The Bull As A Numismatic Type In Magna Graecia, From Archaic To Late Classical

Period

Sep.1 2020

Xi (Chris) He (1434527)

Thesis 2020 Chris He

1

TABLE OF CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION ...... 3

CHAPTER 1: THE ARCHAIC AND CLASSICAL COINAGE OF SYBARIS ...... 7 1.1 THE ARCHAIC INCUSE COINAGE OF SYBARIS ...... 12 1.2 ARCHAIC BULLS WITH OTHER ETHNICSE ...... 20 1.3 SYBARITE COIN TYPES AFTER 510 BCE ...... 32 1.4 COINAGE OF POSEIDONIA ...... 49 1.5. SYBARIS IV AND NEW POLITICAL INFLUENCE ...... 60

CHAPTER 2: THE COINAGE OF THURIUM ...... 69

CHAPTER 3: THE COINAGE OF SICILIAN CITIES ...... 87 3.1 COINAGE OF KATANE, KEPHALOIDION AND PIAKOS ...... 92 3.2 COINAGE OF TAUROMENION ...... 102 3.3 THE FOURTH CENTURY ...... 109

CONCLUSION ...... 114

IMAGES ...... 119

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...... 141

2 Introduction

The bull emerges as a numismatic type in Magna Graecia in the sixth century

BCE and became increasingly frequent across the classical period with multiple variations. This paper concentrates on the stylistic changes and corresponding cultural implications of the bull in western Greek coinages. It starts with the reverted bull of

Sybaris from the middle of the sixth century, discussing the possible motivations of this particular selection that originates within the particular geographic and cultural fabric of the city. The paper then explores the potential significance of this motif, which represents the political entity and cultural identity of Sybaris. Noticeably, the reverted bull spread beyond Sybaris and was used by other communities with discreet ethnics. It implies a rather extensive influence of the city in the region, and contributes to the notion of a “Sybarite Empire.” This paper then discusses the appearance of the reverted bull on the issues attributed to Siris-Pyxus and with the ethnic AMI. Both communities contain a mixed demographic composition and exhibit a new communal identity, which might have provoked Sybaris to intervene in their cultural identifications. The reverted bull thus functions as the tool for Sybaris to assert cultural claims and political control of those neighboring communities.

Simultaneously, by identifying other populations with the reverted bull, Sybaris actively expanded and redefined the meaning of “being a Sybarite.” As a result, the

3 cultural significance of the reverted bull was further enhanced through these interactions.

But the cultural significance of the image is not static but changed according to different contexts. The most radical political change occurred in 510 BCE when the city Sybaris was defeated by Croton. However, the Sybarite cultural identity was preserved through numismatic evidence after the physical destruction of archaic

Sybaris. Interestingly, distinct groups interpreted Sybarite identity differently, which is reflected through various adoptions of the reverted bull. This paper details how the

Crotoniates may have manipulated the established link between the reverted bull and

Sybaris, and how two distinct population groups might revisit the Sybarite identity.

Though the bull had been tied firmly with Sybarite identity, the iconography was reinterpreted, altered, and appropriated by different Sybarite groups beyond the single polis Sybaris.

Sybarites then attempted to reestablish the city four times throughout the first half of the fifth century. These communities embraced Sybarite identity in various ways.

This paper traces the bull appearing in the numismatic output of every re-founding of

Sybaris, examines the iconographic changes, and discusses the potential cultural implications and how these changes might correspond to political contexts. In particular, as Sybarite identity was mainly preserved and spread through Sybarite refugees, how the distinct experiences of these refugees might influence the

4 interpretation of this motif? Moreover, the influx of non-Sybarite populations further complicated the definition of Sybarite political identity, and the involvement of populations with distinct origins was assimilated with the Sybarites through altered numismatic expressions of the community, which we will see in the case of refoundations Sybaris III and IV. Simultaneously, it is also important to acknowledge the limitation of the study, as in many discussions, the cultural significance of the bull is flexible, and the interpretation often remains open.

Among these iconographic changes of the bull in various communities, the butting bull is noteworthy. Despite the Sybarite origin, it became a constant emblem of a new political entity, Thurium circa 440 BCE. This paper briefly discusses the connection between Thurium and previous Sybaris IV, but mainly focusing on the influence of Thurian coinages in southern Italy and the emergence of a new cultural implication of the butting bull, which is tied closely to a particular group, mercenaries.

This butting bull-mercenary link perhaps emerged from the wide circulation of

Thurian coinages in southern Italy in the second half of the fifth century and was further consolidated at the end of the fifth century when this type spread and rooted in

Sicily with the establishment of mercenary settlements especially under Dionysius I.

This paper examines the distribution of the butting in Sicily from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the fourth century. Though the butting gesture per se does not indicate a southern Italian origin, the Thurian style of the butting bull at Katane,

5 nevertheless connects this motif with mercenaries, especially southern Italian mercenaries. At Katane, we perceive the initiation of the butting bull functioning as an emblem of this particular social group. This link was soon consolidated with the spread of the butting bull in Sicily, as we see at Kephaloidion, Piakos, and

Tauromenion. But the cultural embodiment of the butting bull is again dynamic. At

Tauromenion, as the site was gradually transferred from a fortress to a more proper state in the middle of the fourth century, the militaristic character of the butting bull was diluted and this motif was re-associated with its traditional embodiment such as the river.

Considering the arcs of the coin types, it is clear that the image resonated differently for each political body that adopted it. Through tracing the general development of the bull in the issues of Magna Graecia, I hope this paper can provide a glimpse of the multiple and dynamic social role of this numismatic type, which was altered according to various political and cultural contexts, and whose cultural implication might be appropriated and reinterpreted constantly within the dynamic interactions between distinct cultural groups.

6 Chapter 1: The Archaic and Classical Coinage of Sybaris

The bull emerged as a numismatic type in Magna Graecia in the sixth century

BCE and spread across the classical period with stylistic and iconographic variations.

Its origin, lasting duration, broad distribution, and adoption in the western Greek world merit exploration. This chapter focuses on the initial appearance of this type in

Greek numismatics, the Sybarite bull, and tries to elucidate the possible motivation of this selection by discussing the historical and geographical context of the employment of the bull. Moreover, the central question focuses on the cultural significance of this motif, as well as how may the Sybarite bull reflect a communal Sybarite identity beyond the polis. Although the archaic city Sybaris was destroyed in 510 BCE, the bull continued existing as a type after this date in surrounding cities, as well as in the succeeding foundations of Sybaris itself with corresponding iconographic changes. On the one hand, by analyzing the constancy of the Sybarite bull, I hope to indicate the cohesion and a common cultural identity that this type symbolizes after the loss of the physical community; on the other hand, it is also important to examine the local alterations, which suggests how different populations adopted, appropriated and reinterpreted the shared identity of the Sybarite orbit.

The discussion about Sybarite coinages from the archaic to classical period, however, unavoidably involves the local history of the city that was interwoven in the

7 numismatic development. Therefore, I want to give a brief summary of Sybarite history concerning its foundation, extension of influence, and a series of re-foundation in the fifth century, which functions as the frame for this paper. This city was found in the eighth century by Achaeans and Troezenians. Sources about its early development are scanty, but it is believed that Sybarites initiated the foundation of Poseidonia on the Tyrrhenian coast and Metapontum on the Ionian coast. There is more information about Sybaris in the sixth century when the city flourished and reached its peak.

Simultaneously, Sybaris obtained a certain extend of influence, forming a sort of

“empire” with a series of subject communities including Sirinos-Pyxus perhaps after the destruction of Siris, Scidrus, the AMI and SO communities based on numismatic and literary evidence. Archeological excavations also indicate a rather expansive

Sybarite influence in the periphery areas of Sybarite plain at Teimpone della Motta and Torre del Michelicchio. But the fate of the city changed dramatically after 510

BCE. Internal strife at Sybaris invited the involvement of Croton, and eventually triggered warfare between these two states, which resulted in the defeat of Sybaris.

Croton took over the city perhaps with a new governor and subjugated those Sybarites who stayed, while the rest fled as exiles to communities under Sybarite influence such as Laus and Scidrus.

However, the story does not end with the destruction of archaic Sybaris. In 476

BCE, Sybarites were besieged by Croton and asked help from Hieron of Syracuse.

8 This implies the existence of a new independent community of Sybaris, which was established at some point between 510 and 476 BCE, likely emerging from the subjugated Sybarite community under Croton. This community (so-called Sybaris II) thus experienced two phases, the subjugated and independent phrases. But the independence Sybaris II did not last for long as it seems to have succumbed to the

Crotoniate force around 470 BCE. Afterward, the refugees of Sybaris II came to Laus, joining others with Sybarite origin who had resettled themselves, and to Poseidonia, with the common intention to reestablish Sybaris. In 453 BCE, Sybaris III was founded with help from Laus and Poseidonia. 1 Unfortunately, Sybaris III was short-lived as well evidenced by the fact that yet another appeal by Sybarites went out to Sparta and Athens in 446 BCE in order to re-found the city, indicating that Sybaris

III was destroyed once again shortly, perhaps in 448 BCE. Sparta refused but

Athenian accepted the invitation and sent ten ships to Sybaris in 446/5 BCE, which resulted in the foundation of Sybaris IV. However, the arrival of more colonists opposed to Sybarite domination upended the power balance in the community in the following years. Perhaps in 444 BCE, the internal stasis ended with the expulsion of

Sybarites, and the community was known as Thurium instead. 2 The expelled

Sybarites shortly found the last Sybarite community, Sybaris V, which is also known

1 The precise date is based on Diodorus that a new Sybaris was found 58 years after the first destruction. See Diod.Sic, xi, 90.3. 2 Throughout this paper I will use Thurium for the city. The city has other names including Thurii Thurioi, and Thourioi.

