, 1995). Mammy was expected to take care

of her owners’ needs by completely devoting herself to the family she served and

intentionally neglecting her own needs and those of her own family without any

complaints (Adbullah, 1998; Mitchell & Herring, 1998). Her demeanor conveyed her

complete satisfaction with her position in life, since she would never be portrayed as

recalcitrant (Jewell, 1993). Mammy exemplified Black Womanhood, with her large

breasts and buttocks, lacked sexual desirability and embodied maternal nurturance. This

lack of sexual desirability justified men’s lack of sexual attraction towards Black women,

although the master continuously exploited Black women’s bodies (Collins, 2005). The

Mammy stereotype is considered to be the most pervasive image of Black Womanhood,

representing the antithesis of the dominant society’s definition of womanhood (West,

1995). Black women are penalized if they do not embody and display warmth when

navigating their different social environments and roles. As Collins (2000) stated,

“Mammy is the public face that Whites expect Black women to assume for them” (p.73).

When juxtaposed against the slim, White, docile ideal woman, Mammy is, as an overweight, dark-skinned, asexual woman with “grotesque” and masculine facial features, precisely what a woman is not supposed to be.

Sapphire emerged in the 1940’s and 1950’s and was reinforced by a character from the Amos and Andy radio and television show (West, 1995). She is portrayed as headstrong, hostile, nagging, emasculating, loud, loquacious, and argumentative (Bell,

1992; Collins, 2005; Thomas et al., 2004; West, 1995). According to Jewell (1993),

Sapphire’s existence is contingent upon the presence of an incompetent, corrupt, and deceitful Black man who is the recipient of her verbal attacks. Sapphire was depicted

engaging in constant verbal spats with a Black man whose lack of integrity and

corruptness represented her points of contention. She is usually of brown or dark brown

complexion, shown with her hands on her hips, sometimes waving her fingers. Her

depiction is often seen as comedic since she is not taken seriously despite being

constantly angry (West, 1995).

The Jezebel image of Black Womanhood originated in slavery and was utilized as

a means to control Black women’s sexuality and reproduction (West, 1995). Jezebel is

represented as a woman of fair complexion often of mixed race with facial features

considered European. Such features included thin lips, longer straight hair, and slender

nose (Collins, 2000; Jewell, 1993). Compared to Mammy, Jezebel most resembled the

ideals of White American femininity. However, her voracious sexual appetite,

seductiveness, and willingness to exploit men’s weaknesses were in clear contrast from

the pure, virgin-like White woman (Collins, 2000; Jewell, 1993; West, 1995). Jezebel reinforces stereotypes of hypersexuality of Black women and represents the abnormal side of the normal/deviant sexual binary (Collins, 2000). Additionally, contemporary representations of Jezebel have become more prevalent (Stephens & Phillips, 2003;

Townsend et al., 2010). The baby mama, gold diggers, and video vixen represent variations of the Jezebel stereotype, which further label Black women as promiscuous, alluring, and impure (Thomas et al., 2004; Townsend et al. 2010; West 1995). Such labels ultimately render Black women unable to achieve aspects of hegemonic femininity, further marginalizing Black women’s experiences (Mahalik et al., 2005; Townsend et al.,

2010)

In addition to the previously described images of Black Womanhood, the Strong

Black Woman schema (often abbreviated as SBW) is described as “emotionally resilient,

physically indomitable, and infinitely maternal” (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009, p. 25). The

SBW, seen as a “Superwoman”, has been expected to be able to carry the weight of the

world on her shoulders. By definition, her greatest attribute, which is her strength,

precludes her from being exploited, oppressed, and victimized, as she does not

experience any suffering, no matter how extreme her life conditions may be (Beauboeuf-

Lafontant, 2009). Strength has long been embraced by Black women as a sign of

overcoming adversity, and is associated with feelings of pride for many Black women

(Edge & Rogers, 2005). However, over the past thirty years, critics of the SBW image

have challenged this stereotype, noting that perpetuating the myth of the SBW essentially

robs Black women from being seen as vulnerable and invalidates any anger Black women

may express regarding their daily oppression (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Gillespie,

1984; hooks, 2001).

As Social Identity Theory states, one’s sense of self is reflected and created through self-categorization (Turner et al., 1987). We create our identity from recognizing how we may belong to one group and not another. Accordingly, Black women would then identify with traits owing to their group memberships as both Black and female.

However, the long lasting effects of stereotypes of Black Womanhood continue to be felt in our society and influence understandings of what it means to be Black and a woman.

Internalized Oppression

Fanon (1963), Freire (1970), and Memmi (1965) significantly contributed and

influenced the literature on oppression. Their critique of colonialism in North Africa and

South America in the 1960s impacted racial politics in the U.S. and continue to shape the

body of literature available on structural and interpersonal oppression (Pyke, 2010;

Tappan, 2006). Internalized oppression has become a commonly researched concept describing how within an oppressive system members of the oppressed group may come to believe the dominant, privileged group’s views of them (Freire, 2000). Pheterson

(1990) defined internalized oppression as,

The incorporation and acceptance by individuals within an oppressed group of the prejudices against them within the dominant society. Internalized oppression is likely to consist of self-hatred, self-concealment, fear of violence and feelings of inferiority, resignation, isolation, powerlessness, and gratefulness for being allowed to survive. Internalized oppression is the mechanism within an oppressive system for perpetuating domination not only by external control but also by building subservience into the minds of the oppressed groups. (p. 35)

Internalizing negative messages about oneself can cause members of the oppressed group to think, feel, and act in accordance to the damaging messages perpetuated in society (Hardiman & Jackson, 1997). This internalization can therefore be psychologically detrimental and continues to promote a system of oppression (Freire,

2000). Accordingly, some Black women may internalize society’s negative messages about Black Womanhood and may enact the stereotypes, sometimes with undesirable outcomes (Thomas et al., 2004).

The pervasive stereotypes of Black Womanhood within our society have been

associated with negative physical and mental health problems for Black women. Weight

and body image concerns for Black women may be tied to the Mammy stereotype and the

internalization of thinness as the ideal body type (Thompson, 1994). Some Black women

are at risk of developing eating disorders, at times in an attempt to separate themselves

from the obese Mammy image and better assimilate to mainstream U.S. culture

(Abrahams, Allen, & Gray, 1993). Additionally, some Black women with features

typically associated with Mammy (e.g., dark skin, kinky hair) express feelings of

unattractiveness as well as shame and may not be afforded certain social privileges (e.g.,

being more desirable romantically) compared to their lighter-skinned counterparts (Neil

& Wilson, 1989).

Internalization of the Sapphire stereotype, especially as it relates to expressing

anger, may influence some Black women’s display of emotions. For examples, Black

women may be seen as pushy, aggressive, and hostile when expressing anger or

dissatisfaction (West, 1995). On the other hand, some Black women may avoid such

displays, for fear to be stereotyped as “the angry Black woman” and change their

behaviors in order to appear non-threatening to others (Lineberger & Calhoun, 1983).

Consequently, health concerns such as hypertension, depression, and low self-esteem may develop, in addition to feeling responsible for the discomfort and fear of others

(Munhall, 1994).

Jezebel is a stereotype that may be internalized by some Black women (e.g., perceived promiscuity of Black women, early age sexual activity). Some women may perceive their sexuality as one of their most valuable assets (becoming a source of esteem) or experience shame and repression of sexual feelings as attempts to distance themselves from the Jezebel stereotype (West, 1995). Endorsement of the Jezebel stereotype was also linked to increased sexual risk in a sample of young Black girls

(Townsend et al., 2010).

The SBW image has been associated with health concerns among Black women

(Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). Many Black women have expressed feeling burnt out,

overwhelmed, angry, and feeling the need to take off the mask (of strength). Others have

expressed constant pressures to adjust and/or suppress their true selves in attempts to fit

within U.S. society, a survival and coping skill that can prove physically and emotionally

taxing (Jones & Shorter-Gooden, 2003). Additionally, Beauboeuf-Lafontant (2009)

describes how many Black women may repress anger and experience depression, due to

having no outlet to process any difficulties they may encounter. This suppression of anger

may be related to compromised physical and mental health (Black, Murry, Cutrona, &

Chen, 2009). Internalization of the SBW image may be related to an increase in health-

related problems such as diabetes and high blood pressure (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009;

Woods-Giscombe, 2010; Woods-Giscombe & Lobel, 2008).

Taken together, these cultural images of Black women are rooted in the complicated racialized and gendered past of the United States. Depictions of Black

Womanhood have been internalized by many Black women and have been tied to some

Black women’s experiences of psychological distress (Jewell, 1993; Speight, Isom, &

Thomas, 2012). Although parts of these stereotypes may highlight positive qualities such as strength and assertiveness, they are problematic in the sense that they portray various negative qualities defined by the privileged in order to control perceptions of Black women. Attributes such as independence, aggressiveness, strength, and decisiveness are typically positively associated with traditional masculinity. When imposed on portrayals of Black Womanhood, those same attributes can be used as means to degrade Black women, by either deeming Black women unattractive or manly (Jewell, 1993).

Mainstream images of Black Womanhood originated in slavery and continue to have a pervasive impact on how Black women are portrayed in our society. These images

continue to circulate within society and are normalizing, even trivializing experiences of

racism and sexism. The “otherization” of Black women has served as justification for

their marginalized societal status, justifying race, class, and gender oppression (Collins,

2000). This social rhetoric of Black Womanhood works to continuously denigrate and

devalue Black women’s social and economic position within the U.S (Rousseau, 2009).

However, Black women have resisted the ideological justifications of their oppression

and literature on Black Womanhood has demonstrated how Black women assert themselves with positive self-identifications (Holloway, 2005).

Black Womanhood

Theories of socialization of Black girls highlight how Black women are taught at

an early age how to navigate their environment. Ladner (1971) contended that Black

women are socialized to be autonomous, resourceful, and hardworking. At the same time,

Gurin and Gaylord (1976) argued that Black women are also socialized to accept the

traditional gender roles promoted by society (i.e., hegemonic femininity). Black women

have been thought to demonstrate a type of psychological androgyny, where they present

with both traditional masculine and feminine traits (Binion, 1990). Some of these

attributes include feminine traits such as being affectionate, gentle, understanding and

masculine traits such as ambitious, dominant, and self-reliant (Bem, 1977). Binion

(1990), in her study of 123 Black women’s psychological androgyny, reported that the presence of traditional masculine traits did not prevent Black women from also endorsing traditional feminine traits (such as, being nurturing and being invested in the mothering role). Black women may need to be more androgynous or masculine in order to be successful in society as both workers and mates (Binion, 1990). The previously described

27 study utilized the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI; Bem, 1974) and the Personal Attribute

Questionnaire (PAQ; Spence, Helmreich, & Stapp, 1975). The BSRI and PAQ are two widely used measures of femininity in research (Canales, 2000). However, the scales were normed on White women. Although the BSRI and PAQ have been previously used with samples of Black women, researchers continue to emphasize that the findings may not be generalizable to Black women (Napholz, 1994). Findings from research studies using the BSRI and the PAQ continue to perpetuate stereotypes of Black women as

“manly” and not quite feminine enough based on hegemonic femininity. Binion (1990) interpreted the lack of congruity in the results concerning Black women as an indicator of the multidimensionality and complexity of the concepts of femininity for Black women, which the extant literature has yet to capture.

Literature emphasizing Black women as androgynous, and celebrating their

“masculine” traits provide a context in which Black women are compared to White women and deemed so unfeminine that they are masculine. When compared to White women, Black women’s traits of being strong, a leader, and assertive are perceived negatively. Littlefield (2004) highlighted that the mainstream notions of femininity may not adequately reflect the experiences of Black women and emphasized the need for continued research and theory development from an emic perspective that would incorporate the historical experiences and culture of Black women.

To date, however, the research on Black Womanhood remains scarce. Among the few available after a search on PsycINFO with the key term “Black Womanhood”,

Chaney (2011) conducted a qualitative study focusing on Black Womanhood and perceptions of marriage. In this study, fifteen participants completed an open-ended

survey and their written responses were analyzed to identify themes regarding how they

described and experienced their womanhood. The heterosexual women in the study

described womanhood as embodying feminine attitudes (i.e., strength, sensitivity,

sensuality) and behaviors (i.e., familial care, their own physical appearance, and self-

respect). The women described their womanhood as opposite yet complementary to the

traditional role of men as aggressors, protectors, and providers. In other words, the

participants defined their role as complementary to that of their male counterparts, with

both roles being equally valued and necessary for prosperity. Chaney concluded that

Black Womanhood is demonstrated by:

a woman’s ability to take care of her home and by taking the lead in the absence of male leadership, is successful in her home and career lives, recognizes the God-given role as man’s helper; is provider and caretaker of her family; possesses good morals; is spiritually conscious; is a responsible and caring mother; and keeps a house clean (Chaney, 2011, p. 523).

Chaney’s conclusions appear reflective of traditional hegemonic gender roles.

Chaney asked Black women directly how they defined and demonstrated their

womanhood, as opposed to using scales developed and normed on White women.

However, Chaney (2011) utilized open-ended surveys for the participants to provide written answers to the questions which did not allow the opportunity for follow-up or

clarification of participants’ answers. The author’s approach may have resulted in

misunderstandings and bias in the interpretation of the participants’ responses.

Furthermore, the participants were attendees of a politically conservative conference and

the themes generated might reflect a particular view point and might not be transferable

to another group of Black women.

Settles, Pratt-Hyatt, and Buchanan (2008) investigated Black and White women’s perceptions of womanhood. Using focus groups, 14 Black women and 17 White women of various socioeconomic status and age were asked questions regarding their racial and gendered experiences. Interviewers were members of participants’ racial groups in order to increase cohesion and create a comfortable atmosphere for participants. The following

5 themes emerged for both Black and White women: Gender-Based Mistreatment,

Perceived Advantage, Friendships and Community, Caretaking, and Work and Family

Options. The authors noted the emergence of an additional theme, Inner Strength when analyzing the Black women’s data (Settles et al., 2008). For the Black women in the study, understanding of their womanhood encompassed elements of strength that were inextricable from their combined racial and gendered experiences. Since Inner Strength did not emerge as a theme in the focus groups including White women, the authors contended that this characteristic was uniquely representative of Black women’s experiences. Some of the Black women within this study also highlighted some ways being strong may be a necessity while also taking an emotional toll on their well-being

(Settles et al., 2008). Some limitations of the study included lack of variability regarding participants’ sexual orientations, with 90% of participants identifying as heterosexual.

The authors also highlighted how a higher sample size may have assured the emergence of all themes relevant to their study and proposed future research to take sample size into consideration (Settles et al., 2008). Further, the use of individual interviews may have yielded more nuanced answers, further deepening the authors’ understanding of their participants’ womanhood.

Belgrave, Abrams, Hood, Moore, and Nguyen (2015) conducted 3 studies to investigate gender role beliefs of African American women. The first study consisted of conducting 8 focus groups with a sample of 44 African American women. The following themes emerged out of the initial study: Dedication to Care of Others, Having Multiple

Roles, Perceived Social Inferiority, and Displaying Strength (Belgrave et al., 2015).

