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Gender Role Identity and Attitudes Toward Feminism Paige W University of Nebraska at Omaha DigitalCommons@UNO Communication Faculty Publications School of Communication 7-2004 Gender Role Identity and Attitudes Toward Feminism Paige W. Toller Elizabeth A. Suter University of Denver Todd C. Trautman University of Nebraska-Lincoln Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/commfacpub Part of the Communication Commons, and the Feminist, Gender, and Sexuality Studies Commons Recommended Citation Toller, Paige W.; Suter, Elizabeth A.; and Trautman, Todd C., "Gender Role Identity and Attitudes Toward Feminism" (2004). Communication Faculty Publications. 74. https://digitalcommons.unomaha.edu/commfacpub/74 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by the School of Communication at DigitalCommons@UNO. It has been accepted for inclusion in Communication Faculty Publications by an authorized administrator of DigitalCommons@UNO. For more information, please contact [email protected]. Gender Role Identity and Attitudes Toward Feminism By: Paige W. Toller, Elizabeth A. Suter, and Todd C. Trautman Abstract In this study we examined relationships among gender role identity, support for feminism, nontraditional gender roles, and willingness to consider oneself a feminist in a sample of college students (N D 301). For female participants, we found positive relationships among higher masculinity on the PAQ (Personal Attributes Questionnaire), nontraditional attitudes toward gender roles, and the combined SRAI (Sex Role Attitudinal Inventory). A negative correlation was also found between lower scores on the PAQ masculinity–femininity index and the combined SRAI in women. For male participants, we found positive relationships among high femininity on the SIS (Sexual Identity Scale), willingness to consider oneself a feminist, positive attitudes toward the women’s movement, and the combined SRAI. We also found a negative relationship between high masculinity on the PAQ and willingness to consider oneself a feminist in men. The implications of these findings for the feminist movement are discussed. Keywords: gender, sex, identity, role, feminism, gender roles Many feminist theorists believe gender is not innate; rather gender is something we do (West & Zimmerman, 1987) and perform (Butler, 1990). Biological sex constrains gender performance, as Eckert and McConnell-Ginet (2003) noted “Gendered performances are available to everyone, but with them come constraints on who can perform which personae with impunity. And this is where gender and sex come together, as society tries to match up ways of behaving with biological sex assignments” (p. 10). As such, highly masculine men and highly feminine women perform their gender role identity based on traditional notions of what constitutes masculinity and femininity. In the United States, a successful man’s performance of high masculinity requires that the man be tough, in control, and aggressive, sometimes even violent (Kimmel, 2000). At the other extreme, a successful woman’s performance of high femininity requires that the woman be nurturing, physically attractive, and passive (Wood, 1993). Support for and opposition to feminism might be partially explained by gender role identity. Research has shown that feminists are frequently construed as unfeminine (Alexander & Ryan, 1997; Caplan, 1985; Henderson-King & Stewart, 1994) and as possessing masculine traits such as aggressiveness (Rubin, 1994). It seems reasonable to predict that highly feminine women might be hesitant to consider themselves feminists because such characteristics are inconsistent with their gender role identity. Although there is less research on why men might be hesitant to consider themselves feminists, research has shown that the label “feminist” remains coded as female (Williams & Wittig, 1997). As a result, highly masculine men may also find the label “feminist” inconsistent with their gender role identity. Research to date contains several shortcomings that limit the strength of the conclusion that gender role identity is related to attitudes toward feminism. The objective of the present study was to determine whether or not there are relationships among gender role identity, support for feminism, and willingness to consider oneself a feminist. It is our central hypothesis that more masculine men and more feminine women will have less positive attitudes toward feminism. There is limited empirical evidence available concerning the relationships among gender role identity, support for feminism, and willingness to consider oneself a feminist. In an early study Mezydlo and Betz (1980) compared feminist and nonfeminist perceptions of ideal men and women. Both feminist and nonfeminist men and women described an