9 as Sybaris on the Traeis, the modern Trionto River in Calabria. The city survived for a while, but it was small and never reached a considerable extent. Sybaris V was eventually destroyed by the Brutti in the fourth century BCE.

Let us now restart the story from the very beginning. According the most prominent account, Sybaris was founded circa 720 BCE on the Gulf of Taranto in

South Italy by Achaean and Troezenian settlers, though the latter seemed to be expelled shortly after the foundation.3 Despite uncertainties of the configuration,

Sybaris can be positively identified between the Crathis (modern Crati) and the

Sybaris (modern Coscile) Rivers.4 In the 7th and 6th century, this city was famous for its prosperity and luxury. Diodorus mentions the exaggerated lifestyle of the Sybarites, and narrates the story of Mindyrides in particular.5 Archaic Sybaris also seemed to hold rich agricultural and pastoral sources. In later chapters, Diodorus specifies that the rapid growth and extensive influence of Sybaris are due to “the fertility of the land.”6 Additionally, trade must also play an important part in the Sybarite economy, since the luxurious goods were likely accessible through a wider trade network. The importance of trade may also incite the early development of coinage at Sybaris.7

Unfortunately, although the general location is indicated by the literary source,

3 For the date of foundation, see Diod.Sic. xi, 90,3. For the expulsion of Troezenians, see Aristotle, Politics, 5.1303a. Other sources about the foundation and geographical location of Sybaris see also Strabo, 6.13, and Pseudo-Scymnus, Peridos to Nicomedes, 336. 4 Strabo, 6.1.13, and Diod.Sic. xii,9,2. 5 Diod.Sic. viii,18-19. 6 Diod.Sic. xii,9,1-2. 7 However, it is also important to notice the rarity of coins in archaic Sybaris, which seems to suggest that the coins were not initiated commercially.

10 the excavation at Sybaris processes slowly and many aspects of the asty of Sybaris are still undefined. There is not much evidence demonstrating a “luxurious” city so far, especially considering the lack of monumental structures discovered in the archaic period.8 Archeologically, the only archaic sites on the Crathis plains that can be identified certainly are located in the region of Parco del Cavallo and Francavilla.9 A series of private houses pertaining to the archaic Sybaris were found at Stombi, which is located about 1.5 km to the north of the presumable city center, and houses in similar style dating to the sixth century were excavated at Amendolara San Nicola and

Timpone della Motta near Francavilla Marittima.10 These indicate Sybaris’ extensive size and influence throughout the plain. But in general, excavation reveals limited information mainly because of local topography. In his conclusion, Rainey indicates that it is possible that the ruin of Sybaris now lies below the sea level, and the land erosion may be the result of constant flooding of the local rivers, which testifies to the conspicuous power of the river in this territory. 11 Moreover, there is evidence suggesting a 4th-century retaining wall that ran almost parallel to the Crathis River, which further implies the risk of flood in the antiquity.12 Despite the later date of the wall, it is reasonable to assume the existence of a similar problem that the archaic

8 There are some private houses and road being identified and dated to the archaic period at Stombi and Parco del Cavallo, but there has been no sign of archaic public monumental structure so far in the Greek city. The temple at peripheral Francavilla is likely initiated by the indigenous population. Apart from the wall of Thurium dated to late fifth or fourth century, other monuments are mainly dated to the Roman era. For the public buildings in the Roman era, see Guzzo 1992, 26-32. There are public buildings reused archaic materials. For the general archaeology program at Sybaris,s ee Rainey 1969; Rainey, Bullitt and Lerci 1967; Guzzo 1992; Stanley and Bernasconi 2009. 9 Rainey 1969, 263. 10 Attema, Burgers, and van Leusen 2010, 121. 11 This argument is posted by Rainey 1969, see Rainey 1969: 263, 272. See also Rainey, Bullitt and Lerci 1967. 12 Rainey 1969: 262.

11 Sybaris might face. Furthermore, Raikes suggests that the archaic settlement of

Sybaris was built upon a line of dunes along the shore, which has been confirmed partly by soundings in 1968.13 These artificial dunes, as a way of self-protection, again confirm the Sybarite consciousness of threatens from the sea. This consciousness of the physical power of water, which originates from the topographical context of Sybaris, may influence the selection of its numismatic type.

1.1 The Archaic Incuse Coinage of Sybaris

Beyond the archeological evidence, numismatic resources have functioned so far as the most fertile category for the study of this city. Sybaris issued beautiful incuse type coin of a backwards looking bull and Sybarite legend “ΣΥ” around 560 BCE on a thin flan, which also influenced the coinages of nearby cities within the “Sybarite

Empire.”14 This design lasted for about 50 years and ended in 510 BCE when the city was subjugated by Croton.15 For the following paragraphs, I will discuss briefly the incuse technique, the general design and the possible inspirations of the original

Sybarite bull, before moving to the Sybarite numismatic influence on surrounding

16 communities before 510 BCE and the development of the bull in the fifth century.

13 Raikes 1967, 257-261; Rainey 1969: 265, 270. 14 For the basic information about Sybarite coins and the reverted bull, see Rutter 1997, 22-27; Rutter 2001, 144-143; Hands 1984, 85-89; Kraay and Hirmer 1966,303-4. For the precise date, I take the date from Rutter 2001. Meanwhile, although the incuse techniques produce the same type on both sides, the coin is issued by two different dies. As for the Sybarite bull, though the reverted gesture remains unchanged, the obverse is more refined in stylistic details than the reverse. As for the legend, SY appears most frequently. Otherwise, one issues bears the adjective form of the city (SYBARITAS) in the exergue and one bears NIKA above. There are also supplementary types accompany the bull such as laurel-branch. For these variations, see Rutter 1997, 23. 15 Diod.Sic.xi, 90.3. 16 Since the reverted bull and its variations are the focuses of this paper, which appeared mainly in relatively larger

12 The incuse type is the result of the deliberate adjustment of two different dies, and the reason for the incuse arrangement has been debated for years.17 The early assumption of Seltman that the incuse technique originates from the Pythagorean brotherhood is indeed attractive, but too fanciful to believe with the lack of concrete evidence.18 Moreover, the tempting assumption of an Achaean consensus may seem less convincing if considering the rare incuse coins from Dorian Tarentum, according to Sutherland.19 Sutherland rather argues that the employment of the incuse type was a result of the massive overstriking on the imported coins, especially the Corinthian pegasi, in order to obliterate the undertype completely.20 Regardless of the debate, it is not coincidental that several cities around the same time initiated the incuse types spontaneously, and the reason should be found in the general economic and cultural context of southern Italy. Moreover, it is not impossible that the geometrically symmetric incuse types were initiated for the sake of aesthetics, at least partly, which has been an established Greek artistic principle since the Geometric period.

This symmetry is exhibited not only by the incuse technique but also by the

denominations such as stater and drachma, I will not detail other numismatic types in the Sybarite orbit. Moreover, this paper will concentrate on silver issues exclusively due to the rarity of the bull in bronze coins during 550-440 BCE. 17 Here the incuse technique was only applied to stater and drachma of Sybaris. As for smaller denomination such as triobol and obol, the obverse type and the reverse type are different. 18 This argument that Pythagoras designed the incuse type seems initially be proposed by Seltman in Greek Coins (London, 1933), 78, also see Charles Seltman 1949, 1-21; The “Pythagorean brotherhood’ is mentioned by Hands as well, see Hands 1984, 88. However, this theory leads to many debates, and other theories are suggested to explain the origin of the incuse technique, see Sutherland 1948, 15-26; Demand 1976,1-5; Wallace 1987, 392;. Papadopoulos 2002, 26. 19 Sutherland also mentions the weight of those incuse coinages “cannot be said to show the uniformity which should be the fruit of confederation” in Sutherland 1949, 17. But usually, at least for mints of Sybaris, Croton and Metapontum, the coins are believed to be minted according to Achaean standard. 20 Sutherland 1949. This argument became especially temping concerning the general lack of natural silver deposits in southern Italy, which may stimulate the imported coinages and overstriking.

13 numismatic types themselves. The Sybarite issue (figure 1) displays certain unique artistic qualities. Unlike the symmetry in the tripod of Croton and grain ear of

Metapontum, the aesthetic harmony of the reverted bull is achieved more by articulated rendering instead of physical bilateral placement. On the obverse, the border and the exergue line function as the frame to encircle the bull within the coin.

The bull, whose neck and tassel-like folds run parallel with the border, stands in the center, and the smooth back connects the turning head with the raising rump, which again replicates the contour of the border. The projecting horn works as a visual fulcrum echoing the raising rump, and encourages viewers to draw an imaginative visual link between the horn and the rump, as the viewer’s eyes is pulled across the coin from right to left. The bull thus is rendered in concert with the circular edge of the coin. This careful design suggests the intention and commitment of Sybaris in selecting this bull type. Instead of a more straightforward bilateral design, Sybarites devotes particular effort in appropriating the asymmetric bull through the careful rendering. The selection of the bull is, therefore, highly intentional with considerable cultural significance for the Sybarites. Accompanied by the legend, often abbreviated to ΣΥ, the reverted bull undoubtedly becomes a deliberate and recognizable synonym for the political body and civic identity of Sybaris.