Several items were extracted from the themes to create the item pool utilized during scale development of the Belgrave Gender Role Inventory (BGRI) during Study 2. The BGRI was administered to 94 African American women and an Exploratory Factor Analysis

(EFA) was conducted. Scales such as the Bem Sex Role Inventory (BSRI) and the

Personal Attributes Questionnaire (PAQ), and the Need for Cognition Scale (NCS) were also administered to establish convergent and discriminant validity (Belgrave et al.,

2015). The results of the study yielded 9 items out of the initial pool of 18 items that were then retained to create the BGRI scale (Belgrave et al., 2015). The authors asserted that the BGRI showed good discriminant validity and good convergent validity between BSRI and BGRI subscales. Study 3 sought to replicate the findings of study 2 with a different sample of African American women to further assess the BGRI’s fit. A total of 184

African American women took the BGRI and a Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) was conducted. The CFA supported the two-factor structure of the BGRI and the subscales were labeled as Agency (including independence, strength, and independence) and

Caretaking (Belgrave et al., 2015). The three studies conducted to develop the BGRI presented with advantages, as the authors derived the scale items from interviewing

African American women, thus utilizing an emic perspective when developing the scale.

The authors however emphasized future directions for research to potentially incorporate

31 additional items to the scale and further validate the BGRI by testing it within existing theories (Belgrave et al., 2015).

Further research on Black femininity showed some evidence that some Black women are invested in maintaining their physical appearance, devoting time and money in order to achieve and maintain a feminine appearance (Craig, 2006). This investment in maintaining a feminine appearance is hypothesized to stem from an internalization of normative femininity that idealizes being “put together” and describes Black women as undesirable, unattractive, sexually promiscuous, and aggressive (Collins, 2005).

Consistent with the assumed universality of hegemonic femininity, most research on Black Womanhood has conceptualized Black Womanhood in relation to hegemonic femininity and compared Black women to White women utilizing this very narrow and culturally specific definition of femininity. Most of the research perpetuates the notion that Black Womanhood exists solely in relation to hegemonic femininity. For instance, in their study of Black and White women’s perspectives on femininity, Cole and Zucker

(2007) administered phone questionnaires to 1130 women (326 Black women and 804

White women). In their operationalization of femininity, the authors utilized benchmarks of hegemonic femininity, such as adherence to traditional gender roles, demonstration of feminine traits, feminine appearance, and domestic duties. Black and White women placed considerable importance on clothing, maintaining a home, being gentle, and sensitive. Further analyses noted that the Black women in the study rated themselves higher on two out of the three items pertaining to feminine appearance compared to

White women (i.e., clothing and maintenance of home). Some of the findings of the study suggested a commonality regarding Black and White women’s definition of femininity

32 based on adherence to hegemonic femininity. This study was based on an assumed universality of hegemonic femininity. Cole and Zucker (2007) caution against overgeneralizing their results by stating that femininity for Black women may have distinctive meanings different from hegemonic femininity. The authors suggest more ethnographic and emic research to better understand the nature of Black Womanhood. It is important to note that generating a Black woman-centered definition of Black

Womanhood is essential in furthering the literature and giving voice to Black women.

Summary

Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1976) and Historical Womanist Theory (Rousseau,

2013) provide frameworks through which the current study approached better understanding Black Womanhood. Black women represent a group of individuals who hold a common social identification and view themselves as members of the same social categorization (Turner et al., 1987). Additionally, any exploration of Black women’s experiences in the U.S. must incorporate contextual factors from the racial patriarchy present in U.S. society, exploring systems of oppression that interact and shape Black women’s lives (Rousseau, 2013). Historically, Black Womanhood has been derived from hegemonic femininity, which prescribes standards that are considered ideals in describing the ideal woman. In the U.S., the ideal woman is White, slim, young, heterosexual, and demonstrates her femininity by being docile, nurturing, and submissive (amongst other traits) to her male counterparts (Collins, 2005). Women who are able to achieve society’s standards are deemed worthy, relegating other women to an inferior status. Black women represent such a group in society, in that Black Womanhood has continually been presented as the antithesis of hegemonic femininity. Stereotypical portrayals of Black

33 women as unkempt, sexually immoral, and unfeminine stem from a history of slavery and those images continue to be disseminated by the media (Sewell, 1992).

Although images such as the Mammy, Sapphire, and Jezebel stereotypes may have evolved into more contemporary ones, their continued presence is not without consequences (French, 2013). In his most famous work, W. E. DuBois (1903) stated,

It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his two-ness, — an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder (p. 9).

DuBois (1903) articulated the psychological dilemma that many Blacks in the

United States experience in creating and defining their identity. As product of their environment, some Black women can come to view and value themselves solely through narrow societal lenses, internalizing negative messages perpetuated by the dominant society. Freire (2000) discussed that members of the subordinate group in an oppressive system may come to accept and believe as true the privileged group’s view of them, which can be psychologically damaging. Thus, the internalization of negative stereotypes associated with Black Womanhood has been related to mental health concerns for Black women (Black et al., 2009; Woods-Giscombe, 2010).

Furthermore, the research on Black Womanhood has continued to extrapolate

Black Womanhood from hegemonic femininity, using theory and instruments developed and normed on White women (Binion, 1990). Deriving Black Womanhood from hegemonic femininity is problematic by perpetuating the idea that Black women’s existence remains that of the “Other” woman in a society where White womanhood is considered the norm (Napholtz, 1994). In order to change this narrative, research and

theory is needed that utilizes an emic definition of Black Womanhood derived from the

voices and experiences of Black women (Chaney, 2011).

Black feminist scholars have contributed to the examination of Black

Womanhood from a culturally specific perspective, and worked to advance a definition of

Black Womanhood that is not derived from the experiences of White women

(Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Collins, 2005; Rousseau, 2009). Some research utilizing an

emic perspective to understanding Black Womanhood have identified characteristics such

as inner strength, agency, and care taking of particular importance for Black women

(Belgrave et al., 2015; Settles et. Al, 2008). From this standpoint, the current research

proposed to more fully understand Black women’s self-definition by centering their

voices. In doing so, this study advances the field’s discourse on the experiences of Black

women by seeking to understand how Black women self-identify. The following research

questions were posed:

1. How do Black women define Black Womanhood in a society that oppresses and

undervalues both Blackness and womanhood?

2. How do Black women define their own Black Womanhood?

CHAPTER III

METHODOLOGY

This study aimed to explore Black women’s conceptualization of their womanhood. The purpose of this research project was to engage the participants in a conversation eliciting their perceptions, definitions, processes, and understanding of what it means to be a Black woman. This study is of importance as it allowed for these women to describe their authentic experiences, as well as supplement the scarce literature that specifically focuses on Black women.

First, this chapter will describe the qualitative methodology used, including the study’s assumptions, and information about the researcher. This chapter will then elaborate on details pertaining to the participants, data collection procedures, and data analyses needed to conduct this study. Finally, the study’s ethical considerations will be discussed.

Phenomenological Approach

Creswell (2003) described a phenomenological approach to qualitative inquiry as a mean to understand the lived experiences of individuals involved with the phenomenon of interest. The individuals’ perspectives are seen as essential to understanding the phenomenon. The researcher gathers information through interviews or focus groups.

During the interpretation process, the researcher will explore, analyze, and retrieve themes of meaning, which will then be used to construct a specific lived description of

the phenomenon (Creswell, 1998).

Van Manen (1997) established a phenomenological research methodology based

on the lived and shared experiences of the participants. It is important to note the

philosophical roots of phenomenology. Philosopher Husserl proposed a stance where one

examines how phenomena are subjectively experienced, adopting a “phenomenological attitude” (Welton, 1999). According to Husserl, engaging in such a practice represented his original method of phenomenological inquiry. Later on, however, other philosophers added to the implementation of phenomenological methods, including more interpretative processes (Moran, 2000). According to Heidegger (1992), real meaning into one’s experiences can only be reached through sorting through experiences and uncovering deeper, more concealed meanings not as apparent to the participants. Heidegger (1992)

also linked his phenomenological approach to hermeneutics, or the study of the theory

and practice of interpretation.

The researcher’s knowledge and views were very much highlighted and

incorporated into the process. As previously stated, the definition of a specific

phenomenon being investigated needs to emerge from the individuals experiencing it,

instead of being predetermined by the researcher (Creswell, 2003). The meaning that the

participants brought to their understanding of the phenomenon informed all stages of the

research project, including data collection and interpretation. In addition, a

phenomenological approach allowed me to recognize my own impact and presence as the

researcher in conducting this study.

Qualitative research is based on the assumption that multiples realities exist

(Creswell, 2003). Reality is historically, socially, and culturally constructed (Lincoln &

Guba, 1985; Newman, 2000). Social constructivism, as a research paradigm, attempts to

understand a phenomenon from a context-specific perspective where inquiry into said

phenomenon is value-bound, as opposed to value-free (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008). Any phenomenon under investigation is influenced by the researcher and the context under which it occurs because individuals develop subjective meanings of their personal experiences (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008). The researcher’s role is to understand the different realities individuals present from their own subjective perspective. In addition, the researcher acknowledges that her own experience shapes her interpretation,

“positioning” herself in research while acknowledging her own experiences, whether historical, social, and cultural (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008).

Researcher Subjectivity

It is undeniable that this research project is very much tied to my personal racial and gender identity. I am a Black woman. My life experiences have significantly shaped my understanding of Black Womanhood. I believe that other Black women have unique experiences and that giving voice to their stories and perspectives, however different they may be from mine, is crucial in better conceptualizing Black Womanhood.

I am an African woman, born and raised in Abidjan, Côte d’Ivoire, from immigrant parents originally from Mali and Burkina Faso. Although religion and adherence to traditional gender roles were important, I was raised with messages that describe the ideal woman as nurturing, caring, adhering to traditional roles, such as cooking, cleaning, and raising children, and as committed to her family. This ideal woman is also strong, independent, resourceful, financially stable, and committed to her

38 career and giving back to community. This woman is virtuous and holds a strong religious faith. These attributes described what it means to be a true African woman.

As a Black immigrant woman, I sought to study the concept of Black

Womanhood in an attempt to better understand how intersecting systems of oppression interact to shape and influence the experiences of this marginalized population. I define my Black Womanhood based on cultural influences from my country of origin as well as experiences I have encountered in the U.S. I do realize that other Black women define their womanhood in a different manner based on their life experiences and the cultures they navigate in their respective lives. Acknowledging my background while conducting this study is crucial as I situate myself in the research and recognize that my experiences will influence my expectations and assumptions.

Several assumptions rooted in my personal experiences as a Black woman and doctoral psychology student guided the development of this study. I assumed that Black women hold a different status in our society compared to White women. Black women, therefore, possess unique perspectives that are impacted by historical, social, and political realities. Additionally, I assumed that because of these historical, social, and political forces, Black women may conceptualize their womanhood in a different manner than their White counterparts. Furthermore, I assumed that Black Womanhood encompasses aspects of hegemonic femininity, as all women in this society more or less adhere to its tenets, while also encompassing cultural criteria that are not traditionally viewed as feminine. This notion assumes that Black women express said womanhood in a unique manner. Also, I assumed that Black women’s race and gender are inseparable and together impact their definition of Black Womanhood. Finally, I assumed that the study

participants will be self-aware, introspective, and, therefore, able to describe their

definition and experience of Black Womanhood.

Recruitment Procedure

Participants were recruited for this study using criterion-based sampling. This

type of sampling has been used in phenomenological studies, as a means to gather information from individuals who all experience the same phenomenon (Bloomberg &

Volpe, 2008). Additionally, participants were recruited using snowball sampling, where participants were reached using contact information acquired from already interviewed study participants (Atkinson & Flint, 2001). In this study, participants were selected based on their self-identification as a Black woman. In order to increase diversity of experiences in addition to responses to the questions in the interviews, women of varying ages, socioeconomic status, sexual orientation, education level, national region, and immigration status were sought out.

Participants were recruited from the community (e.g., local churches, community organizations, hair salon), and local universities. Participants were recruited through advertisements and flyers (Appendix A), inviting them to participate in a study where they could share their experiences related to being a Black woman. An incentive of $10 each was given to the participants for their involvement in the interviews (Appendix B).

Ethical concerns were attended to in accordance with the American Psychological

Association ethics code regarding data collection (APA, 2002).

Research Participants

In order to answer the proposed research questions, 20 participants were interviewed, after providing some demographic information. Demographic information

was collected in order to identify the participants, including background information such

as city, state, and country of origin, in addition to some personal information related to

age and education. Participants were asked to complete a personal data sheet before each

interview (see Appendix C). See table 1 for a summary of the participants’ demographic

information.

Participants’ age ranged from 23 years old to 68 years old (mean=36.75 and

median=32.5). Most of the participants (n=17) were college graduates with half of the

total participants (n=10) holding a higher education degree. Also, most participants

identified as Christian, African American, and heterosexual (n=17, n=18, and n=18,

respectively). Some participants identified as immigrants (n=2), and some reported being

unemployed (n=2).

Data Collection

In order to engage the participants in a conversation that generates a rich

discussion, it is recommended to not only include content familiar to the researcher, but

also be flexible and willing to dive into unfamiliar topics of discussion (Merton, Fiske, &

Kendall, 1990). Based on previous qualitative research conducted in an attempt to define

Black Womanhood (Chaney, 2011; Settles, Pratt-Hyatt, & Buchanan, 2008), the literature available on the topic, as well as the research questions of this project, several questions were created which included, but were not limited to: What does the term Black

Womanhood mean to you? What does it mean for you to be a Black woman? What do you think your role as a Black woman is? Questions were designed to attend to areas such as background and experiences where participants became aware of their identity as a

Black woman, general and personal definitions of Black Womanhood, ways their

41 identification as a Black woman impacts their lived experiences, as well as key factors that have influenced their identity (Appendix D). Utilizing a phenomenological approach provided flexibility in questioning during the interviews. As the interviewer, I was able to query for additional information while participants were able to discuss matters they thought fittingly answered the initial questions being posed.

The study’s semi-structured interviews were mostly conducted in person, with the exception of one interview (Traci) whose interview was conducted via phone. The in- person interviews were conducted in a variety of settings including participants’ homes and private rooms in public libraries. Interviews ranged from 32 minutes to 154 minutes, and totaled 1,542 minutes (mean interview time= 77 minutes, median= 65.5 minutes). All

20 interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed by researcher, graduate students, and outsourced to a transcribing company. All interviews transcribed were reviewed by researcher to ensure accuracy of transcription prior to coding the data.

Data Analysis

Data analysis for this study was conducted using the Constant Comparative

Analysis (CCA) method. This method is an iterative and inductive process where data is being reduced through continuous coding (Glaser & Strauss, 1967). Although this method of analysis is often synonymous with a grounded theory (GT) approach to qualitative research, there has been an increase in recent years of the utilization of CCA as a technique for data analysis outside of GT (Fram, 2013). As a methodology, CCA demonstrates some strengths, including maintaining an emic perspective to the research, that is, emphasizing the participant’s point of view as insider and maintaining close proximity to the data (Fram, 2013).

To answer the proposed researched questions (e.g., How do participants describe

Black Womanhood? How do participants describe their own Black Womanhood), only

the section pertaining to the study’s research questions was coded for each participant.

