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Gender, Sexism, Sexual Prejudice, and Identification with U.S. Football and Men's Figure Skating

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Gender, Sexism, Sexual Prejudice, and Identification with U.S. Football and Men's Figure Skating Sex Roles (2016) 74:464–471 DOI 10.1007/s11199-016-0598-x Gender, Sexism, Sexual Prejudice, and Identification with U.S. Football and Men’s Figure Skating Woojun Lee1 & George B. Cunningham2 Published online: 24 February 2016 # Springer Science+Business Media New York 2016 Abstract Prejudice against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and trans- Prejudice against lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender gender (LGBT) individuals can affect a number of attitudes (LGBT) individuals can affect a number of attitudes and be- and behaviors relevant to sports; however, there is compara- haviors relevant to sports. Parents with anti-LGBT attitudes tively little focus on sexual prejudice among sport fans. As are unlikely to let their children on teams coached by sexual such, the purpose of the present study was to examine the minorities (Cunningham and Melton 2012), and there is a associations among sexual prejudice, sexism, gender, and similar pattern among former players and their willingness identification with two sports: men’s figure skating and U.S. to play for LGBT coaches (Sartore and Cunningham 2009). football. To examine these associations, we draw from multi- In sport organizations, sexual prejudice is associated with a ple perspectives, including Robinson and Trail’s(2005)work reticence to support diversity initiatives (Cunningham and on identification, Herek’s(2007, 2009) sexual stigma and Sartore 2010), lesbian coaches report their sexual orientation prejudice theory, and McCormack and Anderson’s(2014a, being Bused^ against them by opposing coaches in the 2014b) theory of homohysteria. Questionnaire data were col- recruiting process (Krane and Barber 2005), and some lected from 150 students (52 women, 98 men) enrolled at a LGBT employees report feeling the need to hide their identi- large, public university in the Southwest United States. ties (Cavalier 2011; Walker and Melton 2015). Some LGBT Consistent with the study hypotheses, results from a structural athletes report prejudice expressed by their coaches and fellow equation model indicate sexual prejudice held a positive players, resulting in stress and poor playing experiences association with identification with U.S. football and a nega- (Lucas-Carr and Krane 2012; Skogvang and Fasting 2013). tive association with identification with men’sfigureskating. Finally, critical examination shows that even those persons Both gender and sexism were significantly associated with who profess to support LGBT individuals will sometimes ex- sexual prejudice. Men and individuals who expressed sexist press prejudice in subtle, nuanced ways (Cunningham and attitudes were more prone to express sexual prejudice than Melton 2014b). To further illustrate these dynamics, sport were their counterparts. The authors also discuss theoretical journalists largely report progressive, accepting attitudes of and practical implications, limitations, and future directions. gay men in sport, but have nevertheless failed to report on openly gay athletes (Kian et al. 2013). Thus, although ad- Keywords Prejudice . Homophobia . Sport . Attachment . vances have been made (Anderson 2011;Griffin2012), sexual Aggression . Sexism prejudice continues to influence how athletes, coaches, and administrators experience sport. Although scholars have devoted considerable attention to * George B. Cunningham understanding the influence of sexual prejudice on teams and [email protected] within sport organizations, there is comparatively little focus on sexual prejudice among sport fans. There are, however, 1 Department of Sports Studies, William Woods University, some exceptions. Jones (2008) examined the experiences of Fulton, MO, USA women who were fans of professional soccer teams, noting 2 — Laboratory for Diversity in Sport, Texas A&M University, 4243 that the women observed sexual prejudice among other fans TAMU, College Station, TX 77843-4243, USA a practice they deemed disgusting. Cashmore and Cleland Sex Roles (2016) 74:464–471 465 (2011) analyzed responses from thousands of fans, noting that In our study, we sought to understand how fans identified whereas most (93 %) indicated that they opposed sexual prej- with two sports: U.S. football and men’s figure skating. People udice, they nevertheless hurl prejudicial insults at the players, make different attributions concerning the masculinity and claiming to use such language as a form of jest or a strategy to aggressiveness of different sports (Hardin and Greer 2009; thwart the opposing player’s performance. Caudwell (2011) Matteo 1986), and football is consistently rated highly along documented the use of derogatory