This discussion thus leads to the crucial question: why the bull? There is no one

14 simple answer but various arguments address the origin of this particular type.21 The bull may be a natural selection as it had frequently grazed in the territory. The numismatic type thus can be inspired directly by the local pasture. The rich plains with sufficient water supply from rivers also provided a suitable natural environment for herds. Diodorus particularly addresses the fertility of Sybarite land, which is also attested by modern analyses.22 Since the fertility in the antiquity is specified through both agricultural and pastoral resources, it is highly possible that Sybaris did not only develop cattle husbandry but also had reached certain prosperity. Moreover, despite the lack of clear literary evidence, Athenaeus confirms the existence of the Sybarite cavalry in 510 BCE.23 He also mentions that Sybarites trained their horses to dance.24

This account aims to emphasize the luxury of Sybarites, but it also reflects the abundance of cattle in the city, implying the possible pasture opulence. Though

Athenaeus specified horse only, it is likely that the fertile plains of Sybaris were used for grazing oxen as well. In this way, the connection between Sybaris and bull may be established and it is persuasive that Sybarites imprinted the well-known local product, the bull, as the numismatic emblem.

Additionally, the bull, similar to the grain ear and the tripod in other Achaean colonies, is the physical representation of a basic unit of value early on.25 Homer

21 For the general discussion, see Rutter 1997,22. 22 Diod.Sic.xii.9.1; For the resources of modern Sybaris, see Rutter 1970, 168. 23 Athenaeus xii, 520. He mentioned that the Crotoniate soldiers disturbed Sybarite horse with flute playing. 24 Athenaeus xii, 520. 25 Papadopoulos traces the mythological and historic origins of these three motifs in detail, see Papadopoulos 2002, 25-40.

15 records that Laertes “had bought” Eurycleia for the price of twenty oxen.26 It does not necessarily mean that Laertes purchased Eurycleia with oxen physically; rather, the line implies that the ox is the unit of value through which the price is measured.27 In

Homeric epics, the tripod is also a common measurement of value. Homer mentions a tripod “made to stride a fire and worth a dozen oxen,” which indicates the transactional utility of these two valuable goods.28 The intrinsic value, perhaps as well as the important role tripod and ox play within the religious context, contributes to their function as unit of price.29 With regard to the grain ear, it is important to consider that grain is the most essential nutritional staple throughout antiquity and its value was commonly recognized. It is not surprising that grain functions as a stable hard currency. For instance, Egyptian laborers on the public projects received regular rations of grain as part of their payment.30 It thus seems that all three Achaean colonies that initiated early coinages in southern Italy spontaneously picked up the numismatic types that connect to recognized value markers in the pre-coinage period.

Although the chronological gap between Homeric epics and the beginning of early coinage is considerable and it is unclear how these three objects were adopted practically in the actual context of southern Italy, the notion that the bull functions as

26 Odyssey, 1.430. 27 Though there is evidence suggesting that cattle are used as direct trade medium in Homeric epics, see Iliad 11,242-45, 7..474. 28 Iliad 23, 782-3. 29 Tripod is a common votive offering found at Greek sanctuaries such as Delphi and Olympia. Ox is one of the most valuable cattle slaughtered as the sacrificial offering. Meanwhile, the connection between early coinage and religions can be perceived through the excavation of the hoard at the foundation of the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus. 30 Schaps 2004, 35.

16 the unit of value nevertheless forms a part of the Achaeans’ memory.31 The bull reminds the Sybarites of its traditional value in trades, and encourages the newly adopted currency to integrate into the community. It is thus not surprising to see the adoption of bull in Sybarite coinages.

The third theory indicates that the bull refers to the local rivers, which form the borders of Sybarite territory. The connection between the river and the bull, in particular the man-faced bull, is a subject of a long-lived scholarly discussion.32 Here

I want to focus on the ordinary bull, briefly examining how the bull may link to either the river or water in general. Based on the early literary evidence, specifically the

Homeric epics, the notion of “bellow” may bridge the bull and the body of water.33

This expression can apply to noise of men, in particular in the militaristic context. For example, Ajax is described as “keeping up a terrific bellowing (βοόων)” in the combat with Hector, and the son of Atreus “shouted loud (ἐβόησεν)” when he arrayed his men for battle.34 However, besides the roar of men, this sound can also refer to the loud

31 Papadopoulos attempts to specify this notion as a peculiar Achaean memory. Papadopoulos 2002. 32 For the detailed discussion of the man-faced bull, see Molinari and Sisci 2016. Despite this study focuses on the bronze coin, it comprehensively argued the origin and distribution of the man-faced bull, exploring its connection with the river. For the connection between the bull type and the natural power of rivers, see also Hands 1984,88-9. 33 Here the “bellowing” refers to the deep roars of animals, humans or natural forces, of which there is no exclusive linguistic form. Here I list several most common verbs in Homeric epic, but certainly there are many other verbs expressing the same idea. 34 Il. 15.687, and 11. 15. The verb is indeed similar to βοόω in form, which connects further to the bull. This verb, in general, describes the loud voice of men, especially in militaristic context, see also Iliad 23.847, when the people shouted out in the battlefield (τοὶ δὲ βόησαν,) Il. 17.89 it (βοήσας) describes the shout of Mentes. Certainly there are some other words meaning “bellowing” based on context and versions of translation. For example, Ares “bellowed εβραχε ” after being hurt by Athena, in Il. 5. 895. But the verb βοάω is one of the most frequent verbs modifying the sound of shout.

17 sound of nature, especially the sound of water. In Iliad book 14, the breakers

“bellowing out against the shore” loudly, which elucidates the connection between the strong sound of the sea and the word “bellow (βοάᾳ).”35 Furthermore, bellow sometimes specifies the sound of bull and horse, though in different forms. In book 16, dying Sarpedon is depicted as a bull “bellowing (στενάχων) under the lion’s killing jaws.36 The same verb also modifies the roar of mares.37 Achilles in battle is compared to the “loud-bellowing” bull twice. 38 Altogether, it seems that the connection between the sound of battle roar, bull, and water had been established and noticed in the Homeric period already. Homer presents a river god Scamander, who is

“bellowing like a bull (µεµυκὼς ἠΰτε ταῦρος χέρσον)” regarding his mighty roar

(µεγάλῳ ὀρυµαγδῷ).39 Although the river does not appear as a bull, the peculiar link between the bellowing bull and river has been recognized through this metaphor in

Homeric epics. Besides, the frequent employment of “bellow” in the militaristic context seems to transcend the mere deep roar of the bull, endowing the sound with a notion of strength and nobility.

This established link naturally invites interpretation of the Sybarite bull as the

35 Il.14,394. This verb is used again in Il.17.265, describing the sound of sea weaves as the salt sea bellowed (βοοωσιν) 36 Il. 16.489. “ηυτε ταυρον επεφνε λεων αγεληφι µετελθων αιθωνα µεγαθυµον εν ειλιποδεσσι βοεσσι ωλετο τε στεναχων υπο γαυφηλησι λεοντος.” 37 Il. 16.390, “ ἵπποι Τρωαι µεγαλα στεναχοντο θεουσαι.” 38 Il. 20.497, “βοωω υπο ποσσ’ εριµυκωω.”And Il. 23.775, “βοωω...εριµυκωω.” This adjective appears also in Ody.15.235, “βοῦς εριµυκους.” 39 Il.21.237 and 256.

18 embodiment of the local rivers that define the chora of Sybaris. Moreover, the power of the rivers presumably influenced the urban and extraurban development of the polis.

Though the source of water is crucial for every city, it seems that Sybaris is exposed particularly to the risk of flood. The city is located in the low-lying alluvial plain, and the archeological remains today are mainly preserved underneath the alluvial deposits.40 Moreover, as I have mentioned above, there is evidence concerning the dunes alongside the shores, which demonstrates the local consciousness of the rising water from the seaside.41 Besides, both the Crati (Crathis) and the Coscile (Sybaris) are relatively large and seasonal rivers, whose volume peaked in winter. The seasonality suggests the unevenness of the flow, which may result in the unexpected concentrations of discharge in the winter. It is thus highly possible that flooding was frequent even in antiquity. In addition, though the authenticity is under debate, the record of Strabo mentions that the city was inundated by the diverted Crathis River nevertheless coveys the potential power of the rivers. 42 Therefore, Sybarites apparently were well aware of the role the rivers play in the urban development, which is an embodiment of natural power that brought both nourishment and disasters.

Combining the risk from local rivers and the potential link between the bull and water, it is reasonable for Sybarites to select the bull as the monetary type.

Although each of the three arguments has its specific focus, either according to

40 Athenaeus 12,519. See also Evans 2014, 225-7 and Rutter 1970, 176. 41 Rainey 1969: 262. 42 For the reverted river, Strabo provides the most detailed record, Strabo 6.1.13.

19 topographical, economic, or cultural perspective, these three ways of the interpretation concerning the typological selection are interrelated. An isolated and simplified explanation is not satisfactory. It is thus necessary to acknowledge comprehensively the complex interaction between cultural and geographical elements that forms the basic fabric for the birth of the reverted bull.

1.2 Archaic Bulls with Other Ethnicse

The Sybarite bull remained as the constant numismatic type for the city throughout the sixth century from its first appearance circa 560 BCE.43 Noticeably, since the Sybarite bull spread beyond this single city and was also used by other communities in the region, this numismatic symbol became the strongest proof for the existence of the so-called “Sybarite Empire“ that refers to a group of diverse communities in the Sybarite orbit.44 The reverted bull stands not only for the authoritative entity of Sybaris but also represents a collective political and cultural identity under Sybarite influence. In the following paragraphs, I will discuss these coinages of the communities usually being interpreted as under Sybarite control.

43 Throughout the paper, Sybarite bull refers to the bull with reverted head on the initial Sybarite coins. 44 The most prominent literary evidence indicating Sybarite Empire is Strabo vi, 263. He mentions that Sybaris ruled four ethnics and had 25 dependent cities. Moreover, numismatic evidence tends to confirm the record of Strabo concerning the spread of the Sybarite bull beyond the city. I do not spend too much time explaining the political structure of the communities within the Sybarite orbit as the paper mainly focuses on the change of the types, but it is important to clarify the notion of “Sybarite Empire” here, as the term is indeed misleading. The scale and political dominance were never equal to other empires in the general sense, such as the Persian Empire. Sybaris, regardless of the extensiveness of its influence, is a polis. Maurizio Bugno seems to suggest that Sybarite political influence extended beyond the city, and assigned different ranks to neighboring communities including “allies” and “subjected cities.” For the detailed discussion, see Bugno 2014, chapter 1. Also see Rutter 1997, 24. He certainly acknowledges the possibility of wider political links between these communities, but also admits that “ the nature of those links is not clear, whether federal, dependent, or whatever.”