However, each transcript was reviewed in its entirety by the researcher in order to

contextualize the participants’ answers. In accordance with CCA methodology, coding

was broken down into two steps, which are initial coding and focused coding of the data

(Charmaz, 2014). During the first step or initial coding, incidents or parts of the data were

identified and labeled in a manner that were both summative and descriptive (Charmaz,

2014). Incidents within an interview were coded under previously identified incidents or

identified as new incidents. Data exhibiting similar characteristics were grouped together

in a process better known as categorization (Dey, 1999). Using a Constant Comparative

Approach to the data, data within the first and subsequent interviews were organized

using the previously described method and until categorical saturation is achieved.

Categorical saturation may be described as a stage in the coding process where the data analyzed is no longer engendering new categories, and when subsequently identified incidents would be classified under previously existing categories (Strauss & Corbin,

1998).

As the researcher, my role was to understand the participants’ responses and interpret them in a manner that accurately represented the experiences they described. In order to do so, I diligently “bracketed” my thoughts, ideas, and preconceptions related to

Black Womanhood throughout coding. I made several entries in my reflective journal and kept an analytic memo to write down my impressions of initial themes, connections, and questions that were arising.

During the second step of the data analysis, focused coding further reduced and

refined the data utilizing the most frequently occurring categories to generate most common themes emerging from the data (Charmaz, 2014). During this process, the

Historical Womanist Theory in addition to Social Identity Theory were utilized to compliment, verify, and aid in explaining findings, as prescribed by Fram (2013).

According to Fram (2013), using a relevant theoretical framework when conducting data analysis using CCA outside of a grounded theory approach may prove beneficial in moving the findings from a concrete level (e.g., interviewees’ answers) to a more abstract, theoretical level while maintaining an emic perspective to the research being conducted.

Trustworthiness, Dependability, and Reflexivity

The concepts of reliability and validity have been used to assess and establish

quality in quantitative research studies. Reliability reflects the extent to which findings

from a study can be replicated, while validity is described as the extent to which the

findings can be considered true (Merrick, 1990). When discussing qualitative research,

however, many researchers have argued that the concepts of reliability and validity may

not be appropriate or applicable because of the clear differences in paradigms (Becker,

1996; Lather, 1993), thus using trustworthiness and dependability instead.

Trustworthiness can be described as the credibility of the research process and

future findings. In other words, trustworthiness attempts to answer questions related to

whether the researcher has accurately represented what the participants think, feel, and do

(Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008). In order to achieve trustworthiness, I clarified my biases

throughout the process, checking regularly to assess whether interpretations of the data

44 were accurate while immersing myself into the research. Detailed or “thick” descriptions were provided (e.g., settings, dynamics, reactions and interpretations), in addition to grounding any interpretation made in actual examples provided by the participants.

Furthermore, although I was solely responsible for organizing, coding, and interpreting the data gathered for the study, I made use of peer debriefers, namely my dissertation’s chair, committee members, and colleagues familiar with the literature on Black women.

The study’s chair provided feedback on both the coding categories and themes generated during data analysis, while other individuals consulted provided suggestions when refining the themes emerging from the data. Interpretation of data was then revised to incorporate feedback from peer debriefers. Implementing these steps allowed for increased trustworthiness, as recommended by Stiles (1993) and Bloomberg and Volpe

(2008).

Dependability refers to assessing the processes and procedures used to collect and interpret the data (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008). In order to achieve dependability in this study, the primary investigator provided detailed and thorough explanations of how the data was collected and analyzed, also referred to as an audit trail. An audit trail is important to provide in order to increase dependability (Bloomberg & Volpe, 2008). I did so by documenting steps throughout my data collection and analysis, reported previously in this chapter.

Furthermore, I made use of analytic memos in my researcher journal in order to reflect on the many aspects of the study (e.g., participants, research questions, data gathered, emerging themes, connections between themes). Mason (2002) describes analytic memos as fostering researcher reflexivity and allowing researcher to think

“critically about what you are doing and why, confronting and often challenging your own assumptions, and recognizing the extent to which your thoughts, actions, and decisions shape how you research and what you see” (p. 5).

One such entry can be observed below:

Research Questions Reflections:

The research questions for the study attempted to address understanding Black Womanhood from two different angles. With the first question, I intended to inquire about whether participants had a definition of Black Womanhood as a broad concept. Based on the literature available, some themes have emerged (e.g., strength) and I was wondering whether those themes may be reflected in my own data. My second question sought to highlight participants’ own definitions of Black Womanhood, that is, what it means for them specifically to be a Black woman, the different roles they hold based on their identities, to highlight how they self-define. This question allowed for deepening my understanding of my participants’ lived experiences, in true qualitative methodology form. Given participants’ difficulties answering the first question, I now wonder whether my first research question was clear enough or whether this difficulty I noticed is representative of a phenomenon occurring with my participants. What I am also noticing is that participants are not only struggling to answer the first research question as is, they are providing something of a reframe on it, stating that “it’s not one thing necessarily” and using terms like “different” or “unique”. Maybe something else is emerging from the data that warrants further exploration.

After several memo entries and consulting with peer debriefers, it appeared that the participants’ “unique” answers provided a richness that was not necessarily captured within the initial research questions. However, these answers were later explored during data analysis and incorporated in the findings of this study. Using analytic memos thus proved useful in delineating between my thoughts and expectations as researcher and the participants’ answers, allowing me to interpret the findings in a manner that honored the participants’ responses.

Ethical Considerations

An important ethical issue to consider is the informed consent process in

qualitative studies. Using a phenomenological interviewing approach, neither the

researcher nor the participant can know where the interviews lead compared to

quantitative studies (Ponterotto, 2010). The process of informing participants about the

content of the interviews and their potential reactions to the different topics discussed can become problematic. In order to attend to this potential issue, IRB approval was received and written consent was obtained from each participant prior to engaging in the interview

(Appendices E and F). Participants were informed of their rights to withdrawn at any point throughout the study. Regarding the participants’ confidentiality, any research material containing identifying information about the participants (signed informed consent, transcriptions) was protected and securely locked.

CHAPTER IV RESULTS

The current study sought to explore the concept of Black Womanhood in terms of

participants’ own definitions. The sample of Black women recruited for the study were

asked to reflect on their conceptualization of Black Womanhood in addition to their own

understanding of what it means for them to be Black women. The purpose of the study

was to give voice to the participants’ processes in a manner that centered them as the

experts of their experiences. The following chapter will describe the results gathered

from the 20 participants who were interviewed.

Using a Constant Comparative Analysis methodology, 10 themes and subsequent sub-themes emerged during data analysis. Participants’ answers were organized in a

manner fitting the questions being posed and aggregated as an overview in Figures 1

through 10. Some participants’ statements were extracted from the interview transcripts

to exemplify the following themes. It is important to note that participants’ names were

changed to protect their anonymity.

What does the term “Black Womanhood” mean?

In order to answer the first research question, participants were asked to provide

their understanding of the term Black Womanhood. Several common themes arose from

their descriptions, including “Strength” (figure 1), “Black Womanhood as multifaceted”

(figure 2), “Community Connections” (figure 3), and “Pride and Respect” (figure 4).

Strength

Fifteen participants mentioned “strength” as an important characteristic of Black

Womanhood. With further probing, the participants provided some nuances in the way

they conceptualized “strength” (figure 1). For some, strength was defined as

perseverance in the face of adversity. Dina, a 33-year-old Black woman from Virginia, stated, “for me, Black Womanhood is about perseverance, resiliency, and overcoming obstacles.” Jeanine, a 23-year-old queer woman, echoed Dina’s understanding of

strength, noting,

Black Womanhood is really having strength to bypass all of the things that you have dealt with in your life to move forward and to make a better situation out of the things that you have been through… to make a better situation out of the things that you have already gone through to make a better position for you in the future.

Additionally, some participants shared that Black Womanhood evoked a certain sense of being able to do it all, as Black women may be seen as hard working. Nadine, a 30-year-

old Social Worker from Ohio, mentioned that Black women are “Jack(s) of all trades”

while Fatou, a 54-year-old Ghanaian immigrant woman, shared that the women who

made up her community while she was growing up “cooked, they cleaned, they did

everything. They went to work, and came back, fed their families, did everything. They

did it over and over again.”

Furthermore, participants noted other nuances when describing strength as a

component of Black Womanhood. Fatou stated that Black women “have this strength,

this essence of feeling that we are capable of doing stuff. You know, you don’t have to

give them much. We can do a lot with the little we have. Right, I mean, black women are

powerful.” Similarly, Sophie, a 32-year-old heterosexual Black woman working as an

Urban Planner, likened Black women’s strength as a “fierce strength.” Participants

seemed to describe strength not only as the ability to overcome, but also as an innate

characteristic that Black women possess (figure 1).

Multifaceted Black Womanhood

Many participants described Black Womanhood as diverse (figure 2). Keeara, a

25-year-old Psychiatry Care Assistant from Ohio, stated, “Black women are so

multifaceted.” Jeanine expressed some difficulties in describing Black Womanhood, but

shared that “it means a lot. And, the only reason I am stuck on this is that Black

Womanhood means a lot. The thing is I have seen different varieties of it. It’s not one

specific thing.”

Suzy, a 30-year-old Black French immigrant woman elaborated on how she

conceptualizes Black Womanhood to encompass varied experiences throughout the

world.

Suzy: I mean at first I thought it was something that all Black women would relate to. Because we went through the same struggles, the same experiences and everything, but then at the end of the day I realized that we didn’t. Just because I didn’t grow up in this country. So whatever they are fighting for, I’m not, I don’t relate to. Though I feel like it’s helpful, because you know, whatever they are fighting for helps me being here, being able to study, but… Interviewer: You don’t identify with some of the fights, some of the… Suzy: Not really. Because we all have a different history. I see how coming here, you know, I see black people in general. Like if I compare to France, even though there is still racism everywhere, Black people here are more assimilated in the society than you know, Black people are in France. Just because we immigrated later, maybe 60, 70 years ago. We’re not really, as being French Black people, women, you know, we’re not really part of the country, part of the society, as much as African Americans are here.

Participants also described some physical attributes they associated with Black

Womanhood. Sophie mentioned, “I see curvy, brown skin, thick hair, when I think Black female.” According to participants, Black Womanhood is a multifaceted concept that

incorporates different histories and experiences for Black women throughout the world.

Black Womanhood is also associated with certain physical attributes, per participants’

reports (figure 2).

Community connections

Black Womanhood in this study was conceptualized by participants as connecting

with one’s community (figure 3). More specifically, participants explained that family

relationships were important. Sophie stated that Black Womanhood meant being “family oriented. And I know that families come in different shapes, sizes, different orientations, things like that, and that’s great.” Suzy noted, “the way we’re close to our family, it’s mostly a black thing. Well maybe because we’re international, that’s why. But no, I think it’s everybody, we relate a lot to our family.” Additionally, some participants highlighted the importance of being hospitable as a way to connect with family and friends.

According to Fatou:

My mother was always like, as soon as you arrive, hey come in here we have food, you know? Without even asking you if you had anything to eat, they brought you food. She’s over there talking: you are going to stay; you are not going to leave. You are going to stay overnight. You know? That kind of hospitality.

Moreover, some participants highlighted that Black women as leaders, fostering

community relationships. Fatou stated:

It may be also because of the community I grew up from. People tend to always have this thing of Africans, the men are, you know, the men are dominant but that’s not true. The real bosses are the women. The women are in charge. It might look like the men are the same, but I am telling you at the end of the day, the women are in charge.

According to this study’s participants, Black Womanhood meant fostering relationships

within Black women’s communities, through being family oriented, in addition to being

leaders in the larger community (figure 3).

Pride and respect

Participants identified “Pride” as a key component of Black Womanhood (figure

4). Chelsea, a 41-year-old Black woman working in sales, reported, “Black Womanhood

means to me that-- the first thing that comes to my mind is being proud.” Some

participants also shared that Black Womanhood meant behaving in a manner that evoked

pride and displayed respect for self and one’s culture. Gladys, a 54-year-old therapist

from Alabama, described how important it was “to carry yourself in a manner that’s

considered respectable to the community, and um, a manner – a behavior that would

make your parents, relatives, proud of you.” Thus, Black Womanhood incorporated elements of pride for 5 participants in the study.

In summary, when asked to describe the concept of Black Womanhood

participants in this study identified strength, pride, and relationships to one’s community

as important elements. Further, many participants emphasized how multifaceted they

believed Black Womanhood to be, particularly as they were asked to define their own

Black Womanhood, which will be discussed below. Of note importance, a few

participants appeared to struggle to define Black Womanhood at times throughout the

interview.

How did participants describe their own Black Womanhood?

Participants were asked to provide their own definitions of Black Womanhood.

Several of the previously described themes emerged, along with new themes. Participants

defined their own Black Womanhood to include “Self-Distinction from Social Rhetoric”

(figure 5). Previously identified themes included “Strength” (figure 6), “Pride and

Respect” (figure 7), “Community Connections” (figure 8), and “Black Womanhood as multifaceted” (figure 9).

Self-distinction from social rhetoric

The majority of Black women in this study (n=14) discussed the many ways their awareness of negative stereotypes against Black women in U.S. society shapes their lived experiences (figure 5).

Chelsea described her experiences at work, and emphasized how she actively differentiates herself from stereotypical images of Black women. She stated:

Chelsea: I have had the feeling that white America, especially corporate, they only see a glimpse of us from what they hear or see about us on TV. A good example is like a lot of these shows like Housewives [The Real Housewives series] where we're always fighting each other. And I'm not saying I don't watch them. It's good entertainment, but when others look at that, they feel like that's how we all are and they always got to be on guard when they dealing with black women because we're too aggressive. That's what I feel like. Interviewer: So really presenting yourself in a way that doesn't match those? Chelsea: I'm not here to fight because that's what they almost expect. Interviewer: You said, also, presenting yourself well. What does that mean? Chelsea: My appearance, speaking well, conducting myself well, not talking loud or being those things that they think we are, that they hear about or see. Interviewer: So being the opposite of that? Chelsea: Exactly.

Sophie shared how she similarly adjusts her behavior in order to be perceived

differently than, as she described it, the stereotype of an angry, “jealous Black woman.”

She reported being aware of:

the stereotype that black women don’t like to see black men with another woman outside of the race. And, you know, they’re so mad, they’re so pissed, etc... So I’ll see interracial couples on the street and I won’t make eye contact with them because I don’t want them to think that I’m judging. But then I’ll be perceived as rude because it’s like I’m ignoring them, and I’ve been thinking about that a lot

here lately. And I think that would be a major example of me not wanting to fit a stereotype – being so hyper-sensitive to it that I’m probably not making it any better. Yea I’m probably not making it any better.

Participants described the phenomenon of “code switching” (Jones & Shorter-

Gooden, 2003).

Monique, a 27-year-old Psychometrist residing in Ohio stated that being a Black woman:

means that – at least it feels like sometimes that I have to do something extra. Even if that doing something extra is doing something a little bit less. Meaning I have to do some type of alteration. Maybe I have to do a little bit more, I have to do a little bit less, I have to adjust. Basically. Like constantly recalibrate.

Chelsea added:

I know it sounds like very cliché, but in certain situations feeling like I-- especially in white situations-- like I've got to make sure that I'm always on top of my game. Speaking well, performing well, just being at my best or even beyond, above and beyond. That's another thing Black Womanhood means to me.

While some participants described the many ways they actively seek to separate themselves from negative associations made towards Black women, some participants described possessing attributes they view as inherently different than the stereotypes surrounding them.