ideal man as highly masculine. However, feminists described an ideal woman as possessing masculine characteristics. Several existing research reports provide the warrant for the current study. Scholars reported that highly masculine men are less likely than more feminine men to support feminism (Jackson, Fleury, & Lewandowski, 1996; Twenge, 1999). These findings suggest the following hypothesis for men: Hypothesis 1: In men, increased masculinity will be associated with negative attitudes toward (a) feminism, (b) negative attitudes toward nontraditional gender roles, and (c) willingness to consider oneself a feminist. On the other hand, women’s support for feminism has not been found to be related to femininity (Jackson et al., 1996; Twenge, 1999). Questions remain concerning the relationship between femininity and support for feminism among women. Why have two previous studies demonstrated a null relationship between feminism and femininity among women? This seems surprising given the results of Burn, Aboud, and Moyles (2000), who measured gender self-esteem, “that part of an individual’s selfconcept derived from being male or female” (p. 1083). Burn et al. found that high gender self-esteem in women and low gender self-esteem in men were positively related to support for feminism. However, their measures concerned gender social identity (group), rather than gender role identity (individual). In the present study we tested whether a similar relationship might exist between gender role identity and support for feminism for women: Hypothesis 2: In women, increased femininity will be associated with negative attitudes toward (a) feminism, (b) negative attitudes toward nontraditional gender roles, and (c) willingness to consider oneself a feminist. Method Participants Three hundred and one undergraduate students participated in the present study. Recruitment of participants occurred in a variety of communication courses at a midwestern university. The actual sample sizes in the specific analyses varied due in part to item nonresponse. Participants included 118 (40.3%) male and 175 (59.7%) female students. The respondents’ colleges included Arts and Sciences (55.6%), Business Administration (17.5%), Journalism and Mass Communication (10.8%), and Engineering and Technology (4.4%). The remaining 8.1% were in Teacher’s College, Agricultural Science, Fine and Performing Arts, Architecture, Human Resource and Family Science, and Law. Nearly 97% of respondents were between the ages of 19 and 22 (63.3%) and between 23 and 32 (33.3%). The remaining 3.3% of participants were older than 32 years. Two hundred and fifty-seven (86.5%) participants reported that their mothers worked outside the home at some point when they were growing up. Of those 257 respondents, 132 (48.7%) of the students were between the ages of 0 and 4 years when their mother began working outside the home. The majority of the participants were reared as either Catholic (35.5%) or Lutheran (17.1%). Other categories included: Methodist (10.6%), Nondenominational (11.3%), Presbyterian (7.5%), other (11.6%), and none (6.5%). The participants were drawn from a university with a student population of 92.8%White, 2.8% Asian, 2.0% Native American, 2.0% Black, and 0.04% Hispanic (Institutional Research and Planning, 2003). Measures The Sex Role Attitudinal Inventory (SRAI; Renzetti, 1987) is a 24-item instrument that asks respondents to report their attitudes toward statements about feminism and gender roles. Responses were made on a 5- point Likert scale, that ranged from 1 D strongly disagree to 5 D strongly agree. Low scores indicate non- feminist attitudes toward gender roles, a low level of awareness of gender inequality, and weak support for the women’s movement. Following Renzetti (1987) we divided this instrument into four subscales: (a) traditional attitudes toward gender roles (nine statements); (b) feminist attitudes toward gender roles (five statements); (c) awareness of gender inequality (four statements); and (d) attitudes toward the women’s movement (six statements). One of the six statements that measure attitudes toward the women’s movement asked participants whether they agree with the statement “I consider myself to be a feminist.” Responses to this question were analyzed separately as “willingness to consider oneself a feminist.” The reliability of each subscale was established using Cronbach’s (1951) coefficient alpha. High reliability coefficients were present for the combined SRAI (α = .83) and for two of the SRAI subscales: traditional attitudes toward gender roles (® D :78) and attitudes toward the women’s movement (α = .76). The subscales of statements that indicate awareness of gender inequality (α = .37) and feminist attitudes toward gender roles (α
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