20 Several specimens, according to the legends, are attributed as issues of

Sirinos-Pyxus with obverse legend ΣΙΡΙΝ ΟΣ and reverse legend ΠΥΧ (figure 2).45

Although two specimens display slight variations, showing the walking bull instead of the standing bull as the contemporary Sybarite issue, the characteristic reverted gesture of the bull that appears in all Sirinos-Pyxus specimens indicates a conspicuous

Sybarite influence.46 Rutter dates this issue circa 540-510 BCE, and mentions the development of style, which suggests that this issue had experienced a certain chronological span.47 Nevertheless, due to the archaic style, the thin flan, and the incuse techniques, this issue can be safely dated before 510 BCE.

The legend encourages scholars to connect these issues to the polis Siris, located at the Tarentine gulf, as “Sirinos” has been usually interpreted as the adjectival form of Siris.48 Based on late literary evidence, this Siris was destroyed perhaps around the middle of the sixth century by the Achaean alliance.49 The precise date of the destruction is not certain. But since Herodotus mentioned a certain “Damasus of Siris” right after Smindyrides of Sybaris when “Sybaris was then at the height of its prosperity,” which was commonly identified circa 570-550 BCE, Siris should exist around the middle of the sixth century and was probably destroyed shortly thereafter.50 The destruction of the polis around the middle of the sixth century thus

45 Rutter 2001, 143. 46 The identification of the standing bull and the walking bull depends on the depiction of legs. 47 Rutter 2001, 143. 48 For the city Siris, see Rutter 2001, 143; Hands 1984, 82-3. Strabo 49 Justin xx.2. But it is important to notice the late date of the source. 50 Herodotus VI, 127.

21 seems to prevent the attribution of the “Sirinos-Pyxus” issue to the original Siris, which never developed its own coins.51 Rather, the Achaean standard and the monetary type of the issue, as well as the historical record about the destruction of

Siris, suggest that the “Sirinos-Pyxus” represents a new community under influence of the Achaean cities, more specifically, under Sybarite influence. However, to which specific community the “Sirinos” refers, and its relationship to Sybaris and the original Siris, are under further debates. Rutter, for instance, interprets that the issue was minted either as a joint issue of a new Siris (Siris II) and Pyxus or by the population of Pyxus under the control of Siris II.52 As for the former, there is a question concerning the physical distance between the two cities.53 However, since

Siris II was reestablished after the destruction of Siris I, presumably under Sybarite influence, it is possible that the actual community Siris II located within Sybarite territories in modern Calabria with a shorter distance between these two communities.54 As for the latter, that if the issue was minted by “Sirinos Pyxus” referring to the population of Pyxus under the control of Siris II, it is possible that

51 As there is no other coin bearing Sirinos legend. Moreover, since Siris is an Ionian foundation, if it really issued coin, the city inclined to issue coins in the Attic-Ionian standard instead of the Achaean standard. The Achaean standard of the current Sirinos coin thus becomes less likely to be attributed to the original Siris. 52 Rutter 2001, 143. For the identification of Pyxus, see also Hands 1984,83-4. Record about this site is scanty. The site of Pyxus is commonly identified as later Buxentum on the west coast. But Buxentumis said to be found in the fifth century according to Strabo vi.1.1 and Diod.Sic.xi.59.4. It is thus possible that the ethnic refers to the population of another Pyxus in the sixth century, which situated more close to Siris inland. See Rutter 1997 25 and Rutter 2001, 143 .He cites the argument of Bicknell, who argues for is another “Pyxous” located near Siris. If it is accepted, this Siris-Pyxus issues may be a joint issues for these two cities. Otherwise, the legend can be interpreted as “Sirinian Pyxous,” suggesting a Sirinian occupation of the site Pyxus or a integration of citizens of Pyxus. Nevertheless, the identification of both Siris and Pyxus, and their relative location remain open. 53 If we identify this Pyxus located at the same site of later Buxentum despite the chronological span. 54 Similarly, in order to solve the problem of distance, Zancani Montuoro rejected the link between Sirinos and Siris but argued for another community called Sirinos that situated near Pyxus . And both sites may lay on the trade route of Sybaris. See also Kraay and Hiermer 1966.303.But Montuoro’s argument is rejected by Rutter based on the attested ethnic Sirinos according to Stephanus of Byzantium, see Rutter 2001, 143.

22 people of Siris II occupied the site and absorbed the citizens of Pyxus. In either case, however, the supremacy of Sybaris within the political hierarchy is undeniable. At first glance, the “Sirinos-Pyxus” issue looks exactly like the regular Sybarite coin.

According to the design, it is thus easy for either ancient or modern viewers to attribute this issue to the re-founded Siris II under Sybarite dominion, perhaps with a mixed population of refugees from the original Siris and the citizens of “Pyxus.”

Interestingly, Sybarite domination is expressed not by the legend but by the type, which suggests the connection between this peculiar type and Sybaris had been fully established at that time. Moreover, in contrast to later designs, the incuse coin contained less information. The exclusive visual presence of the bull further suggests the cultural weight of this motif. The reverted bull thus becomes a more manifest and direct symbol to emphasize the Sybarite connection and to claim the Sybarite supremacy. Simultaneously, the coin is an indication of a cultural and political hierarchy between Sybaris, Siris, and Pyxus, with the latter two lumped together under

Sybarite identity thus diversifying the definition of being a Sybarite. Additionally, this issue seems to be relatively small, which may imply the small size of the

“Sirinos-Pyxus” community. The small output perhaps also suggest that the coin did not function commercially. Rather, concerning the previous defeat of Siris, the specific Sybarite iconography is a reminder of the current political dependence of the community and the cultural predominance of Sybaris, which can be either direct or

23 indirect.

Another issue, which follows the normal Sybarite weight standard, numismatic type, and the incuse fabric, is preserved in four known specimens. 55 Like the

“Sirinos-Pyxus” coins, the general design of this issue is almost identical to the

Sybarite coins, with the backward-looking bull. It differs slightly concerning the ethic, as it bears the legend “AMI,” and the addition of a locust above (figure 3).56 Rutter interprets the legend as it refers to the Aminaioi who settled at Timpone della Motta near Sybaris.57 The archaic style, diameter, and the incuse design date it to the late sixth century, thus before the destruction of Sybaris in 510 BCE, when the neighboring area was still under Sybarite control. The site Timpone della Motta was originally an Oenotrian settlement, but the reduction of the Oenotrian habitation in the seventh century and a series of architectural reconstructions in the sixth century indicate transition of the site’s occupation to the Greeks.58 Sybarite structures and artifacts excavated from nearby Francavilla Marittima further confirm the Sybarite hegemony in this area in the sixth century.59 There is little evidence suggesting the

55 Rutter 2001, 125. 56 The locust may be a local supplementary addition, perhaps signifying the local community. However, it appears in stater only and is absent in drachm, thus it is hard to see whether the stater is a particularity and how frequent the locus appears. Moreover, this addition does not interrupt the domination of the bull in the AMI issue. For the locust, see Rutter 1997 24; Rutter 2001, 124;Krray and Hirmer 1966, plate 75. No.213. 57 Rutter 2001, 125. Despite the debates and uncertainty concerning the identifications of the specific site and interpretations of the legend, here I accept the argument of Pozzi, and Bicknell, tend to attribute the AMI issue to the Aminaioi settled at Timpone della Motta. 58 Attema, Burgers and van Leusen 2010, 123. They mention the ingenious population remains at Timpone della Motta before the mid-7th century and Greek influence later on. See also Marianne Kleibrink, Jan Kindberg Jacobsen and Soren Handberg, “Water for Athena: Votive Gifts at Lagaria (Timpone della Motta, Francavilla Marittima, Calabria.” World Archaeology, vol.36, no.1, The object of Dedication (Mar. 2004): 43-67. Rutter also mentions the sanctuary of Athena at Timpone della Motta, see Rutter 1997, 24. 59 Attema, Burgers and van Leusen 2010, 120-4.

24 treatment of the indigenous population after the Sybarite occupation of the site in the sixth century. But it is unlikely that they were expelled completely, especially concerning the ease of access to Sybarite citizenship.60 The local population at

Timpone della Motta thus was presumably incorporated as part of the new

Sybarite-dominated community. Since there is no archaeological trace of violent destruction, the transition concerning the occupation of Timpone della Motta is rather smooth, which perhaps was due to the relatively small scale of the local community, as it was unable to withstand the penetration of Sybarite culture sufficiently. However, the peaceful transition may also imply that the presence of Sybarite culture was neither abrupt nor unfamiliar, but it had been planted in the community already, which demonstrates a durable coexistence of the indigenous/Oenotrian and Greek/Sybarite population early on.

The population of Timpone della Motta seems to be further complicated by the time of the production of the “AMI” coins, which implies the third group of people

(Aminaioi) with a distinct origin, presumably the Thessalian origin.61 Though it is possible that this group had been integrated into Sybarite influence earlier on, the presence of AMI is an indication of the non-Sybarite cultural identity at the time of issuing, suggests a partial preservation of the cultural differentiation in the community.