Keeara exemplified this notion by stating:

I have those guys at work tells me I’m a bully, because I like to tell people what I’m going to do. I don’t know how that turns me into a bully but if I say: “I’m going to go over here and do that.” I’m not telling you what to do, I’m not bossing you around. I’m just telling you what I’m about to do. And you can take that, take that information and do whatever you want with it. But for some reasons I’m bossy because I’m like: “You know what, I’m going to do this.” Because I was always taught that if you don’t make your own decisions, people are going to make decisions for you. And… there’s some truth to that. Like, if I am quiet about what I want to do at work or in life, people are like “Well you can just do this.” You know what I mean? I don’t want that. [pause] I’m trying not… I went through a period where I was trying to make myself as small as possible. Just as small, voiceless, good girl as possible, just shrink shrink shrink myself and I’m over it. I don’t want to shrink myself anymore. I’m going

to take up as much space as I want to literally, figuratively, however else you want to see it. I’m going to take as much space as I want to and I deserve that just because of my personhood.

Participants appeared to be keenly aware of the messages perpetuated within U.S.

culture and recounted how this negative social rhetoric impacts their behaviors and

experiences in the many environments they navigate on a daily basis. For some, code

switching was an important component of their lived experiences as Black women,

particularly in work settings. The women described being reactive to stereotypes of Black

women (figure 5).

Strength

A majority of Black women (n=12) within this study identified strength as a key

element of Black Womanhood. Strength was defined by many as perseverance in the face

of adversity and exhibiting resilience as one of their core characteristics (figure 6).

Sally, a 68-year-old retired Black woman stated:

my values are that even though you may have run into a couple of pitfalls, you can always pick yourself up and start again. It may be difficult. I didn’t say it was easy but it can be done. And, I am one of them. Even at my age, I am still at the bottom of the road but I am coming back up.

Traci, a 36-year-old graduate student added that she is aware of her “stress, because I recognize that I'm strong. I carry a lot of hats, and I do it simultaneously and apparently well because I'm still alive and I'm still here. Those things are a part of being a black woman to me.” Tammi, a 36-year-old unemployed participant described some uncertainty around her future and shared that she was currently residing with family members since she was not able to afford her own housing. She stated, “I don't know. I know I'm not where I want to be at in life. But I continue to fight to get where I want to

55 be. No matter what, I stay strong.” Teyanna, a 23-year-old youth mentor originally from

California added that:

Teyanna: Black Womanhood - strength, resilience. Just having so many things thrown at you, so many different situations thrown at you and somehow knowing how to manage it all, and do it with such grace and-- I don't know. I'm smiling - the recorder can't get me - but I'm smiling because when I think about black womanhood, I just feel so empowered. I guess that's a good word to throw out too, empowered or empowerment. […] Because I just see-- when I think of a black woman, I see a person that has to go through so much on so many different levels, so much more than people can even fathom, but she just handles it. She gets it done and she moves on about her day [chuckles]. She does all over again tomorrow. It's just a very strong and empowered person. Interviewer: And resilience, you said resilience. So having to deal with a lot and pushing through, and making it, and going on about her day. Teyanna: Yeah, definitely.

Participants also shared how their strength made them feel powerful, as though they could do it all.

Fatou explained her perspective by stating:

I see myself as very capable. There are very few things I think I can’t do. That’s a bit of arrogance. But, it does. In the sense that I never feel like there is something I can’t do. I feel like if I can’t do it it’s because I don’t have the information, I don’t have the training but if I got it, I would be able to do it. That limitation is never on me. I always feel that I can do it. If I get the training and the information, I know I can do it.

Tequila, a 44-year-old researcher and doctoral candidate from Pennsylvania, described herself:

as a black woman, as powerful. Maybe going through all that stuff that I went through made me very cloudy for a long time. And I fought. I feel like I've been in a revolution of just my own, right? Me and them. And I just feel like once I came out, you know what I mean? I know who I am. I know whose I am. And ain't nobody ain't going to never take that from me.

Despite feeling strong, some participants discussed how overcoming adversity can

take a toll on their emotional and physical well-being. Jeanine elaborated on her experiences struggling with mental health concerns during a difficult period in her life.

She stated:

In my most recent situation... This is kind of tough for me right now. I was working. I graduated from college. I found a pretty okay job. It wasn’t what I wanted to do. I was one of two black people in the work environment. One of two black women. I was very unhappy. I was unhappy for a number of reasons. I didn’t feel accepted by my peers or my co-workers. I had started working there with three other people. Probably within a three-week to two-week span. And I had never been invited out to lunch meetings, happy hours or anything in general. And, no one came up to my desk and talked to me. But my other coworkers who were non-color descent would say “hey, how’s it going? Blah blah blah” shoot the wind at their desk but no one would walk past by my desk and say anything to me. And since I started there a year ago, no one really asked me if I wanted to do anything with them. No one even made the effort to kinda communicate with me on a different level. They would have impromptu girls’ office night moments and I would make every effort to go to the dinners and talk to them and bond with them. But they never made the effort to really reach out to me. And, it was emotionally tolling on me because I was going into an office everyday where people didn’t respect me or at least communicate with me… as an equal. We are colleagues. We are counterparts. We are working together. And I didn’t feel as an equal and a lot of the work became emotionally draining. It was not only physically draining but it was emotionally draining. It became a thing of not feeling accepted by my peers. It felt like I was kinda being pushed away. I actually kinda ended up going through a moment of… it was even like a moment… it was months of depression. I would go home and go to sleep and wake up and go to work. I didn’t think about myself. I didn’t think about my physical health, my mental health and I literally went into depression. My family, amazing family, supportive. but they witnessed a depression. I had never dealt with so much depression and anxiety in my life. It really took a toll on me. Physically and emotionally. I really did not want to move. I did not even want to even wake up in the morning (crying). I did not have the strength as a person to want to even be involved. And I am a pretty strong individual (laughter). From what you have seen from me as an individual, as a person, the stories you have heard, I have never felt so weak and incapacitated in my life.

A few participants (n=5) also shared that they draw their strength from their

connections to other Black women, whether predecessors or currently present in their

lives.

Teyanna noted:

I feel like a lot of my strength comes from the people who came before me, and I know that I have the spirit of some strong individuals literally flowing through my veins. And that's what gives me the power and the strength to move on through my days and my years and my weeks and my months. So that's how I feel being a Black woman.

Strength, for the participants in the study, was seen as the ability to overcome difficulties in life. Such difficulties may have resulted from racism and sexism participants faced in their daily lives, thus taking a toll on the participants’ well-being.

However, participants shared that being a Black woman felt empowering, and some of them stated they drew their power and strength from their connection to other Black women (figure 6).

Pride and respect

For many participants, being a Black woman evoked feelings of pride (figure 7).

Christelle, a 28-year-old Black professional woman working in Human Resources, stated:

It's crazy because I get a sense of pride. I'm just so excited to be a Black woman. Even when I hang out with my white girlfriends, which I have-- except my two from high school, mostly all of my girlfriends are white but when they say something about, "Oh, the token" or something stupid like that, I'm like, "Yep, and proud." Just so proud of being a Black woman.

Participants added that being a Black woman meant having self-respect as well as commanding respect. Terri, a 34-year-old 3rd grade teacher originally from Tennessee,

stated, “I feel like I demand respect. I'm not saying that I'll go around saying it but, like I

said, how I carry myself, my work ethic is just you have to respect the Black woman.”

Chelsea also stated that being a Black woman meant being “someone that's proud of

being Black and […] having pride in myself.” Chelsea further added that her sense of pride was connected to making others in their community proud. She noted it was important for her to be “representing myself and my family well and trying to be the person that my mother raised me to be as a Black woman.”

The pride that participants described within the study was tied to participants’ connection and respect of their Black community and heritage. Sally shared that, she found of essential value fostering her grandchildren’s connection to their heritage.

As far as my grandchildren are concerned because they are bi-racial, is that do not ignore what your heritage is about, do not ignore your ancestry, get to know your family. Be proud of who you are. God made us in different colors, shapes and sizes. Be proud of who you are. Don’t let anyone talk down to you. Even though the one granddaughter has favored the white side, she still knows who her mother is, who her grandmother is and she still loves us all.

Yvonne, a 32-year-old Office Manager at a university in Virginia, echoed Sally’s sentiment by describing her mother-in-law.

I have a-- well my mother-in-law is my mother-in-love. She's a very strong woman. Very, very strong. She was a Black Panther. She's now a minister. But it's very interesting because that part of her is still very evident [laughter]. And she loves everything black. She loves everything black. And she teaches it, she encourages it, she embodies it, to love everything about your blackness.

According to participants, being a Black woman meant having pride in not only one’s experience, but also holding pride and respect towards one’s heritage and community. Moreover, some participants emphasized the importance of fostering such a sense of pride and respect in others (figure 7).

Community connections

Many participants defined their Black Womanhood as interconnected with their relationships with members of their communities (figure 8).

Sally values:

being a mother, a parent, a caregiver for my parents. I have always been there. It hasn’t been easy. But, mom and dad raised me so I can to take care of them. That’s the way I look at that. Not putting in them in a nursing home. Eventually I had to do my dad because I was too far away to keep continuing riding down the road.

For Sophie, being family oriented meant eventually holding the role of matriarch within

her family. She stated, “being a good daughter, being a good sister, being able to bear

children and raise children, and become a matriarch eventually for my family” played an important role in how she defined herself as a Black woman.

Motherhood emerged as an important identifier for 7 participants in this study regardless of whether participants already had children.

According to Terri, being a good mother to her daughter meant:

assisting her in her life. Just being there for her and making sure I'm teaching her what my mom taught me, and just to be a good citizen, a better person. I suppose you have to teach them everything. How to walk, how to sit, what to say, how to say it, how to greet. Just to be polite. Just manners. Manners, and keep her clean and make sure she takes care of herself just as much as I'll take care of her. I want her to continue to take care of herself.

Nadine described being family oriented and being a mother as:

very important because of my son. He loves his dad, and he loves me, and he loves our family. There's a lot of divorce, just in our generation. We don't tend to stay married like my grandparents and my great- grandparents. And my parents', our parents' generation so that's something that is very important to me because, my child, he's my baby.

Tequila stated that Black Womanhood, to her, means:

To be, meaning to be who I am and to be a role model, I'm not talking about crazy stuff or something unrealistic, I'm talking imperfect, because to me imperfection means maturity. So it means for me to be a role model. A realistic, real role model to my daughters. It's very important to me that my daughters see a Black woman. That they see me as their mother. Well, with me having grown-- I have two daughters that I bore, and then I have a daughter that biologically is my husband's

daughter, but I don't believe in all that step stuff so she's my daughter too. So I have a 23-year-old, a 24-year-old, and 25-year-old daughters, and so I want them, especially in this world when you turn on TV or all this “who's beautiful?!”, I just want them to see me as an individual. As a mother and an individual. So I feel like I owe them not anything crazy, but I owe them to be myself, and to communicate that to them, and to communicate my experiences to them, that they might be offshoots of where I left off and might have to deal with the stuff I had in the way that I have had to deal with it, so there might be things similar that come their way, but they'll have more in their, if you will, proverbial toolbox to kind of navigate through it.

Participants also shared that they viewed themselves as leaders within their families.

Fatou reported that:

it’s maybe because of the community I grew up from. People tend to always have this thing of Africans, the men are, you know, subjective people, the men are dominant but that’s not true. The real bosses are the women. The women are in charge. It might look like the men are the same, but I am telling you at the end of the day, the women are in charge.

Gladys agreed with Fatou, noting:

my mother was a strong believer in the black woman not being the head of the house, um, but being the head of the house. That you always let the man think that he’s running things, but in actuality in all the multiple roles that you play, that you’re actually the one that’s the backbone of the family.

Delanna, a 28-year-old Black woman working in an IT department originally from North Carolina, stated that her belonging to a historically Black sorority has highlighted the role of Black women as leaders in their larger communities. In addition to being a leader, Teyanna explained that she views her Black Womanhood as tied to righting the wrongs of an oppressive system that has broken down the Black community.

She stated she found importance in:

Repairing the things that they told us that have been ingrained in us. So for example, if we go back to during the times of slavery, how men and women were torn apart from each other. And then they've been told that this person is of no value. They have been told or shown that this person, either the man or the woman, is of no value. You should not respect them.

That's been ingrained in us and that's been passed down through generations. So it's kind of like, we have to physically, actively do things to counteract that. Because it's still prevalent today I felt disrespected by black men so many times in my life, and it's like, "No. We're supposed to be in this together. You're supposed to be my other half. Why do I feel so disrespected by somebody who I should be able to confide in and identify with?" So I feel like some of those things that were ingrained in us so long ago are still prevalent, and when I say, "Heal from those," we have to just actively say, "No. Let's do something different. Let's talk together. Let's trust each other. Let's build something together." That's what I mean by heal.

Being a Black woman, for several participants, meant being intimately tied to their relationships and roles within their families and communities. Black Womanhood was defined as being family oriented, and motherhood came to light as an important role many Black women held. Furthermore, some participants ascribed meaning to using themselves in a meaningful manner to benefit their immediate family as well as their community (figure 8).

Multifaceted Black Womanhood

Five participants in this study asserted that their understanding of their own Black

Womanhood was complex and multifaceted (figure 9). Most participants endorsed empowering and uplifting other Black girls and women as central to their identification as

Black women.

Suzy, who is a chemist, stated:

to be honest with you, when I was doing my [graduate] program, I was just trying to convince more and more Black women to go into science. You know, that they shouldn’t be afraid of science. That if you want to do something, you can. Don’t be focused on your failures. Just, you know, believe in it. I was trying to do my best to help more women go into chemistry or physics, just something different than what everybody is doing. I guess they thought that no, Black women don’t do that […]. You have to believe in yourself and not let anybody tell you what you’re supposed to do.

Fatou reported:

I think I have to empower other black women. I have to let them understand their value and their worth […] You see we have to teach our young girls to realize how powerful they are. See, when you realize that you have power, you don’t give it away that easily. If you have real power, it’s yours. You don’t surrender that easily. No one can take it away unless you decide that I don’t want to be powerful. Think about it. Don’t you want to be powerful? That’s what I tell my nieces. Know you are powerful. You are so strong. You can do anything you imagine. You have such strength that if you choose to give it away to someone, that’s your choice. But think about it, you are powerful.

Teyanna further explained how she came to the realization that being a Black woman for her involves supporting other Black women and girls.

I think--and honestly, one of my friends, he helped me figure this out. He gave me a challenge one day. He was like, "It's your job to teach people how to love." And I was like, "Whoa." So I marinated on that for like a week. I wrote about it and everything. I was like, "It's my job to teach people how to love." And then I started doing research about what the Black woman embodies. And how she's representative of the tribe, and the universe, and all these different theories that people have. And I'm like, "Wow." So not only do I one, feel empowered because I feel like the Black woman, biased or not, is the epitome of a woman because of everything that we have to deal with. But teaching people how to love, teaching other Black women and other Black girls how to love themselves, because they get so many reasons not to love themselves from society. I think that's one of our jobs. And I think being a role model, showing them what it means to really love yourself. And love the people around you.

Some participants also explained that, as Black women, it was important for them to educate others about Black people. Yvonne shared that, “I think being a Black woman kind of means you're a representative even when you don't want to be.”