chants among UK soccer these attributes. On the other hand, although figure skating fans, as well as efforts to combat the prevalence of such chants requires considerable strength, skill, balance, and power, peo- through The Justin Campaign (a campaign that started after ple likely believe this sport is less masculine and aggressive Justin Fashanu’s suicide in 1998 and that is designed to fight than is football. As outlined in the following, we anticipate against sexual prejudice in soccer). Finally, Cleland (2015) that sexual prejudice might also help explain people’sidenti- examined the postings on 48 fan message boards associated fication with those sports. with professional soccer teams. He observed that the overall tenor of the comments was positive. In cases where prejudicial remarks were written, other users frequently rebuked these Sexual Stigma, Sexual Prejudice, and Homohysteria comments, thereby suggesting an increasingly inclusive space. Herek’s(2007, 2009) sexual stigma and prejudice theory of- In the present study, we seek to expand on this work in fers an effective theoretical lens for understanding the role of several meaningful ways. First, whereas scholarship sexual prejudice in sport. Stigma represents Ban attribute that pertaining to sexual prejudice and fandom has predominantly produces a social identity that is devalued or derogated by focused on fans’ language, we depart from this approach by persons within a particular culture at a particular point in time^ instead attending to sexual prejudice itself and how it is related (Paetzold et al. 2008, p. 186). Stigmas are more encompassing to fans’ identification with different sports. In doing so, we than one’s individual beliefs—instead, they are socially con- explore the connection between prejudice toward sexual mi- structed, shared, and reproduced over time such that they be- norities and people’s attachment to various sports—an analy- come accepted within a particular culture and time. Stigmas sis we believe is the first to take place. We also seek to under- shape people’s beliefs, attitudes, and behaviors. Recognizing stand factors associated with sexual prejudice, with an empha- stigma’s powerful influence, Herek developed his theory sis on sexism and the gender of the fans. Specifically, we around the notion of sexual stigma, or Ba culture’s shared illuminate how sexual prejudice is differently associated with knowledge about the negative regard, inferior status, and rel- fans’ identification with two gender-typed sports: U.S. foot- ative powerlessness that society collectively accords to non- ball and men’s figure skating. To generate our hypotheses, we heterosexual behaviors, identity, relationships, and communi- draw from multiple perspectives, including Robinson and ties^ (Herek and McLemore 2013,p.311). Trail’s(2005) work on identification, Herek’s(2007, 2009) Herek (2007, 2009) suggested that stigmas manifest struc- sexual stigma and prejudice theory, and McCormack and turally and through individuals. Heterosexism represents the Anderson’s(2014a, b) theory of homohysteria. structural form of sexual stigma, whereby institutional prac- tices and arrangements serve to privilege heterosexuals while devaluing LGB communities and individuals. Because the Sport Identification notions of Botherness^ are deeply embedded into sport’ssys- tems and practices (Cunningham 2012), heterosexism subju- Trailetal.(2000, p. 165) consider identification as Ban orienta- gates LGB individuals, even absent individual expressions of tion of the self in regard to other objectives, including a person prejudice. Indeed, Sartore-Baldwin (2013, p. 5) referred to or group, that results in feelings or sentiments of close attach- sport as Ba heterosexist institution organized by ment.^ Peoplecanidentifywithahostoftargets,suchasthe heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity^ (also see team, players, coaches, or sport itself. When they identify with Anderson 2011, for other forms of masculinity present in the sport, people are likely to consider themselves fans of that sport). sport, think of the sport as their favorite, and be strongly at- Sexual stigma is also expressed through individuals by tached with that activity (Robinson and Trail 2005). Their iden- way of enacted, felt, and internalized stigma. Enacted stig- tification with the sport is also likely to influence individuals’ ma is observed behaviorally, such as through the physical behaviors. People who strongly identify with a particular sport abuse of sportspersons who are LGB or thought to be (for do so because of their appreciation of the skills, aesthetics, and examples, see Symons et al. 2014; Travers and Deri 2010). drama associated with the sport, are likely to attend matches or Felt stigma occurs when LGB persons anticipate facing games—even when they must travel distances to do so (Funk prejudice and discrimination within a given
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