60 Diod.Sic.xii,9.2. 61 For the Thesslian origin of the Aminaioi, see Aristotle fr. 495. Thanks for the discussion of Dr. Pope, concerning the letter form from presumably contemporary Sybarite issue and AMI issue, it is possible that the AMI refers to “ASI” instead due to the problematic form of sigma. But here I do not want to go too far. I follow the pattern of previous scholars and continue using the name AMI throughout the discussion.

25 Apart from the numismatic evidence, a bronze tablet that was excavated at Timpone della Motta exhibits an individual name with Thessalian spelling features.62 It again confirms that, at least to a certain degree, a distinction between diverse cultural origins was preserved by 510 BCE.63 Similarly, as for the indigenous population, at the time of the issue, the Sybarite takeover of the site that had occurred presumably about 50 years earlier perhaps have not faded away from memory completely.64 As a result, it seems that, by the middle of the sixth century, the community at Timpone della Motta contained a complex mixture of population with multiple cultural identities preserved at least partly. However, the long-time peaceful coexistence and the common platform of daily interaction may mitigate conflicts between various cultural groups and blur the individuality of each cultural identity, which perhaps results in the yield of differentiations to the cultural integration with the formation of a new common identity. In such a transitional period between dissolving cultural distinctions and emergence of the new identity with preserved tradition, Sybaris may have recognized the lack of a uniform cultural emblem representing the very authority at the site, feeling the necessity to officialize and intensify a firmly established Sybarite identity as a unified cultural label. Perhaps in such a cultural fabric, we may understand the significance of the reverted bull in these communities.

62 SEG 27 (1977),702; 29(1979),1017. As Rutter mentions, see Rutter 2001, 124. 63 The bronze tablet certainly dated before the destruction of the site at 510 BCE. 64 The date of the ‘formal” transition of the indigenous into Sybarite orbit is unknown. However, concerning that the Greek style architecture emerged in the sixth century, and the issue is dated around 530s, perhaps a 50-year gap may be accepted. The date is based on Rutter 2001, 125.

26 The situation of Timpone della Motta, therefore, is similar to the site of the

Sirinos Pyxus, as they were both communities containing newly incorporated populations perhaps without full recognition of Sybarite authority and a stable communal cultural identity symbolizing the community collectively. Similar to the

Sirinos-Pyxus issue, the AMI coin was issued on a small scale and may not function commercially but as a reminder of Sybarite dominance in cultural identity. It is thus possible that the issue was a reconfirmation of the role of Sybaris in communities lacking a stable collective identity. Concerning the numismatic design of these issues, although the ethnics AMI and Sirinos-Pyxus are clear, the reverted bull that occupies the flan demonstrates an undisputed Sybarite character. The issuing authority was thus unusually expressed through the type instead of legends. It seems that the significance of the reverted bull is so widely accepted in Sybarite territories that did not require the ethnic. In this case, the visual language is more straightforward and substitutes the legend as the formal expression of the authority. The numismatic message would be easily interpreted as the “AMI/Sirinos-Pyxus group” under Sybarite control instead of the other way around. Sybaris thus used the official type to reclaim the cultural identity of Timpone della Motta and Sirinos-Pyxus and to unify these cultural groups under its control.

The precise political status of these communities using Sybarite iconography is uncertain. The combination of Sybarite bull and the non-Sybarite legends of

27 individual communities such as AMI and ‘Sirinos-Pyxus” is unusual, and the rare preservation of such combination suggests that not all nearby communities were able to inscribe individual ethnics on coins. While most communities under the direct control of Sybaris did not develop coins with non-Sybarite legends, the communities at Timpone della Motta and Sirinos-Pyxus indeed form as exceptions. It is possible to explain the preservation of local ethnics as a political privilege, which may indicate that these two communities located near the top of the hierarchy in the Sybarite orbit with a certain degree of independence, which does not necessarily contradict the general picture of Sybarite dominance indicated by the reverted bull. Additionally, it is a question concerning why these two communities remained the exception. Perhaps it is due to their close geographic distance to Sybaris and it is also possible that the heterogeneous demographics of these communities contribute to such privileges, as a result of Sybarite negotiation.

But the preservation of local ethnics can also be interpreted otherwise. This preservation implies the existence, if not the resistance, of local non-Sybarite identity, which presumably is the reason for Sybarite negotiation and yielding. However, it is again important to recall the role of Sybaris in the issuing, whose preeminence frames the general fabric. No scholar has interpreted these coins as the joint issue between the local community and Sybaris, but the Sybarite predomination is inarguable. Instead of yielding, issues with local ethnics can be interpreted as an enhancement of Sybarite

28 cultural control in these communities. For communities with newly incorporated influxes and persistence of local cultures, it is possible that Sybaris felt the extra necessity to issue coinages, through which it is able to identify them under Sybarite political and cultural orbit. As the Sybarite numismatic autonomy is conspicuous through the visually primary reverted bull, the local legends thus do not respond to the issuing authority but the original non-Sybarite cultural ethnicity. By issuing coins with the original cultural identity and the characteristic Sybarite bull, the government deliberately authorized the subdivision of Sybarite coins, and actively expanded the definition of Sybarite cultural identity by numismatically integrating non-Sybarite ethnicities in the Sybarite entity. This combination of the Sybarite motif and local ethnic also extended the cultural community the reverted bull represented and propagandized the extensive influence and hegemony of Sybaris in the region.

The original ethnics, therefore, present a cultural identifier of a subaltern citizen group in the Sybarite hierarchy. Through combining the legends and the Sybarite type, the

AMI and Siris-Pyxus groups are labeled under Sybaris and reverted bull becomes the tool of Sybarite assertion. The issue is thus not a result of political permission but a peculiar necessity for the authority to create a stabilized official expression with the purpose to fill the vacuum of official collective identity and to reassert the Sybarite cultural claim. The issue can be an indication of Sybarite dominance over these two communities and became a mark of local yielding to Sybarite control instead.

29 In summary, through combining characteristic Sybarite motif and the local legends, these issues incorporate these communities into the Sybarite orbit officially, redefining them with a new cultural affiliation and political identification. This design also enriches the cultural significance of the reverted bull, extending the cultural groups the bull represents. It seems that the Sybarites actively exploited the established connection between the city and the reverted bull, using the motif to assert the Sybarite claim; while simultaneously, they expanded the definition of Sybarite cultural identity, propagandizing the “imperial claim” through the very numismatic type. Mutually, within the process of spread, the Sybaris-bull association was further consolidated.

The interpretation of the reverted bull thus remains open, and we must recognize the limitation of numismatic evidence. Furthermore, the reverted bull is an official propaganda of the authority based solely on the Sybarite perspective. How and to what degrees the people at Timpone della Motta recognized themselves as part of

Sybaris is unknown. The political, even cultural, dominance of Sybaris did not directly entail the complete disappearance of non-Sybaris/non-Greek elements. At least, the bronze tablet at Timpone della Motta indicates the presence of locality in the community at the end of the sixth century. It is thus necessary to acknowledge the gap between the official expression and the interpretation of the actual citizen body with complex demographic background. Concerning the bull, Sybarite authority in the city

30 and the population being integrated into Sybarite orbit at neighboring sites may have distinct interpretations. Regardless of these uncertainties, the extensive influence of

Sybaris in a broader area is nevertheless demonstrated by the spread of the reverted bull, which is undoubtedly a physical manifestation of Sybarite authority beyond the city border.

In addition to the AMI and Siris-Pyxus issues, there is also a so-called SO issue with almost identical archaic Sybarite type (figure 4).65 While the ethnic appears to be from a community under Sybarite influence like the AMI and Sirinos-Pyxus issues, its distinctive weight standard somewhat undermines the Sybarite connection. Instead of the Achaean standard as in the previous two cases, SO issue as struck on the

Chalcidian standard, and subsequently has been attributed to a neighboring city of

Rhegium, which issued incuse coinages in the late sixth century.66 But apart from the weight standard, the distinctive reverted bull provokes a conspicuous Sybarite link.

Therefore, this SO site was under influences from two cities, Sybaris and Rhegium, which again seems to be similar to Sirinos-Pyxus and Timpone della Motta. It is possible that this site has obtained a rather blurred collective identity, and the reverted bull numismatically clarifies its economic belonging to Sybaris and enhances Sybarite supremacy. Moreover, Rutter mentions that some scholars connect the SO with

Sontini in Lucania and attribute this issue to the community lying on the trade route

65 Rutter 2001, 143-4. 66 Rutter 2001, 143, and 187. The earliest coins of Rhegium contains the man-faced bull in the incuse fabric, which does share some iconographic similarity with the Sybarite bull.

31 between Sybaris and Campania, which may explain the appearance of Sybarite bull on the non-Sybarite coin.67 If we accept the hypothesis that this issue belongs to the community of Sontini, it seems to suggest that, through the physical circulation of coinages, the influence of Sybarite coins that was manifested through the Sybarite bull radiated rather extensively inland along the northern trade route in the second half of the sixth century. Even with the alteration in weight standard perhaps because of commercial purpose, the reverted bull remained as a constant symbol for Sybarite influence over various settlements in the archaic period.68

1.3 Sybarite Coin types After 510 BCE

Sybarite numismatic history changed dramatically around 510 BCE when the city was destroyed by Croton. Though some records suggest a total destruction of Sybaris, evidence, particularly numismatic evidence, indicates that the political body may not have completely disappeared after 510 BCE.69 In the following paragraphs, I will focus on the Sybarite bull preserved on issues of the communities within Sybarite orbit after 510 BCE and discuss its variation and corresponding possible cultural significance, to see how Sybarite identity was preserved or adjusted through coins in other communities even without the physical existence of the city.

67 Rutter 1997.26 and 2001, 144. 68 There is indeed other coins obtaining Sybarite connection in the sixth century such as the SER issue, for the discussion, see Rutter 1997, 26-7. But since these issues do not exhibit the bull, I do not talk about them in this paper. 69 For the inundation of the city, Strabo 6.1.13. Diodorus xii.10.1, he mentioned that the larger number of Sybarites was killed.