Nadine also explained:

I feel like my role as a Black woman is to educate people who don't really know anything about Black people. I am constantly doing that in my job with other professionals now, which is insanity to me. I'm not a foreign animal that you've never see before you know? […] It's upsetting. I feel like white people think that we are, Black women and Black men, that we're just some type of foreign alien that they've never seen before. And

they're like, "Oh my God, how did you feel when such-and-such said this?" And "How did you feel-- what's it like to have to do your hair? How do you do the weave?" And "Can you tan?" Why are you talking about tanning all the time? Why do you tan? And "I didn't know Black people can tan." Or "I didn't know that Black people listen to country music or rock and roll." Just ignorant statements like that. It's just upsetting... I'm going to say in the situations that I've encountered, people can think that you as a Black person do represent your race. There was a time and I was talking to my director of social services, my supervisor and another worker, and they were talking about black churches. I forget how we got on the topic. And they were arguing, three white people and then me, about what time Black churches let out. And they're like, "Well Nadine, you tell us what time Black churches let out.” I mean I'm not the authority on Black churches. So it's just stuff like that, and then he pulled me into the office and was like, "Were you offended by the conversation or by the student that day?" One of the white workers was saying, "I know for a fact that they get out but they're there until 2 or 3 o'clock in the afternoon because I've been to a Black church." It didn't offend me, but whatever. I do [view educating others about Black people as an important role]. I take that on personally. I take that on to educate people because I don't want someone thinking that Black people are what you see on TV or the people that we work with, the population that we work with, I don't want them to think that's how all Black people are. Because even growing up as a child, my cousins would make fun of me because they would say, "Oh, you talk white" or people would say, "Well, I would never think you would be the person that you are" with a name like mine or whatever. So I feel like it is my obligation to the Black race [laughter] to educate other people whenever they have questions.

Participants also named a variety of characteristics that best described who they are, as Black women. Terri stated “I'm friendly. I think of myself as a good friend.” Fatou noted that she views herself as resourceful, saying, “every time I would go somewhere and they’re like, oh we don’t have books for the kids, I was like, you don’t have books? okay, do you have fabric? They look at me like, fabric? I said, you could stitch words on a piece of fabric. That’s a book. You know?”

Delanna noted that:

I would say I would say another thing that defines me as a black woman is being a self-motivator in a way. […] I am constantly telling myself. I have goals and I am going to accomplish them. Nothing is too big or too broad

for me. I can have everything and anything I want. Like having that confidence, that undeniable confidence. Yeah, I got this. This is what I got to do.

Malaya, a 57-year-old Assistant Principal residing in Georgia, explained that “I wouldn't

call myself a perfectionist, but I would consider myself very business minded. I'm very

focused. I'm very focused. Because I'm driven. Yeah, I'm very driven. I'm very focused.

So, to some people that's pushy and overbearing, but not for me.” Relatedly, some

participants emphasized being driven individuals valuing education. Gladys named

education as important and stated she learned to value learning from “my mom, I have

great respect, she’s getting her G.E.D., she’s working towards it in her seventies. I just

think I got that from her.”

Assertiveness, in addition to being unapologetic emerged as a sub-theme that 7 participants utilized to describe themselves as Black women.

Keeara noted:

I don’t like certain people. I stay out their face. Life goes on. If you don’t like me, stay out of my face. Like, it’s really… [chuckles] say all your hi-s and goodbyes, you can still be cordial but you don’t have to like me. And I don’t have to like you! And then, you know… That doesn’t make me the one that’s a bad person. [I label myself as] direct, forward, go-getter. I think I’m more goal-oriented. And I’m very future-oriented. And I know what I want and I don’t have a problem to tell you what I want. I don’t beat around the bush, and I think that turns… some people off.

Christelle, who identified as heterosexual, elaborated on how she described herself as bold, and how her behaviors may be misunderstood, particularly when dating.

First of all, being a woman already is pretty hard. I always think about, at work, how I maybe have ten million degrees, but I won't be making the same amount of money as Joe, who has nothing. Just because I'm a woman and people are going to look down at me. Then, being a Black woman, you just have all these stereotypes against you. Men automatically think you have this attitude about you, and I think men don't want to date me because I feel they think-- there's this awful stigma around Black women and it bothers me. Because we're just strong and

dominant, and men are scared of that. I'm like, "Be scared of it, I don't care." That's just-- if you're scared of me because I'm powerful and strong, then that's your issue. So if I can find a man that loves that, that I'm bold… But that's pretty hard these days.

Furthermore, some participants described themselves as caring, compassionate,

and nurturing.

Terri stated:

I'm caring. I teach students so you have to be a little caring because you never know what background they're coming from. You want to be caring and nurturing for those people who don't get it at home. I have students, they don't have a mom or they're in jail or whatnot so you just have to be caring and kind and nurturing in order to help those students or help those people who lack it.

Gladys also stated she views herself as caring, adding that “you care for people that are

unable to care for themselves, and then you provide care to the people who are not even

aware that they need the care.”

Fatou, answered similarly as both Gladys and Terri:

I feel compassionate. I always try to empathize with people. I am not judgmental at all. I always say you don’t know their story. We all go around with a mask. You don’t really know the true picture behind it. We can all smile and make everything look good but inside. People get mad at me at work because I was in human resources, “you are always giving people a second chance, blah, blah,” it’s like, that’s because I always say, you might fail too, it could be you. They messed up, give them another chance. If they mess up the chance, then you can really say I am done with you. But always try to remember human beings make mistakes, nobody is perfect.

In addition to describing their Black Womanhood using the previously stated sub-

themes, some participants expressed how Black Womanhood was difficult to quantify.

Many described their experiences as something that can be felt and that is not easy to describe.

Tequila stated:

How do I think about myself as a black woman? I think of myself as beautiful, but I think of this-- when I say that, though, I mean that from a deeper place. I mean that from a beauty that is-- makes me teary-eyed. I mean it from a place of root. I mean it from a place of what people see is only a minute reflection of what's on the inside. Yeah. So I think of myself as beautiful. […] I think of myself as whole. I think of myself as authentic. I think of myself as enough.

Teyanna added that, for her, “the best way that I can put it, I can feel it more than I can say it I think. [I] feel like black womanhood. Oh, yeah. And it makes me feel good”.

Monique named this experience as “intergenerational energy,” describing it as:

Just something powerful. It is deep, it is really deeply rooted. It’s something that if I were to totally change my outside appearance I still wouldn’t be able to get rid of – just wouldn’t. I also think it means – like Black, when I think of Black…I think of like – ah it’s so hard to describe. This grit, this gumption, this intensity. And because of that it’s something that cannot be defined. That’s the whole point of it [Black Womanhood], that it’s this thing, it’s this word, it’s this term, it’s this piece of yourself that you maybe identify with, or maybe not. But it really can’t stay in this box because it’s just so much bigger than that. And you can’t suppress it, it’s way stronger than your ability to just leave it behind.

Participants described themselves in terms of physical attributes they identified created unique experiences for Black women. Gladys stated, “I like my hair, I like my skin color, I like the way I’m built. I like everything about me.” Traci added she likes

“my shape. Being voluptuous. And I'm fine with it. And not being pencil-thin like the society says that you should be, which is very European and not Afrocentric in any way.”

Sophie described herself as “curvy, brown skin, thick hair, full lips.” Some participants described feeling pride in their physical appearance, particularly when it came to embracing their hair. Fatou stated, “I can wear my hair straight. I can wear it kinky. I can shave it off. It’s my hair.”

Of importance to Delanna:

Delanna: The fact that my hair is natural, it’s not straight and blown. I don’t blend in with the crowd. You know? Now, I am wearing it as what’s true to me. I like it like this. I like to look this way. Interviewer: You wear it, like you said, in a way that matches you? Delanna: It matches on how I feel. You know? I like twists. I love my hair out natural. I want to wear a fro. I am going to wear it exactly how I want it. It’s all about how you do it. […] Those types of things are the kind of things I take pride in, that define me. Interviewer: So defining yourself as a Black woman means taking pride in certain things, for example your appearance? Delanna: Right, that makes me uniquely me.

Terri shared that because of her unique appearance, “I think people are curious about

Black women just because it goes back to different. You just want to know more. You want to get to know a Black woman and find out just different things about who you are.”

Delanna also echoed this curiosity from others, particularly at work. She stated:

I like to dress up. I am probably the only person in my job who wears dresses. I showed up today [at work] and did my hair. My manager walks around the corner and she’s talking to one person and turns back and looks at me and goes, “your hair, it’s curlier, what happened? I don’t understand.” Because usually I wear it out as a fro. It’s just twists. I might take it tomorrow and it’ll be different. She’s like, “oh, I like it. I can’t stop starring.” It’s okay… The shock in the office of me just twisting my hair. It’s one of those things that reminds me, not just as a woman but as a Black woman, those are kind of things that are really important, not that I have to run out and make sure I am wearing it natural. Because I have always done it for years and years and years now. But, those are things that I take pride in.

As part of their unique experiences as Black women, some participants noted that their Black Womanhood was constantly evolving.

Yvonne described her:

Black Womanhood as a journey. It's kind of like you're taught all of these things about being a lady and being black. And, then, you're kind of like put out into the world, and you just have to deal with everything that comes your way using those few tools that you were given.

The Black women in this study described themselves in varied terms, including motivated, caring, and assertive. The participants also emphasized empowering other

Black women and young girls as core to their identity as Black women, while some

discussed ways they use their experiences to educate non-Black individuals on Black people. Furthermore, many of the participants described the experience of being a Black woman as unique and at times, hard to quantify (figure 9). At a later point during their interview, participants were asked to elaborate how they perceived Black Womanhood as unique. Upon analyzing and coding their responses related to their own definitions of

Black Womanhood, it became quite apparent that the uniqueness the participants described warranted further investigation.

Uniqueness of Black Womanhood

Black women in this study described their Black Womanhood as unique and multifaceted. This “unique” theme became salient during data collection and data analysis. Given that the interview protocol already incorporated questions related to

Black Womanhood potentially presenting as a unique experience, data analysis was extended beyond the original research questions to investigate the ways participants understood their Black Womanhood as unique. Most participants (n=19) unequivocally stated that they believed Black Womanhood to be unique to include awareness of oppression Black women face, strength and resilience, multifaceted Black Womanhood, and Black Womanhood described as a sort of intangible energy (see figure 10).

Oppression

Participants within this study described their unique experiences as Black women as tied to experiencing systemic and individual racism and sexism. Tequila elaborated on her understanding of being a Black woman in the U.S. She explained that she may still be

69 viewed as less than, despite her accomplishments. Tequila also named the U.S.’ history of slavery as having significantly impacted Black women’s experiences in this country.

I think maybe it's hard to be Black in America, and it's hard to be a Black woman, because it's always evolving. And I don't think that-- I think that I would have still gotten some of that had I went to New Orleans years ago. But I wonder if I would've got the same level if it would've been like the '60s or the '70s, during more active civil rights where we didn't have as many freedoms. I think, in many ways, that industrialization and some of the freedoms that we have, have really, because of our slave history in coming here and really never being able to really reclaim that. Us being able to have some of these privileges, we even got fancy, if you will, if I can say that. We think we've arrived. You know what I mean? But there's still challenges, and we still need each other, I think, north, south. So that's the only context that I can speak of is that being a Black multiracial woman in the North in the United States of upper-middle-class standing, educated. But at the end of the day, I'm still Black. I'm still a Black woman. I don't care how many degrees I have. When I go into the store and people still step in front of me, they don't say, "Oh, you're getting ready to have a doctoral degree. You know what? Allow us to take some of the-- you have five bands of oppression on you. Allow us to take three of those off because you're educated now. Look at you with your bootstraps on. You done pulled yourself up [laughter]. We're actually going to treat you better." Ah you know what I've found? Sometimes it worse. Like, "Oh, you think you've achieved something? Let me beat you back down to where I think you should be. Let you not forget your place in society. So I think it's very complex to be black in this country, and more specifically to be a Black female in this country, up north, in the United States. Yeah. It's very complex. It's very unique.

Jeanine added that Black women are “literally on the bottom of the totem pole”, while

Keeara noted that, “you have a magazine saying that we are the ugliest women ever. […]

And then you have these stereotypes about Black women. I don’t think any other race of women have such negativity surrounding them.”

Despite experiencing such oppression, many participants named their strength and resilience as a unique characteristic of being a Black woman.

Strength and resilience

Nadine identified “our strength, our ability to strive, and to succeed, and to suffer through” as unique. Malaya agreed, adding “I think Black women weren't supposed to

thrive and to go as far as we've gotten over the past decades. We were always the

housemaids, the field hens, the nannies taking care of someone else's children or houses.

[…] But we have. Couldn't keep us down.”

Teyanna echoed this sentiment, sharing that:

I think it's that resiliency thing [that makes us unique]. That “this is going to come at me but I can handle it. It'll be okay. I might struggle a little bit, but I know I can get through it. Why? Because people before me have gone through so much worse.” And having that in the back of your head, like that's a major push for me. It's like, "Oh, no. People who look like me, they've gone through so much worse, more worse than I can even imagine. So “this little thing? This little not having money for three days? No big deal. You'll get through it." Having that. I think that's a special part about being a black woman and just knowing that you can do it. And even on a deeper level, like the strongest, for African American women in particular, the strongest of the strong were the ones who survived the trip from the motherland to the coast of America. The strongest of the strong so knowing that you are descended of those people, it's like, "I can do whatever. I can accomplish anything." So I literally keep that in the back of my mind, and when things get hard, I'm like, I got it. It's going to be hard for a little bit, but I'll survive because of my bloodline.

Being a Black woman for the participants in the study meant being uniquely strong and exhibiting resilience through overcoming challenges. Additionally, participants contended that Black women are multifaceted and represent a very diverse group particularly because of Black women’s physical attributes.

Various types of Black Womanhood

Keeara stated that, “we come in so many variations. So many different types of black women, different languages. We’re all over the world.” Tequila agreed and said,

“we're fabulous. We're wonderful. We're the only women who can be Black women who you can line up a million of us and we all look different. Different hair shade, color, texture, skin, shape. It's a beautiful thing.” Sally also shared that Black women are unique

71 because of “the different colors of skin. I think it’s beautiful. The different styles of hair.

The different… just overall beauty from outside and in.”

Furthermore, participants identified Black women to be uniquely caring and nurturing.

Fatou stated:

I think Black women are nurturers. At the core of us, we take care of people. We take care of things […] We are nurturers. We take care. It’s a quality that we have. We take care of people. If you look at our core, we are about taking care of people. So, even the most selfish person, right, always looks out for someone. I always say that nobody is that selfish. You know? At our core, we take care of things. We take care of people. And we do certain things very well […] Let me give an example. When we have, when you become a mother, right, or not when you become… let me just say, if you want to become pregnant or whatever, we tend to, when I say we, I am talking about black people, if you are lucky enough to be among a cluster of women, they nurture you, they don’t bash you, they don’t make you feel like you are really a bad person for getting into the situation, you know? They might make a few snide remarks but at the core of it, they have to pull up and help you. If anybody outside tries to hurt you in any way, you’re going to see all these mothers, again… so at our core, I think we are nurturing people. We have been programmed or socialized to be like, I don’t care, I’m taking care of myself, but we are not that hardcore. We are kind people. We are women, you know? Women are kind people. Men are not destroyers. We don’t destroy things. We nurture things. We are nurturers.

Both Fatou and Sally emphasized the importance of being caring and valuing family bonds.

Sally noted:

we are unique in our ways, our ways of thinking, speaking. We are more closer as a family. We have family values. We are tight as a family. We stand together as a family. That I see a whole lot. They will go to the ends of the world to protect their family or their child. You know, that’s one uniqueness, the strong hold of the family. Whether it’s a single mom, married mom, whatever or grandparents taking care of children.

Although some participants identified some characteristics they believed created a unique experience for Black women, others explained that Black Womanhood is more intangible than can be described.

Energy

Teyanna described her experiences as possessing an aura or energy that can hardly be clearly defined, yet can be felt by others.

She stated:

it's something. It's something, and you can feel it. People can pick up on it. Like when a Black woman who's really sure of herself or really in tune with herself, when she walks into the room, it's something that you can feel. I don't know. It's the magic quality. I do think Black women are magic.

Yvonne added:

yes, I think there's something very unique. I think that it's so unique that you can't just pinpoint it, but it's just something that all Black women, we have. Now whether or not it's cultivated, it's different. It's different. But I think it's something that we all have. I think that it's something that is in every single one of us, and I think that if it's cultivated, then you always just get something special that's just not like anybody else's.

Fatou agreed with both Teyanna and Yvonne, and shared:

we have that, I don’t want to say posture, but it’s more like a stance. We have that presence. That’s how I see it. It’s a presence. Every Black woman has it. There’s a certain, I always like to use aura. There is something about black women. There is something. I get so happy when I see a group of Black women. There’s such energy, such force here that can be harnessed for great things.

According to some participants, Black women emanate a certain energy that cannot necessarily be defined, yet exists and uniquely connects all Black women.

Tequila elaborated:

I don't know that we know that we're interconnected. And I don't care how highfaluting, how fabulous I think and all these things I've accomplished, as long as I'm in these United States, I'm connected to my other Black

sister. And when she comes into a deeper awareness and knowledge and understanding and appreciation of who she is, that's true success for me. You know what I mean? And I'm tied to that. I'm intrinsically tied to that. Whether I live with her or whatever, I'm impacted by that in every way. Some participants added that many individuals may feel drawn to Black women because of this energy Black women possess.

Christelle summarized her understanding of the uniqueness of Black Womanhood as:

People are drawn to [Black women], and I don't want to make it sound like we're some kind of zoo, but it's almost like the unknown, and everybody wants to know the unknown. I don't know. But I definitely think there's something unique and beautiful and wonderful about a Black woman. I'm not saying that there's not with a white woman. I'm not saying that, but I don't know what it is. I feel like because we've been through so much and continue and know we're always going to be fighting something we have this aura about us that we carry and it just makes us unique and awesome.

Participants in this study appeared to struggle to define Black Womanhood as a general concept. However, when asked to describe what it meant for them in particular to be Black women, participants provided various answers they believed appropriately defined their Black Womanhood. According to participants, being a Black woman included being strong and resilient through overcoming systemic and individual oppression, being a multifaceted and complex individual, being connected to one’s community and family, and taking pride in one’s identity. Participants highlighted the uniqueness of their experiences by describing Black Womanhood as an intangible yet powerful energy which interconnects all Black women. Participants’ examinations of

Black Womanhood are further explored in the following chapter.

CHAPTER V DISCUSSION

The purpose of this study was to highlight the voices of Black women and their understanding of Black Womanhood to supplement the current literature by adding an emic perspective to the conceptualization of Black Womanhood. Directly soliciting Black women to explore the ways they self-identified by centering the voices of the participants within this study, the current project followed a phenomenological paradigm (Creswell,

2003). The following chapter will sum the study’s findings, provide some interpretations of findings, discuss limitations of the study, and conclude by highlighting implications for the field of counseling psychology and future research.

Summary and Interpretation of Results

The first research question inquired about participants’ understanding of Black

Womanhood as a general concept. Participants were asked the following question: “How do you define Black Womanhood?” Despite being able to name certain attributes they associated with Black Womanhood, some participants appeared to struggle with providing a broad definition of the concept. Nonetheless, strength, particularly in the face of adversity, was seen as an essential component of Black Womanhood, which supports previous research on Black women. Strength is highly embraced by Black women and attached with feelings of pride and emotional resilience (Edge & Rogers, 2005).

Participants also shared Black Womanhood was associated with strong family and community ties, denoting collectivistic values. It would make sense that such a connection emerged within the study. Scholars have advocated for African-centered values and epistemologies to be centered and utilized when conducting any sort of analysis of Black individuals (Akbar, 1976; Collins, 1990; Mbiti, 1970; Myers, 1988). An

African-centered worldview holds the following tenets: all things are interconnected; human beings are spiritual in nature; mind, body, and spirit and interconnected and represent one; family structure and one’s sense of identity are created in a collective and inclusive manner; and interpersonal relationships are important and valued (Akbar, 1979;

Asante, 1987; Diop, 1978; Myers, 1988). Oppressive practices such as slavery and its aftermath have systemically impacted the lives of Black women by attempting to forcedly break them apart from their roots and connections with members of their communities

(Collins, 2005; Glenn, 1994). Fighting to remain connected to one’s roots proved to be not just a matter of generational survival, but also represented an intrinsic connection to

African heritage, thus impacting ways Black women may conceptualize Black

Womanhood (Jones, 2009).

Black women in this study also shared that Black Womanhood represented something so multifaceted, that describing it proved complicated. Additionally, participants may have struggled to provide a general definition of Black Womanhood due to their assertion that there isn’t “just one Black Womanhood”. Participants at times would provide what they named as stereotypical definitions of Black women, quickly interjecting their statements with counter points such as “but that’s not how I view myself”. It appeared that Black women in this study may not have internalized some of

76 the messages around them that defined Black Womanhood in a negative light. This finding points to difficulties narrowing a multidimensional idea. The finding is also reminiscent of Optimal Theory, developed by Myers (1988). Optimal Theory contends that we strive to develop self-knowledge in a way that centers identity development.

According to Optimal Theory, the process of self-knowledge involves moving away from limiting and oppressive Western definitions to a more integrated and holistic sense of self

(Myers, 1988; Myers, Speight, Highlen, Cox, Reynolds, Adams, & Henley, 1991).

Participants inevitably moved to sharing their personal experiences and definitions of

Black Womanhood, elaborating on their understanding of strength, community ties, and pride.

When asked, “How do you define your own Black Womanhood?”, participants overall appeared to have an easier time answering the question being posed. Although some stated that Black Womanhood was something they experienced and did not consciously think about much, many others talked at length about how their lived experiences were keenly shaped by their identification as Black women.

Social Identity Theory (SIT; Hoggs & Abrams, 1988; Tajfel, 1976) describes processes of one’s social identification to be tied with one’s awareness of groups that hold more or less power within a given society. Historical Womanist Theory (HWT,

Rousseau, 2013) further contextualizes the experiences of Black women by naming systems of oppression such as sexism and racism that directly impact how Black women view themselves and are viewed by others. Participants reported being well aware of negative messages and stereotypes that they then needed to combat on a daily basis. The

77 dual process of awareness and resistance against an oppressive society was defined as

“double consciousness” by DuBois (1903).

After the Egyptian and Indian, the Greek and Roman, the Teuton and Mongolian, the Negro is a sort of seventh son, born with a veil, and gifted with second-sight in this American world—a world which yields him no true self-consciousness, but only lets him see himself through the revelation of the other world. It is a particular sensation, this double consciousness, this sense of always looking at one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever feels his twoness—an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder (p. 9).

This double consciousness has been related to experiences of people of African descent across the globe, as described by Fanon (1967) and his work on the impact of colonialism. As such, participants (both immigrant and native of the U.S. Black women) described their awareness of negative representations of Black Womanhood, as well as the ways they resisted such misrepresentations. Participants’ descriptions also fit alongside Rousseau’s (2009) assertion that a pervasive influential social rhetoric regarding Black women exists. This social rhetoric prescribes how Black women are to behave and, essentially, who they are and can be in a variety of settings (Rousseau,

2009). While aware of this social rhetoric, participants described ways they actively combatted these oppressive messages in different areas of their lives and also shared that they inherently view themselves as different than these stereotypes perpetuated against them. Merging HWT, SIT, and DuBois’ (1903) double consciousness, participants’ self- definitions were seen as acts of resistance against a system created to maintain power over them. Participants appeared to demonstrate a level of critical consciousness in response to an oppressive system (Freire, 2000). This finding may additionally be likened to tenets of Critical Race Feminist (CRF) theory, which promotes an anti-essentialist

premise that identity is not additive, and provides a space for individuals, Black women

in particular, to define themselves based on the multiple social locations they inhabit

(Wing, 2000). CRF also promotes giving voice to transnational perspectives, thus

anchoring the participants’ narratives within a paradigm that connects these Black

women, despite their different backgrounds throughout the African diaspora (Wing,

2000).

Navigating their work environment became a particularly relevant topic of

discussion for the participants, and the manner in which participants navigated through

their work settings emerged as particularly salient for them. Jones and Shorter-Gooden

(2003) defined “shifting” as a process where:

African American women change the way they think of things or expectations they have for themselves. Or they alter their outer appearance. They modify their speech. They shift in one direction at work each morning, then in another at home each night. They adjust the way they act in one context after another. They try to cover up their intelligence with one group of friends and do everything possible to prove it to another. They deny their sadness and loneliness (p. 62).

Chelsea and Deanna expressed paying close attention to their appearance and ways they present themselves at work, not to perpetuate the stereotypes of the unkempt, uneducated, unattractive Black woman. Monique captured the essence of shifting, by naming her process as a “constant recalibration” of her being, sometimes “doing something extra,

even if that doing something extra is doing something a little bit less”. Participants were

attentive to how others perceived or judged them and adjusted accordingly to not be

equated to being angry, aggressive, and unapproachable. Some participants also

discussed the importance for them to be “put together” at work and in general in order to

represent their race well. It appears as though presenting in a manner that is deemed

traditionally feminine (e.g., make up, wearing skirts and heels) for some participants felt

79 congruent with their self-definitions of Black Womanhood. This finding can be related to previous research that noted some Black women’s particular attention to demonstrating aspects of their physical appearance in a traditionally feminine manner (Cole & Zucker,

2007). However, some participants were clear that presenting well in public was also tied to the many ways they combat negative stereotypes against Black women. Similarly,

DuBois’s (1903) double consciousness highlighted the time and energy individuals expanded to react against negative stereotypes in an oppressive system.

Although a coping mechanism for these Black women, shifting came at a physical, emotional, and psychological cost, thus influencing Black women’s well-being

(Jones and Shorter-Gooden, 2003). Just as in Hall, Everett, and Hamilton-Mason (2012)’s study of Black women and workspace stress, some participants described the adverse impact of work-related stress on their mental health. Jeanine elaborated on her experiences of depression and anxiety during a difficult period in her life where she felt alienated at work. This finding further supported previous findings on work-related stress

Black women experience, and how such difficulties are often tied to occurrences of low self-esteem, emotional eating, hypertension, sleep deprivation, and anxiety concerns

(Hall et al., 2012). Despite their awareness of discrimination and its impact on their well- being, participants in this study named strength and their abilities to overcome adversity as an essential identifier.

Black women in the study discussed the importance of strength and resilience in their ability to move forward when life becomes arduous. The findings of this study parallel previous research and findings on Black Womanhood, as described in the second chapter of this research project. Both Settles et al. (2008) and Belgrave et al. (2015) noted

how the Black women in their studies considered having and displaying strength as

essential when conceptualizing their Black Womanhood. Furthermore, HWT highlights

that although Blacks of all genders experience a shared racialized and classed history

within the U.S., individuals’ challenges are uniquely shaped given one’s social location

(Rousseau, 2013). The overcoming of these challenges by Black women has been

documented by previous scholars, such as Lorde who stated:

Those of us who stand outside the circle of this society’s definition of acceptable women; those of us who have been forged in the crucibles of difference–those of us who are poor, who are lesbians, who are Black, who are older–know that survival is not an academic skill. It is learning how to take our differences and make them strengths. (Lorde, 1984, p. 112.)

Lorde essentially taps into the necessity of resilience for survival, one that was echoed by

Black women in this study. Although participants described feeling as though being a

Black woman feels like facing extra burden that others may not experience, being and

feeling strong was essential to their self-definitions. This extra burden may be related to

Black women having been historically forced into labor in the U.S.’ racialized,

patriarchal, and capitalist society (Rousseau, 2013). According to Rousseau (2013), Black

women have historically been producers within the US’ labor force (e.g., as slaves, then

as wage earners), biological reproducers within the labor force (e.g., bearing children that

are then assimilated into the work force), and reproductive laborers (e.g., domestic servants, engaging in racialized and feminized occupations such as teaching, social work, etc…). Rousseau (2013) also explains that Black women are uniquely positioned as laborers in US’ society, as they are often denigrated and labeled as responsible for the

“downfall of the Black community” as mothers and wives. The participants’ emphasis on strength as a core attribute within their self-definitions may then be related to embodying

strength as a mean for survival, both historically and contemporarily, in a society that is

built in part from exploiting Black women’s existence.

Additionally, strength highlighted as part of the Black women in this study’s self-

definitions of Black Womanhood is noteworthy, particularly as recent efforts have been

made to move away from deficit-focused models of minority experiences to move

towards emphasizing the positive effects of holding multiple marginalized identities

(Bowleg, Huang, Brooks, Black, & Burkholder, 2003; Garcia & Guerrera, 2004).

Deficit-focused models further marginalize Black girls and women, perpetuating

bias towards them in areas such as educational settings (Garcia & Guerrera, 2004).

Moreover, a recent study focusing on adults’ perception of Black girls described a

process where Black girls are continuously seen as more adult than White girls of the same age, a process labeled as the “adultification of Black girls” (Epstein, Blake, &

Gonzalez, 2017). The authors provided data supporting their assertions that Black girls are seen as less innocent and needing less support, comfort, and nurturing. Their findings have significant implications, as the authors connected findings to the disproportionate rates of punitive treatment Black girls incur in judicial and educational systems (Epstein,

Blake, & Gonzalez, 2017). It would be important for individuals working with Black women (e.g., teachers, therapists) to support and encourage Black women to develop resilience-related skills and attitudes that may prove beneficial to counter effects of the racialized and gendered oppression Black women face continuously. Woods-Giscombe and Black (2010) encourage the use and development of interventions that emphasize the development of inner strength grounded in resilience, wellness, and self-defined authenticity for Black women. Simultaneously, efforts to challenge oppressive systems

that ultimately maintain power over Black girls and women are warranted (Epstein,

Blake, & Gonzalez, 2017; Rousseau, 2013). Engaging in efforts to foster inner strength in

Black women and dismantle oppressive systems would then bring about transformative

social change (Freire, 1970).

Furthermore, when describing themselves, Black women in the study expressed a

sense of pride and respect tied not only to their sense of self but also to their connections

to their communities. Recognizing and embodying aspects of one’s heritage was seen as a

source of self-pride that some participants emphasized purposely disseminating to other

Black individuals. Sally, for example, described ways she instills such a sense of pride in

her grandchildren. Reminiscent of the Black Pride movement of the 70s, a sense of

cultural pride and respect was seen as an integral identity marker for the participants.