32 It is necessary, however, to introduce the historical context before the war between Sybaris and Croton.70 At the end of the sixth century, Sybaris was under the control of a certain Telys. Though the actual role of Telys is under debate, concerning whether he was a king, tyrant, or a demagogue, he seemed nevertheless to possess actual political power if not autocracy, as he persuaded the Sybarites to expel five hundred of the richest citizens in order to confiscate their property.71 This event may suggest that Telys represented the interests of the masses against the rich aristocracy.72

Consequently, the city had been divided into two opposite political factions, the pro-Telys and anti-Telys group, and the internal conflict of Sybaris directly triggered the war. These exiles sought refuge at Croton. This peculiar selection of Croton as the destination may indicate a pro-elite tendency of contemporary Crotoniate government.

While Sybaris demanded their return, Croton refused. As a result of Croton’s refusal, the war broke out, which ended in the defeat of Sybaris in 510 BCE. Sybarite territories seemed to be taken by Croton afterward, under the administration of a certain ‘Sybarite exarchos.”73 It is also possible that remaining Sybarites continued living in previous Sybarite territories under Croton’s control.

Though the political entity of Sybaris (Sybaris I) was physically destroyed, its citizens and its cultural identity were preserved in various ways. Interesting, right after

70 Diod.Sic. xii, 9-10. 71 Diod.Sic.xii,9.2-3; Herodotus v,44. It is also possible that Telys played all three roles at the same time. 72 Though Telys himself did not belong to the class of the mass, which is indicated by the marriage of his daughter, see Herodotus v,47. 73 Iamb. VP 17,94.

33 510 BCE, there were two parallel population groups sharing Sybarite identity in two distinct contexts. It is important to see how they embraced the Sybarite identity differently through distinct appropriations of the bull. As for Sybarites succumbing to

Croton’s control, the bull and its traditional link with Sybarite legend, which represents the archaic Sybarite entity, are manipulated and reinterpreted by Croton as a symbol of Sybarite submission, which appears in the so-called alliance coin. As for

Sybarite exiles living in other communities especially at Laus, the Sybarite bull was appropriated under local influence and obtained a new political significance.

The first group refers to the Sybarites under the newly established Sybaris II under Crotoniate domination. The actual composition of those Sybarites merits a brief discussion. Firstly, as Kraay suggests, Sybarites who took refuge before the war may form the nucleus of the inhabitants, gained independence through rebellion at some point before 476 BCE.74 Indeed, this argument is persuasive as the aristocratic

Sybarites were more likely to have stayed at Croton after 510 BCE instead of joining those taking refuge at Laus. However, even though it is possible that these Sybarites possessed citizenship at Croton and subsequently were integrated into the Crotoniate community politically before 510 BCE, we have to be cautious concerning their role at Croton after the war. Concerning the initial unwillingness of accepting the Sybarite refugees, the democratic revolution at Croton shortly after 510 BCE against the elite,

74 Kraay 1958,14.

34 and the departure of the pro-Sybarite philosopher, Pythagoras, from Croton, it seems improbable the Croton would treat these Sybarite aristocrats without any objection. 75

As a result, these Sybarites were likely degraded socially. These aristocrats thus may hold multiple attitudes towards Sybarite identity. On the one hand, they were persecuted in their native city and voluntarily deserted it, which may have brought tension to their Sybarite identity. On the other hand, the general political subjection under Croton, as well as the possible deprivation from political offices due to their

Sybarite ethnicity may amplify their identity as Sybarites.

However, it is possible that these 500 wealthy citizens, together with their families, are not the only Sybarites at Croton, as I do not think the number is sufficient to constitute a community, especially concerning the uniformity of their social class.76

Presumably, the defeated Sybarites, who did not take refuge in neighboring cities, joined the richest Sybarites, and together these two groups constituted the Sybarite community under Crotoniate control regardless the previous political.77 Though it may be hard to imagine a peaceful coexistence of these two groups with opposite political opinions and distinct social statuses, we shall not underestimate the cohesiveness of cultural identity. Even though some Sybarites probably have adopted a Crotoniate citizenship, it does not necessarily alter their recognition of Sybarite

75 It seems that the treatment of Sybaris after 510 BCE may trigger the departure of Pythagoras. See Diod.Sic. xii.9-10 and Strabo.6.1.13. 76 Even though these wealthy citizens brought their slaves with them. But we should also consider the property confiscation, and it is uncertain how much of their estate, including slaves, were left for them. 77 Though it is possible that the defeat Sybarites occupies a relatively small proportion.

35 cultural identity. Moreover, Sybarite cultural identity may be further intensified concerning the nonnative, even hostile, environment, leading to a relatively strong

Sybarite force with a temporary reconciliation of internal dispute. It is in this context that the alliance coin was issued.

The alliance coin contains the name of Croton and a Crotoniate tripod on the obverse, and Sybarite legend and bull on the reverse (figure 5). The reduced diameter of the coin suggests a later date after 510 BCE.78 Seemingly, the date prevents the interpretation that an equal joint force of Sybaris and Croton produced this issue.

Rutter also mentions the primary position of the tripod on the obverse as a symbol of

Sybarite submission.79 Here the combination the of revered bull and the Sybarite legend further intensified the intangible Sybarite association of this numismatic design, representing the collective identity of Sybarites at Croton, thus mitigating internal political disputes and reunifying Sybarites with distinct political backgrounds together.

However, instead of archaic Sybarite coins, this particular Sybarite design on this issue is an indication of the subjected status of the Sybarites at the end of the sixth century.80

The significance of the bull changed according to the context and became

78 Kraay 1958, 14. 79 Rutter 2001, 145. 80 For other “alliance issues” of Croton, see Rutter 2001, 170. Seemingly, the Croton-Sybaris issue distinctively bears the specific Sybarite legend on the reverse. Kraay mentions the argument of Breglia in Annali 2.14, that she “rightly compares it (the Croton-Sybaris coin) with other fifth-century ‘alliance” issues of Croton,” and the coin is “a document of the subjection of a newly populated Sybaris to Croton.” See Kraay 1958, 14. The term “alliance coin” is thus misleading concerning the relationship between Sybaris II and Croton, which certainly was not equal.

36 controversial for the Sybarites at Croton. The almost intact design carried an opposite political message from the original intention. Though visually the bull continued recalling the glorious past of Sybaris, this Sybaris-bull link was twisted, being reinterpreted as Sybarite yielding to Crotoniate dominance and the remainder of the loss of the city Sybaris. In particular, the dominating issuing authority is clear. It was from Crotoniate perspective that the initial intention concerning the presence of the reverted bull shall be understood. Croton manipulated the numismatic design, deliberately employing the very Sybarite bull with a distinctive transition of its cultural significance, from a symbol of Sybarite power and honorable past to a mark of Sybarite contemporary subjugation. It is thus possible to see how the very motif being adopted and reinterpreted in a different political context, with a distinct political propagandist function.

Simultaneously, we also find a contemporary coin that Rutter identifies as a similar “alliance issue” between Croton and Pandosia, which contains a reverted bull with Pandosia legend in the Achaean standard (figure 6).81 The identification of

Pandosia is mainly based on the legend. Concerning the city, Rutter tends to locate it

“near the headwaters of the upper river Crathis” and later he suggests it was either a colony of Sybaris or Croton according to numismatic evidence. 82 Kraay also

81 Rutter 2001, no. 2097. 82 Rutter 1997, 37; Rutter 2001, 185. This city is identified as near to Heraclea, modern Santa Maria di Anglona. For its geographic proximity to Heraclea, see Plutarch. Life of Pyrrhus. 16 when he describes that Pyrrhus encamps between Pandosia and Heraclea (previous Siris), with the river Siris in forint of him. Moreover, Pandosia here refers to Pandosia Lucania instead of the city with the same name in Bruttium. Nevertheless, Pandosia should locate with proximity to territories of both Sybaris and Croton.

37 mentions this coin as “the only one to document its particular phase in the transition from incuse to double-relief,” thus safely dating the coin at the beginning of the fifth century. 83 Considering the possible historical context, affinity in issuing time, physical distance, and some stylistic similarities, it is reasonable to group the

Croton/Sybaris (figure 5) and Croton/Pandosia (figure 6) issues together.84 The presence of the reverted bull, additionally, suggests the close connection between

Sybaris and Pandosia within the framework of Crotoniate domination. Hypothetically, concerning the undetermined political authority of Pandosia in Rutter’s argument, this issue may indicate a passage of control from Sybaris to Croton after 510 BCE. Bugno also argues that Croton controlled Pandosia via Sybaris, thus assuming an intermediate role of Sybaris.85 In either case, the Crotoniate supremacy in the political hierarchy is unshakable and the bull marks the fall of Sybarite power, even symbolizes the transition of Sybarite hegemony.

As for the Croton/Pandosia issue (figure 6), it is also important to notice that this design differs slightly from the typical reverted bull in the Croton/Sybaris issue

(figure 5). Since the bull in the former is framed by an incuse square, the general

83 Kraay 1958, 34. He mentions this Croton/Pandosia issue (figure 6) is in the transitional stage because it displays a bull in relief being set within an incuse rectangle with dotted border. Moreover, Pandosia had not developed its own coinage until the middle of the fifth century. This Croton/Pandosia issue must be conducted by Crotoniate authority and functions as political propaganda. 84 The stylistic similarities include the dotted rim of the tripod and the feet of the tripod with four pellets. See Kraay 1958, 34. He actually dates the Croton/Sybaris(figure 5), Croton/Pandosia(figure 6) and the Croton/Sybaris/Laus (figure 8) issues together. 85 Bugno,2014, chapter 1, section 95. The iconographic change of type can be the result of changing supremacy. Similar situation occurred at Himera when the city was ruled by Akragantine ruler in the early fifth century, the city struck didrachms and drachms with cock of Himera with the crab of Akragas For the detail discussion, see Hoover 2012, 124.