This sense of pride has been tied to positive self-appraisals, as well as better academic

and personal achievements in Black children (Caughy, O’Campo, Randolph, &

Nickerson, 2002; Constantine & Blackmon, 2002; Patten, 1997; Williams, 1970). Fisher

and Shaw (1999) identified a positive moderating effect of racial socialization and self-

esteem on mental health outcomes of African Americans. Cultural pride and self-respect were important components of Black Womanhood for the participants in the study, in accordance with previous research (Edge & Rogers, 2005; Hughes et al., 2006).

As previously stated, participants described themselves in relation to members of their families and communities. Fatou spoke of the ways Black Womanhood was modeled by the women in her family and how witnessing them shaped the way she defines herself. Similarly, participants described motherhood and being family oriented as strongly tied to their sense of self. Even participants who did not have children

mentioned the importance of mothering when describing themselves as Black women.

Chaney’s (2011) study yielded similar findings, as she noted her participants expressed

that being a responsible and caring mother was important to their self-definition. Black

Womanhood in this study and in previous research was also associated with taking care of one’s household (Chaney, 2011). From a historical standpoint, Black families have been labeled as deviant from the U.S. familial norms since slavery tore apart Back individuals’ familial bonds to benefit a system that abused them. The traditional view of family constituting of a father, mother, and children born out of their union was created in parts as a means to delegitimize racial minorities and further maintain power over

Black individuals, namely Black women (Collins, 2005). Slavery provided no support for

Black motherhood in hegemonic definitions of what can be viewed as normative

(Higginbotham, 1992). Despite this historical attempt at erasure, Black women in this study have continued to identify and connect with their families and communities in a manner that reflects an African centered worldview (Ma & Schoeneman, 1997; Markus

& Kitayama, 1991; Myers, 1988). In accordance with African centered values, the participants felt intrinsically connected to other Black women, to their Black communities, and prioritized the interpersonal connections they have developed throughout their lives.

Most notably, the participants described Black Womanhood as unique.

Participants described themselves in terms of physical attributes (e.g., skin color, body shape, hair texture), and personality traits (e.g., driven, assertive, educated). Participants believed that being caring and nurturing was important for them and Black women, generally. This notion of Black women being nurturing has been identified in previous

research (Belgrave et al., 2015; Chaney, 2011; Settles et al., 2008). Black women in the

study extended their care towards other Black women and Black girls and believed that

doing so was central to their self-definitions and role as adult Black women. Through empowerment and modeling, participants felt it was their duty to support other Black women and girls and encourage them to thrive in a world that continues to oppress them.

Participants described solidarity with other Black women due to their intrinsic connection. They reported feeling vicariously joyous when other Black women succeeded. This finding is noteworthy, as it highlights an intergenerational connectedness between Black women. Such connections may occur within the realms of a mother-

daughter relationship (Thomas & King, 2007) or through the establishment of broader

social networks between Black women (Collins, 2005), and have been linked to higher

levels of self-esteem, development of protective factors against trauma, and resilience

(Banyard, Williams, Siegel, & West, 2002).

Black Womanhood for some participants was found to be an experience difficult

to quantify, but that bonded all Black women together. Participants described this

qualitative experience as some sort of “energy or aura” that all Black women possess.

According to participants, this energy is beautiful, powerful, undeniable, special, and a

real source of pride. To be a Black woman meant that other individuals are “drawn” to

Black women, as though Black women exude a sort of irresistible magneticism. It’s

important to note that participants were not describing themselves in a superficial manner

that objectified or exoticized them, but rather spoke of their deeply rooted uniqueness.

The participants exuded a spiritual self-awareness that is reminiscent of African centered

values, viewing themselves in a holistic manner (Myers, 1988). The participants’ self-

definitions may also be connected to aspects of Optimal Theory, which conceptualizes

identity development from expanding one’ sense of self to integrate aspects of spirituality

and transcendence (Myers et al., 1991). As the Black women in the study described their

connectedness to one another in a manner that transcends the realm of the tangible,

Optimal Theory would contend that the participants are striving towards a healthier,

holistic self-definition (Myers et al., 1991).

This finding also appears to fit within the context of current contemporary

movements such as #BlackGirlMagic and #ProfessionalBlackGirl, which emphasize the

diversity, beauty, power, and resilience of Black women globally (Blay, 2016;

Thompson, 2013). Since 2006, the Black Girls Rock, Inc. non-profit organization

founded by Beverly Bond has sought to empower Black girls and women through

education, leadership, building self-esteem and efficacy. The organization also seeks to

celebrate Black Womanhood by centering the experiences and voices of Black girls and

women of all walks of life (www.blackgirlsrockinc.com). In accordance with SIT, Black

women in this study defined themselves through a self-categorization process, identifying some characteristics distinguishing them from others, and drawing a strong sense of self and positive self-esteem from these distinctions (Hogg & Abrams, 1988).

In a society that devalues Blackness and femaleness, Black women have created

space to celebrate one another. Poet Nikki Giovanni has used her art to validate,

celebrate, and uplift Black women. In her powerful poem Ego Tripping (there may be a

reason why) brags, “I am so perfect so divine so ethereal so surreal I cannot be

comprehended except by my permission” (Giovanni, 1972). Described as a goddess, the

narrator of the poem showcases African heritage defying negative social rhetoric which

inferiorizes Black women. Maya Angelou’s (1978) poem, Phenomenal Woman, praised

Black Womanhood, its uniqueness, and the pride she experiences as a result of being a

Black woman.

Now you understand Just why my head’s not bowed. I don’t shout or jump about Or have to talk real loud. When you see me passing, It ought to make you proud. I say, It’s in the click of my heels, The bend of my hair, the palm of my hand, The need for my care. ’Cause I’m a woman Phenomenally. Phenomenal woman, That’s me. (Angelou, 1978, p. 5-6).

The powerful messages conveyed through these anthems have stood the test of time and continue to represent staples of literature on Black women. Similarly, Beyoncé conveys that same celebration of Black Womanhood which is rarely experienced in the broader society. From songs such as Diva, Run the World (Girls), or Grown Woman, the artist has sung about female empowerment throughout her career. More recently,

Beyoncé’s (2016) Lemonade album has been heralded as a celebration of multifaceted

Black Womanhood in the U.S. Drawing from the maxim “if life gives you lemons, make lemonade”, imageries of African deities, and political voices such as Malcom X, Beyoncé recounts stories of overcoming pain and disappointment. Drawing from poetry from

Warsan Shire throughout her album, she speaks of survival and connections with other

Black women, describing a grandmother,

Grandmother, the alchemist, you spun gold out of this hard life. Conjured beauty from the things left behind. Found healing where it did not live. Discovered the

antidote in your own kitchen. Broke the curse with your own two hands. You passed these instructions down to your daughter, who then passed it down to her daughter.

Ultimately, Beyoncé sings about Black women’s journeys towards healing,

empowerment, and freedom. She says,

I'm telling these tears, "Go and fall away, fall away" May the last one burn into flames Freedom! Freedom! I can't move Freedom, cut me loose! Freedom! Freedom! Where are you? Cause I need freedom too! I break chains all by myself Won't let my freedom rot in hell Hey! I'ma keep running Cause a winner don't quit on themselves

The affirmations contained in these popular culture examples provide a critical counter narrative to the dominant social rhetoric which denigrates Black Womanhood.

Echoing these popular culture messages, the participants in this study described Black

Womanhood as unique, multifaceted, and special.

Some scholars have however argued that continuing to view Black women as magical perpetuate the same narrative that has labeled Black women as “other than human” and thus, inferior (Chavers, 2016). This critique is warranted, given the manner in which Black women’s bodies have been abused and used for societal advancement

(Rousseau, 2009; Washington, 2006). Moreover, there are recorded detrimental health outcomes for Black women attributed to the Strong Black Woman (SBW) stereotype which sees Black women as “superhuman” (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009). As previously noted, internalization of the SBW has been linked to health-related problems such as diabetes and high blood pressure (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2009; Woods-Giscombe, 2010;

Woods-Giscombe & Lobel, 2008).

Nonetheless, participants described themselves in a manner that sought to

celebrate their Black Womanhood and their ability to thrive despite countless difficulties

throughout their lives. These Black women are reclaiming what years of oppression have

attempted to erase- their humanity (Blay, 2016). As eloquently stated by one participant,

embracing one’s Black Girl Magic “ain’t for them, it’s for us”.

Through recounting their lived experiences, Black women in this study described processes similar to those found in previous research regarding Black women. For instance, strength, resilience, care for others, pride and respect, as well as ties to one’s community were identified as essential to the participants’ self-definitions. For these

Black women, Black Womanhood was so multifaceted, it attested to a unique experience that felt almost intangible, yet was at the same time very much undeniable. There are a few important limitations that require caution in drawing conclusions from this study.

Limitations of the Study

Creswell (1998) suggested phenomenological studies should have between 5 to 25 participants while Charmaz (2006) suggests that 25 participants should be sufficient for smaller projects to yield sufficient information answering the proposed research questions. Given that 20 participants were interviewed to answer the proposed research questions, the study followed general guidelines regarding conducting qualitative research using phenomenology as a framework (Charmaz, 2006; Creswell, 1998). The results of this study may not be transferable to other Black women, as it is important to not assume that participants’ experiences are representative of all Black women.

However, the generalizability of the research’s results was never the goal of the study, given fundamental paradigm differences between qualitative and quantitative

methodologies. Some disadvantages to the recruitment process are important to note.

Recruitment was conducted using snowball sampling strategies which are non-probability

recruitment methods. Such methods can present with self-selection bias, since

participants who agreed to be part of the study had to self-identify as Black women, be interested in the topic, and willing to devote time to being interviewed (Collier &

Mahoney, 1996).

As previously stated, most of the participants (n=17) were college graduates with half of the total participants (n=10) holding a higher education degree. Also, most participants identified as Christian, African American, and heterosexual (n=17, n=18, and n=18, respectively). These seemingly homogeneous demographic markers may have skewed the results of the study, warranting further exploration of participants holding different identity markers (e.g., trans* identity, sexual minority, religious/spiritual affiliation, immigration status, education level). Although precautions were taken to gather participants’ candid explorations of Black Womanhood (e.g., establishing rapport during interviews, being transparent about study expectations, regular check-ins

throughout interviews), it is possible that some participants may have presented

themselves in a favorable light. In addition to potential impression management, some

participants may have abstained themselves from sharing certain details about their

experiences, in order to potentially be seen favorably.

Furthermore, qualitative research instructs researchers to position themselves

within the study and address their impact as researchers (Dwyer & Buckle, 2009). Thus,

it remains important to highlight that my own identification as a Black woman may have

impacted the manner in which this study was conducted. My interactions with

90 participants may have influenced their responses to the questions being posed. Several precautions were taken to ensure that participants’ authentic voices were emphasized throughout the duration of the study (e.g., researcher’s reflexivity and bracketing of experiences, debriefing with experts knowledgeable in the literature).

Finally, the implications of the current study span beyond the boundaries of the

U.S. The United Nations (U.N.) instituted an International Decade for People of African

Descent as proclaimed by the General Assembly resolution 68/237, taking place from

2015 to 2024 (UN, 2013). The U.N. recognized the importance of protecting people of

African descents’ rights across the globe, given the inequalities Blacks continue to experience due to the legacy of slavery and colonialism. This study aligns with the U.N.’s initiative by centering the experiences of Black women in the U.S. who continue to experience intersecting forms of oppression due to their race and gender. However, the focus on U.S. definitions of Black Womanhood presents as a limitation to the study.

Although 2 participants identified as immigrant Black women, most participants identified as U.S. born, thus offering a specific lens when understanding Black

Womanhood. Future research efforts must target Black women across the diaspora in order to uncover broader definitions of Black Womanhood.

Despite limitations associated with the current study, the findings that Black women in this study self-defined as strong and resilient, family and community oriented, proud, and resisting pervasive societal messages of Black Womanhood are promising.

Future Directions for Research

In light of the outcomes of the study and previously stated limitations, more research seeking to better conceptualize Black Womanhood from an emic perspective is

warranted. Specifically, future research utilizing participants with varied demographic

identifiers is needed to highlight the unique ways Black women self-identify. It may also be important to seek to understand ways Black women have arrived to their understanding of Black Womanhood, including factors, experiences, and individuals who may have contributed to their self-definitions throughout their lifetime. In addition, further research utilizing varied methodologies may support or contradict the current findings, ultimately enhancing the scarce literature on emic definitions of Black

Womanhood. For example, use of focus groups may capitalize this study’s finding that

Black women feel intrinsically connected to other Black women to create a group interview process.

Developing and implementing culturally-informed research benefits not only the participants by empowering them throughout the process, but also enacts the field of psychology’s ethical guidelines (Ponterotto, 2010). Also, based on the results of the numerous qualitative studies available including the current project, quantitative approaches may now be needed to complement current research on Black Womanhood.

For example, a quantitative instrument measuring Black women’s identity or identity development could be created as both reliable and valid for Black women. Furthermore, the findings of this study highlight the need for researchers to better conceptualize the experiences of Black women and develop a theoretical framework of Black Womanhood.

Through a review of the literature and conducting this study, it became apparent that theories defining and appropriately conceptualizing Black Womanhood are scarce. HWT represents such a theory, using historical, political, and economic factors to conceptualize the roles of Black women in the U.S. and was useful in contextualizing the participants’

answers (Rousseau, 2013). However, previous literature using theories not developed

with Black women has continuously extrapolated Black Womanhood from the dominant

culture’s definitions of womanhood, pathologizing the experiences of Black women

(Bem, 1977; Binion, 1990). Consequently, interventions created based on these

extrapolations (e.g., mental health interventions or education programming) continue to

perpetuate oppressive practices against Black women. Some authors have urgently called

for new research and theory development that would center the voices of Black women

and more recent qualitative studies sought to address the gap in literature (Belgrave et al.,

2015; Chaney, 2011; Littlefield, 2004; Reid, 2004; Rousseau, 2013; Settles et al., 2008).

The current study findings reinforce this sense of urgency. Future steps may then involve

further exploring ways Black women have come to understand what being a Black

woman means to them, including factors that may have impeded or facilitated their self-

definitions. It would also be important to explore the manner in which other identities

Black women hold (e.g., nationality/immigrant status, sexual orientation, socioeconomic

status) may impact how Black women self-define.

Implications for Interventions

The current study holds several implications for the field of counseling psychology. Conducting research on marginalized groups in order to better understand the needs of said populations aligns with counseling psychology’s social justice values and efforts (Vera & Speight, 2003). The study’s results may influence training disseminated to counseling psychologists (whether in graduate school or as continued education) by solidifying the need for intersectionality when conceptualizing Black women’s presenting concerns for remedial interventions. The current findings may be

useful in the development of clinical interventions that are culturally appropriate and are

created based on Black women’s actual needs. Just as participants in this study

articulated, research continues to highlight the emotional, physical, and psychological toll

of oppression (e.g., sexism, racism, etc…) on Black women (Black, Murry, Cutrona, &

Chen, 2009; Jewell, 1993; Speight, Isom, Thomas, 2012; Thompson, 1994). In order to

address the clinical needs of Black women, counseling psychologists must address the

ways oppression affects the personal experiences of Black women. Challenging

oppression in a clinical setting involves fostering a space where Black women can

question and deconstruct the social rhetoric impacting their well-being, especially when

internalized (Speight, Isom, & Thomas, 2012). For instance, counseling psychologists can use consciousness raising as a tool to encourage Black women in treatment to dispute the pervasive social rhetoric that demonizes Black Womanhood. Empowering clients to gain insight into political, economic, historical, and social practices that are disenfranchising can then lead clients to take action in their lives (Sowards & Renegar,

2004).

Counseling psychologists can also be involved in educational and preventative

efforts targeting Black women. This study shows the ways Black women have resisted

systemic oppression in their own lives (Collins, 1990; Davis, 1981). Whether through

engagement within one’s community, empowering and caring for other Black women, or

affirming one’s identity as different than stereotypes, the participants demonstrated how

they survive and thrive in the U.S. society. These Black women actively challenged

negative narratives of Black Womanhood whether at a political, legal, or individual level

(Collins, 2000). By building on the ways Black women already resist oppression,

94 counseling psychologists can support Black women in gaining greater understanding of the psychological impact of systems of oppression in order to mitigate its effects on their well-being. Counseling psychologists must also engage in preventative work through promoting affirming images of Black Womanhood and the use of social support groups where Black women may experience the sort of solidarity participants shared that was central to their identification as Black women. Armed with the information from this study as well as additional research conducted with Black women, counseling psychologists must create community-based interventions to support Black women as they struggle in the U.S. Some of these interventions may involve celebrating Black

Womanhood’s uniqueness in a manner that counters the effects of systemic oppression and instills pride in younger and older Black women. These educational and preventative efforts are precisely the type of justice initiatives counseling psychologists must undertake to disrupt systems of oppression that continue to devalue Black women

(Speight, Isom, & Thomas, 2012).

Moreover, Speight and Vera (2004) urge counseling psychologists to examine oppression at microsocial (e.g., interpersonal interactions) and macrosocial (e.g., systemic) levels. Because oppression holds political and psychological consequences for both individuals and marginalized groups, counseling psychologists must commit professionally and personally to dismantling oppression in accordance to counseling psychology’s social justice agenda (Fouad, 2004; Speight & Vera, 2004; Prilleltensky &

Gonick, 1996). On a personal level, counseling psychologists must engage in critical self- reflection in order to identify and combat their own biased perceptions of Black women so as to not perpetuate such biases when working with Black women. Counseling

95 psychologists must also engage in social activism and advocacy outside of the realm of clinical treatment in order to challenge oppression at a systemic level, thereby promoting change that can impact the experiences of Black women (Speight & Vera, 2004).

Lastly, counseling psychologists ought to be involved in public policy reform, in light of continued systemic inequalities that disenfranchise Black women on a political, economic, and social standpoint. In a recent report on the status of Black women in the

United States, the authors highlight how Black women fare on various measures of well- being (e.g., access to healthcare, political involvement, employment) compared to other ethnic and racial groups of women and men (DuMonthier, Childers, & Milli, 2017). As

Black women provide care to members of their families, counseling psychologists can support the expansion of policies such as paid family and medical leave to help alleviate some of the emotional and financial burdens associated with caregiving. Since this study’s findings highlight Black women’s strong connections and care for their families and communities, state and federal agencies may attend to the labor Black women provide to better their communities in a manner that promotes better well-being for Black women. Additionally, counseling psychologists’ advocacy efforts can target policies affecting access to health care, as well as funding for research related to health prevention and treatment to attend to Black women’s disproportionate risk of adverse health concerns due to experiences of racism and sexism, as described by the Black women in this study ((DuMonthier, Childers, & Milli, 2017).

Personal Reflections

This dissertation project originated from questions that arose from personal reflections throughout my graduate training. As I began to familiarize myself with the

literature available on Black women and engaged in conducting research myself, it

became apparent that some questions I was asking (e.g., “What does it mean to be a

Black woman?” “How does Black Womanhood compare across Black women?”)

warranted further exploration because they were not being answered in the extant

literature in psychology. Choosing to utilize a qualitative methodology to answer these

questions felt appropriate, albeit challenging at times. I certainly felt overwhelmed by

some of the tasks necessary to conduct a research project that would center the voices and

experiences of Black women and apply a rigorous methodology. Despite these initial

concerns, my passion for the topic at hand influenced how my process unfolded.

I found it surprising that each participant in the study almost instantly shared their

stories in a manner that I perceived as vulnerable. It appeared that my being a stranger

did not discourage them from trusting me during our interactions and participants were

candid in their descriptions of Black Womanhood. This may have been attributed to what the participants described as this unifying bond that connects all Black women. I remember leaving interviews feeling such a variety of emotions; anger from hearing countless experiences of interpersonal and systemic discrimination, sadness from the pain participants described experiencing throughout their lives particularly when discussing assaults to their being, pride from being a Black woman. Most importantly, I felt affirmed that the work I took on during this project was meaningful, given participants’ repeated statements that they valued being given a chance to tell their stories. Our time shared during interviews felt sacred and very much encouraged and motivated me during periods when the project felt taxing. Honoring their voices and trust became an important motivator when completing this study.

It’s also important to mention that I observed parallel processes between the participants’ answers and my own reflections on Black Womanhood. My reflection journal entries provided a space for me to explore how I connected to the themes I was encountering (e.g., strength, resilience, resistance against social rhetoric, pride, family and community connections, uniqueness of Black Womanhood). My journal also allowed me to brainstorm on ways to attend to difficulties I was experiencing in order to differentiate between my own experiences and those of the Black women in the study.

Upon completing this project, I believe this study changed me in various ways. I experienced an increase in self-efficacy as a researcher, further affirming my identity as a scientist and practitioner. I feel a renewed commitment to social justice values espoused by the field of counseling psychology. I have drawn meaning from engaging in the sort of research that can have a transformative impact on society. Furthermore, when assessing my own journey as a Black immigrant woman in the U.S., I reflected on the ways I too resist oppression, whether consciously or unintentionally. I believe that the anger I felt when hearing the participants’ stories provided me with fuel to push through my own adversities. For me, completing this project has represented an act of resistance in itself. I am determined and committed to use my own voice to resist oppressive discourses on

Black Womanhood throughout the world. I believe that doing so can be impactful in a manner that I look forward to explore in my future endeavors as a counseling psychologist. The activist in me that seeks to “fight the power” feels grateful for having gained deeper understandings of what it means to be a Black woman through sharing these women’s stories.

Conclusion

This study aimed to center the voices of Black women and provide a space for the participants interviewed to define for themselves Black Womanhood. Aligning with previous research recommendations that called for emic research centering the experiences of Black women, this study followed rigorous methodological practices and utilized a phenomenological approach to better understand how Black women conceptualize Black Womanhood. Using theories such as Historical Womanist Theory

(Rousseau, 2013) and Social Identity Theory (Tajfel, 1972), participants’ answers were understood within the historical, economic, social, and political context of the U.S. In spite of existing at the crossroads of systems of oppression perpetuated throughout the years to retain power over them, Black women (in this study and in general) continue to demonstrate resilience in the face of adversity. While being aware of the harmful, pervasive social rhetoric against them, Black women continue to fight against erasure and assert their uniqueness. Such uniqueness is deeply tied to family and community connections, caring for ourselves and other Black women, and pride in our heritage. In conclusion, although the findings of this study impact counseling psychology’s practice, training, and research, emic definitions of Black Womanhood ultimately serve as agents against systemic oppression and promote radical, transformative change for the liberation of Black women across the globe.

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Table 1. Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Suzy 30 Exclusively France My family Christianity Unemployed Doctoral or heterosexual has no professional with no problem Degree homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Sophie 32 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Urban Planner Master's heterosexual has no Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Gladys 54 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Therapist LSW Master's heterosexual has enough Degree with no money to buy homosexual pretty much anything we want

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Table 1 (continued). Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Tequila 44 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Researcher/Doctoral Doctoral or heterosexual has no Candidate professional with no problem Degree homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Tammi 36 Exclusively USA My family Islam Unemployed High heterosexual has a hard School with no time buying Diploma or homosexual the things we equivalent need (i.e., GED) Sally 68 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Records Clerk High heterosexual has a hard School with no time buying Diploma or homosexual the things we equivalent need (i.e., GED) Jeanine 23 Equally USA My family Christianity Professional Bachelor's heterosexual has a hard Recruiter (past) Degree and time buying homosexual the things we need

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Table 1 (continued). Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Fatou 54 Exclusively Ghana My family Christianity Consultant Doctoral or heterosexual has no professional with no problem Degree homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Delanna 28 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Quality Master's heterosexual has no Assurance, IT Degree with no problem Department homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Terri 34 Exclusively USA My family Christianity 3rd Grade Master's heterosexual has no Teacher Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things.

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Table 1 (continued). Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Christelle 28 Exclusively USA My family Christianity HR representative Master's heterosexual has no Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Teyana 23 Exclusively USA My family Other Youth Mentor Bachelor's heterosexual has just (Spiritual) Degree with no enough homosexual money for the things we need Nadine 30 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Social Worker Bachelor's heterosexual has no Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things.

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Table 1 (continued). Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Chelsea 41 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Client Sales Bachelor's heterosexual has no Support Specialist Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. Malaya 57 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Assistant Doctoral or heterosexual has enough Principal professional with no money to buy Degree homosexual pretty much anything we want Monique 27 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Psychometrist Bachelor's heterosexual has no Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things.

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Table 1 (continued). Study participants’ demographic information Name Age Sexual Country of Family Religious Occupation Highest Orientation Origin Income Affiliation Level of Education Keeara 25 Predominantly USA My family Christianity Psychiatric Care Some heterosexual, has a hard Technician college, no only time buying degree incidentally the things we homosexual need Traci 36 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Graduate Student Bachelor's heterosexual has just Degree with no enough homosexual money for the things we need Dina 33 Exclusively USA My family Other ("I Counselor Master's heterosexual has enough don’t know") Degree with no money to buy homosexual pretty much anything we want Yvonne 32 Exclusively USA My family Christianity Office Manager Bachelor's heterosexual has no Degree with no problem homosexual buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things.

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Figure 1. “Strength” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood?

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Figure 2. “Various types of Black Womanhood” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood?

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Figure 3. “Community Connections” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood?

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Figure 4. “Pride and respect” identified as theme from participants answering RQ1: How did participants define Black Womanhood?

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Figure 5. “Self-distinction from stereotypes” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood?

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Figure 6. “Strength” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood?

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Figure 7. “Pride and Respect” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood?

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Figure 8. “Community connections” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood?

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Figure 9. “Multifaceted Black Womanhood” identified as theme from participants answering RQ2: How did participants define their own Black Womanhood?

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Figure 10. Uniqueness of Black Womanhood.

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APPENDICES

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APPENDIX A

STUDY FLYER BLACK WOMANHOOD STUDY

Seeking Black women of all ages over 18:

• Your participation in this study would involve one in- person interview lasting 1 to 2 hours. • Confidentially reflect on and share your definition of womanhood and your experiences as a Black woman. • Each woman will receive $10 for her participation.

Questions? Please contact Myriam Kadeba at (501)-952-5620 or [email protected] The University of Akron Department of Psychology

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APPENDIX B

RECEIPT

Towards Self-Definition: A Qualitative Exploration of Black Womanhood Interview Receipt Date:______

Amount:______

Witness/Primary Investigator Signature:______

Study Participant Signature:______

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APPENDIX C

DEMOGRAPHIC QUESTIONNAIRE

Please answer the following questions about yourself:

How old are you?

What is your biological sex? Female Male Other

What best describes your sexual Exclusively heterosexual with no homosexual orientation? Predominantly heterosexual, only incidentally homosexual Predominantly heterosexual, but more than incidentally homosexual Equally heterosexual and homosexual Predominantly homosexual, but more than incidentally heterosexual Predominantly homosexual, only incidentally heterosexual Exclusively homosexual Would rather not say

How would you classify your African race/ethnicity? African American Caribbean Multiracial/Biracial Would rather not say Other

What is your country of origin (birthplace)? (e.g., U.S.A.)

Which of the following describes My family has a hard time buying the things we need. your family’s income? My family has just enough money for the things we need. My family has no problem buying the things we need and sometimes we can also buy special things. My family has enough money to buy pretty much anything we want Would rather not say

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What best describes your religious A. Christianity orientation? B. Islam C. Judaism D. Buddhism E. Hinduism F. Taoism G. Confucianism H. Unitarianism I. Paganism J. Agnostic K. Atheist L. Would rather not say M. Other

What is your current employment A. Professional (i.e., physician, lawyer, psychologist, social worker, nurse, status? accountant, architect, engineer, teacher, pharmacist) B. White Collar (i.e., clerk, secretary, salesperson, bookkeeper, middle manager) C. Blue Collar (i.e., technician, laborer, mechanic, food service worker, child care worker) D. Student E. Homemaker F. Unemployed G. Retired H. Would rather not say I. Current Occupation (if applicable):______

What is your highest level of A. Less than high school education? B. High school diploma or equivalent (i.e., GED) C. Some college, no degree D. Associate’s degree E. Bachelor’s degree F. Postsecondary non-degree award G. Master’s degree H. Doctoral or professional degree I. Would rather not say

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APPENDIX D INTERVIEW PROTOCOL Introduction:

My name is Myriam Kadeba and I am conducting my dissertation research on the topic of Black womanhood. This research aims to better understand Black womanhood directly from the voices of Black women. You were selected because you responded to advertisement placed in order to recruit participants for this study and because you identify as a Black woman. Your participation in this 1 to 2 hours interview will be confidential and your input highly appreciated. Please see attached a list of questions that will be asked during the interview.

Section II—Background and Awareness • Can you describe your life as a young Black girl? • What was your family life/neighborhood/school life like for you as a young Black girl? • When did you first become aware of being a Black woman? • Do you feel you are treated differently because you are a Black woman? • When did you first become aware you were treated differently because you were a Black woman?

Section II—Self-Definition of Black Womanhood • What does the term “Black womanhood” mean to you? • How would you describe yourself as a Black woman? • What does it mean for you to be a Black woman? • What do you think your role(s) as a Black woman is? • Hegemonic femininity describes ideal femininity/womanhood as thin/white/virgin- like, submissive, modest, pious, deferring to men… • How do you define your own femininity/womanhood? • How does it compare to HF?

Section III-Factors Influencing Identification as a Black Woman

• What factors have influenced your identification as a Black woman? • What experiences/people/personal qualities have shaped your identification as a Black woman?

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• What experiences/people/personal qualities may have made it difficult for you to identify as a Black woman? • In what ways do you see your identification as a Black woman influence different aspects of your life? • How do you see your identification as a Black woman influence your… o Sexuality? o Dating/marriage? o Religion? o SES/Class o Other identity markers? Section IV-Uniqueness of Black Womanhood

• Do you believe that there is something unique about being a Black woman? • What are some unique traits/characteristics of Black women? • How are Black women different from White women? Other minority women? From men? From men of color? • How do you express being a Black woman? • What are characteristics specific to being a Black woman?

Section V—Debriefing

• Correct me if I’m wrong or not understanding what you are saying… • You said “…” Is that what you meant to say? • Are there other things I did not ask you that you believe would be important to discuss? • What was it like to talk about this topic?

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APPENDIX E IRB APPROVAL

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APPENDIX F INFORMED CONSENT

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