38 design is less compact due to the small scale of the motif and the surrounding empty space. The incuse square instead of the incuse motif also suggests that the bull was not pressed inwards completely in contrast to other bulls on the reverse.86 As a result, the characteristic silhouette of the bull and the folds on the neck became less obvious.

Even so, the Sybarite association is recognized, which Croton deliberately adopted. It seems that the link between the reverted bull and Sybaris had been so firmly established that the very presence of the reverted bull, regardless of the general numismatic design and the stylistic details, had been able to specify a Sybarite connection, and preserved at the beginning of the fifth century even after the destruction of the city.

However, this Sybarite group was not the only population claiming the Sybarite identity after 510 BCE. Other Sybarites, who did not take refuge at Croton before 510

BCE nor accepted the Crotoniate domination after, left the ruins of Sybaris and settled at Laus and Scidrus in year 494 BCE according to Herodotus.87 The latter is unknown, but the former is identified as a colony of Sybaris by the river with the same name, located near the Tyrrhenian coast on the way of the northern trade route of Sybaris.

Though there is little information about the foundation of Laus, according to its location, the city probably was founded as a trading hub in the northern trade route between Sybaris and Campania/Etruria as a satellite of Poseidonia. This city may also

86 The combination of incuse rectangle and the bull in relief is the reason why Kraay places this coin in the transitional stage from incuse technique to double relief technique. See note 81. 87 Herodotus VI, 21.2.

39 be marginal in the Sybarite orbit initially, as the geographic distance, the apparent lack of coinage before 510 BCE, and the limited historical record indicate. But the arrival of Sybarite refugees brought a new start for the city’s numismatic history. Herodotus mentions the Sybarite presence at Laus at 494 BCE, but Sybarites may arrive at Laus before that date, perhaps shortly after 510 BCE, and issued coin at the beginning of the fifth century, as the reduced diameter shows.88

Laus initially produced the incuse issue in the Sybarite weight standard (figure 7).

The Sybarite stylistic inspiration is visible from reverted bull especially concerning the curve of buttock, almost vertical tail, dropping belly with a sharp protuberance in the middle, and the arrangement of legs. 89 However, there is one significant distinction between these two numismatic types. Laus did not imitate the Sybarite bull.

Though maintaining the basic reverted gesture, it changed the bullhead to a bearded human head with hair covered.90 The specific selection of the man-headed bull may be influenced by the local topography of Laus, which locates near the river.91

Additionally, the ethnic clarifies the issuing authority as Laus instead of Sybaris.

Again we see a controversial combination of the deliberative iconographic alienation, non-Sybarite legend, and undeniable Sybarite influence. Concerning the interpretation

88 Herodotus vi,21. Kraay 1958, 16. 89 Kraay indicates that “the Sybarites at Laus formed the main body of Sybarite refugees and were the repository of Sybarite tradition…” see Kraay 1958, 16. 90 Later the man-headed bull changed into a man-faced bull instead, but I do not intent to talk about the distinction in details in this paper. 91 This type is often interpreted as representing the local river-god. For the connection between rivers and man-faced bull, see Nicholas J Molinari, and Nicola Sisci 2016. This association nevertheless encourages Sybarites’ appropriation of the type, who developed the reverted bull more or less with the inspiration of Sybarite waterlogged landscape.

40 of this issue, the argument of Kraay may provide a hint. In the Appendix, he mentions a coin with a tripod and the Sybarite ethnics on the obverse and reverted-head bull with the legend referring to Laus on the reverse (figure 8), which he perceives as the contemporary of the Croton/Sybaris coin and attributes to the dependent stage of

Sybaris II based on comparison with parallel issues and the ethnic form.92 Kraay interprets this issue as a response of Sybaris II under Croton’s control towards Laus’ acceptance of Sybarite refugees, as a way to reclaim the possession of Laus and its populations.93 If the coin (figure 8) was issued at Sybaris II, it is also important to notice that this issue did not necessarily imply an actual remaining Sybarite/Crotoniate control of Laus. Rather, the coin is a reactive propagandistic tool that emphasizes the political claim based on the Crotoniate perspective.

If this postulation is accepted, while simultaneously concerning the new cultural significance of the traditional emblem of Sybaris under Crotoniate manipulation, the altered design and the ethnic of Laus’ issue were a direct response to the contemporary issue mentioned above (figure 8), suggesting a intentional break of

Sybarite refugees with a newly established identity at Laus from the subjective

Sybarites at Croton.94 In contrast to the traditional bull as a mark of political

92 Kraay 1958, 32-36. In the catalogue of Rutter, this coin is numbered as no.2273. However, there is debate concerning the attribution, Rutter attributes it to Sybaris-Laus circa 500 BCE while Kraay attributes it to Sybaris II instead. Here I follow the argument of Kraay. 93 Kraay 1958, 35-6. 94 Kraay 1958, 36. Kraay “…it perhaps explains why Laus…somewhat varied the traditional Sybarite type by giving the bull a human head, thus emphasizing that she did not regard herself as part and parcel of Cronton’s Sybarite booty.”

41 submission based on the Crotoniate interpretation, the bearded man headed bull is on account of the Sybarite perspective, implying a determination of alienation from the submissive Sybarites and introducing a new political entity at Laus. Apparently, through the employment of the man headed bull, the cultural identity of these

Sybarites was reshaped, who further specifically redefined themselves as an independent Sybarite group at Laus. The iconographic change of the reverted bull indeed marks a new stage concerning the significance of “being a Sybarite” for those taking accommodation in a new, but culturally familiar community. On the one hand, the reverted man-faced bull remained as a restrained expression of the traditional

Sybarite spirit, being an indirect homage of the lost city. On the other hand, the deliberate change of the motif, the conspicuous issuing authority of Laus instead of

Sybaris, and the lack of the attempt to re-found Sybaris after 510 BCE may indicate

Sybarites’ acceptance and adoption of a new identity at Laus. Moreover, as I mentioned above, Laus seems to be a small and marginalized city perhaps with a less concrete cultural identity. It is thus possible that the Sybarites and local people of

Laus were merging together and through negotiation forming the so-called identity of

Laus at the beginning of the fifth century, which had been represented by the new adaptive bull. In sum, the altered design of the reverted man-faced bull can either be a response to Crotoniate manipulative absorption of the Sybarite bull or was correspond to the changing character of the Sybarite population at Laus, who adopted a new civic

42 identity reflected through the new numismatic type.95

However, the situation changed shortly. During 500-470 BCE, the chronology is less explicit. While Laus gradually developed independently and issued its own coins with the established type, the man-face reverted bull, Sybaris II had gained autonomy sometimes before 476 BCE but was soon destroyed shortly after.96 Rutter attributes a small issue of staters with a reverted bull on the obverse and an incuse bull on the reverse to Sybaris II based on the ‘developed style,” especially concerning the depiction of belly and neck (figure 9).97 Despite the lack of other evidence, the reappearance of the reverted bull nevertheless implies the recovered Sybarite autonomy and encourages us to attribute it to the independent period of Sybaris II. If it is the case, the resumption of the incuse reverted bull indicates a revival of the

Sybarite identity. Moreover, Sybarite cultural identity is expressed through the iconography, regardless of the more matured style.

Besides this issue, Kraay attributes two small issues to Sybaris II in this independent period around 470 BCE, based on the stylistic analysis, the decline of incuse fabric, and especially the hoard evidence (figure 10 and 11).98 These issues bear the standing bull with reverted head and the Sybarite legend on the obverse and

95 And indeed it is possible that these two factors work jointly. 96 Diod.Sic.xi,48,4. He mentions that the Sybaris II, being besieged by Croton, asked Syracuse for help. It implies that this political body existed, either as a remaining population after 510 BCE, or a fraction returning to the home city after a period of cohabitation at Croton. The detachment from Croton in such a short period perhaps implies the loosen control of Croton and foreshadows the perseverance of Sybarite identity. 97 Rutter 2001, 145. This is also mentioned by Kraay, see Kraay 1958, 16, concerning the “more sophisticated style” than the bull of Sybaris I. 98 Kraay 1958, 15-6.

43 an amphora or an acorn on the reverse.99 Both issues assuredly indicate a resumption of the reverted bull in the newly autonomous community, illuminating the Sybarite determination of re-adopting the traditional numismatic formula as soon as it regained independence. Moreover, the very presence of the reverted bull on the coin of independent Sybaris II re-manipulates the cultural significance of the motif. It was certainly no longer a mark of subjugation as it used to be on the Croton/Sybaris coin, but was resuscitated as an emblem of the Sybarite liberty and prosperity in the past as well as in the future. The reappearance thus reaffirms its cultural significance and denies the co-opting to Croton. By issuing the coin with this very motif, Sybaris II reconnects itself with archaic Sybaris and reclaims the traditional Sybarite cultural identity.

The appearance of the acorn in the issue Kraay mentions, however, merits further exploration, as this motif is shared by both communities at Sybaris II and Laus (figure

12), which is unlikely to be coincidental especially concerning its rareness.100 The first question is to consider from which city the acorn emerged. It is indeed much more logical to assume that this motif spread from Sybaris II to Laus instead of the other way around, especially with regard to the chronological duration, relatively

99 Kraay 1958, 15.-6 Similarly, Rutter dates it around 510-475 BCE. See Rutter 2001, 145. Kraay argues in detail why he groups the reverted bull/amphora and the reverted bull/acorn together based on similar stylistic transition, and the hoard discovered near Metapontum in 1956. He dates them to the “later years of Sybaris II.” Moreover, according to Rutter, amphora had appeared on the obverse of the triobol of archaic Sybaris before 510 BCE. This may indicate that Sybaris II deliberately re-adopted the amphora to re-associate with archaic Sybaris. But since this type is rarely preserved in small fractions, I will not discuss much it further in this paper. For this amphora issue, see Rutter 1997, 23. 100 Actually his reverse type appeared only at Laus and Sybaris.

44 stable production and the constant immutable reverted man-headed bull on the reverse of Laus’ coins until the abrupt appearance of the acorn. Moreover, it was at Laus that we see a gradual adoption of the acorn. Kraay argues the possibility that an acorn was added to the exergue on the obverse in the latest of dies (figure 13), while in other dies, the acorn tended to appear on the reverse.101 It thus seems to suggest a possible transition concerning the placement of the acorn. Based on the acorn that links Sybaris

II and Laus, it is not hard to think that the Sybarites brought the acorn to Laus perhaps around 470 BCE, as the fall of Sybaris II provided the most likely occasion of new

Sybarite influx at Laus. Both Kraay and Rutter mention the hypothesis that the second wave of Sybarite refugees may have come to Laus after the destruction of Sybaris II, under whose influence the acorn was initiated at Laus’ issues. 102 Though the chronology at this period is less certain, and the date of “the late years of Sybaris II” does not necessarily imply that the acorn was brought to Laus after the fall of Sybaris

II, the hypothesis is understandable, because the alteration of numismatic design, in particular the appearance of a non-preexisting motif that a new group brought, requires the influence of a certain scale of population, and the most likely possibility for Laus to accept large scale Sybarite migration is after the destruction of Sybaris II unless we have further numismatic or literary evidence detailing the chronological

101 Kraay 1958, 17. See Rutter 2001, no, 2277-81. It is also noteworthy that in the issue bearing man-faced bull with acorn in the exergue on the obverse (figure 13), there is a local variation, as the standing man-faced bull replaced the incuse reverted man-faced bull on the reverse, which further enhances the link between man-faced bull with local rivers thus correspondingly weakens the Sybarite cultural connection. 102 Kraay 1958, 17 and Rutter 2001, 177.

45 sequence and historical events during 480-470 BCE. Despite the possibility that some

Sybarites from Sybaris II had come to Laus before the 470s, I agree with Rutter and

Kraay that the appearance of the acorn on the issues of Laus should be the result of the second wave of Sybarites from the ruins of Sybaris II.

This may have been the state of affairs in the opening decades of the fifth century

BCE. Sybarites reclaimed their city from Croton and their iconography with the issues of incuse, reverted-head bull at Sybaris II. The coin saw the addition of an amphora or the acorn on the reverse, the latter of which is picked up at Laus towards the end of a run of coins depicting the man-faced bull. This coin may have been brought by

Sybarite exiles arriving at Laus shortly after the destruction of Sybaris II around 470.

Seemingly, in the following decades circa 470-460 BCE, that is, during the interval period between the destruction of Sybaris II and the foundation of Sybaris III, two

Sybarite groups coexisted at Laus. One refers to the exiles of Sybaris I who stayed at

Laus after 510 BCE and seemed to obtain a new cultural and political identity, while the other refers to the exiles of Sybaris II, who had experienced dramatic changes concerning their political status and cultural identity through repetitive subjection and independence. 103 Interestingly, though with a share Sybarite origin, different experiences of these two groups resulted in distinct interpretations of Sybarite cultural identity and modifications of the numismatic representation. The latter certainly

103 Additionally, perhaps taking refuge was not the only purpose for those from Sybaris II, concerning the contemporary arrival of Sybarites at Poseidonia and soon re-foundation of Sybaris III around 453 BCE, these Sybarites came to Laus possibly with the intention to seek allies.

46 developed a stronger tenacity and a deeper sense of identity of “being a Sybarite,” which has been indicated already by the revival of the reverted bull on the obverse of coins of Sybaris II mentioned above (figure 9-12).104 But for the former, the seeming disinterest in re-foundation from 510 BCE to 460 BCE and the subsequent minor role of Laus in the re-foundation of Syabris III tend to suggest that this Sybarite group had adapted a new cultural identity at Laus. The initial coinage at Laus preserves the reverted gesture of the bull as a restrained echo of the Sybarite past. However, the issuing authority was always Laus instead of Sybaris, and the man-headed bull never returned to its traditional form, which must have been a cogitative choice concerning the possible large proportion of Sybarites in the relatively small community at Laus, perhaps for the sake of alienating from the contemporary subjective Sybarite community. 105 The deliberate abandonment of the Sybarite legend and the iconographic alteration may suggest that those with the Sybarite origin gradually grew accustomed to the new identity at Laus.106 Moreover, though the actual status of

Sybarites at Laus was uncertain, the political transition and numismatic development at Laus seem to be rather smooth, which suggests a harmonious integration into the community.

104 Rutter 2001, no. 1740-2. 105 For the large proportion of Sybarites at Laus, the city is marginalized in the Sybarite orbit before 510 BCE, and lacks the numismatic trace. The numismatic development at Laus seems to be triggered directly by Sybarites, which implies that the Sybarites should obtain certain numismatic right initially. Moreover, there is the second wave of Sybarites after 470 BCE. 106 The Sybarite legend appeared on Rutter no. 2273, which Rutter attributed to Sybaris-Laus coin. However, Kraay suggests the possibility that this coin was issued at Sybaris II instead. See note 76. Here I take Kraay’s argument, considering the issue as a response of Sybaris II, at the bidding of Croton, towards Laus’ acceptance of Sybarite refugees.

47 Even with the influx of a new Sybarite population at Laus after the 470s, there are few changes concerning the general design of the man-faced bull apart from the addition of the acorn. This motif, therefore, did not yield to the traditional Sybarite bull, which reveals how firm the relationship between Laus and man-faced bull has been. In particular, this non-preexistent man-faced bull was adopted from the very beginning of Laus’ numismatic history and remained for a considerable duration.107

This is to say, there is no transitional stage from the reverted bull to the reverted man-faced bull. Although Sybarites refugees triggered the numismatic development at

Laus, there must be local context and influence that determine this peculiar iconographic alteration.108 Furthermore, it is interesting to consider how the recently arrived Sybarites may interpret the man-headed bull, which has been recognized as a characteristic iconography of Laus. The Sybarite inspiration of the general design must be perceived, but it seems unlikely that these Sybarites would easily accept the ichnographic alteration and its new political implication, especially concerning the previous resumption of Sybarite bull in the coins of Sybaris II and the zeal to revive

Sybaris, which had been prompted further by the recent defeat. Instead of appropriating the man-faced bull like the first wave of Sybarite refugees, these

107 Rutter 2001, 178. Rutter dates an issue of Laus after 453 BCE with the man-faced bull. Moreover, there is few issues with man-faced bull predates this of Laus, One incuse issues from Rhegium bears the man-faced bull that Rutter dates around 510 BCE. See Rutter 2001, 187, no. 2468. Other man-faced issues, such as the coinage of Neapolis, developed later. It thus suggests that this man-faced alteration may be a local inspiration instead of the external inspiration. 108 The local context can refer to direct influence of the iconography, or it can be conducted through Sybarite initiation. That is to say, Sybarites actively embraced local influence in altering the type.

48 Sybarites may reinterpret it with a stressful Sybarite link. It suggests that the bond between cultural identity and the numismatic motif is somewhat flexible. Although sometimes the numismatic motif is a badge with a firmly established cultural implication, the interpretation of the very motif as well as its variation is rather adjustable and can be appropriated according to presupposed cultural perspectives. In the instance of the reverted man-headed bull, the explication of the very type remains open and depends on the degree of individual recognition of the Sybarite identity.

1.4 Coinage of Poseidonia

In contrast to the minor role of Laus, Poseidonia played a rather important role in the foundation of Sybaris III circa 453 BCE.109 In the following paragraphs, I will provide a brief overview of the numismatic history of Poseidonia, and discuss the possible influences that Sybarite refugees may have brought to the city before the foundation of Sybaris III.

Poseidonia is commonly recognized as a colony of Sybaris, being founded in early sixth century BCE on the Tyrrhenian coast. Despite the reference that

Poseidonia was founded by the Trozenians who were expelled from Sybaris in the eighth century, the archaeology points to a sixth century foundation. The link with

Sybaris remained substantial as Poseidonia adopted the incuse fabric for its coins.110

109 The date bases on Diodorus xi, 90,3 and xii,10,2. 110 Rutter 1997, 31; Graham 1964, 91-2. Strabo vi,4,13. For the Trozenians, see Aristotle Politics 5.1303a. For the argument that Sybarites arrived late after the foundation of Poseidonia, see Kraay 1958,18. He mentions the

49 The earliest coins from Poseidonia depict Poseidon, their patron deity, with the city’s ethnic on almost all denominations before 500 BCE (figure 14).111 Surprisingly,

Poseidonia did not abandon its own weight standard, which is, according to Kraay,

“only appropriate for Campania.” 112 It suggests a certain degree of political independence of Poseidonia. However, the different weight standards did not necessarily deny Poseidonia’s cultural link with the Achaean orbit, especially concerning the deliberate adoption of the distinctive incuse technique. Perhaps the employment of local standard was intended for commercial convenience.

But the city ceased issuing around 500 BCE, perhaps due to the disruption of the trade route as a result of the destruction of Sybaris in 510 BCE. The ten-year gap may be explained by the gradual subsequent impact of commercial interruption. Poseidonia was not mentioned by Herodotus as a destination of Sybarite refugees after 510 BCE, although concerning its prosperity, as the monumental architectural programs and territorial expansion indicate, it seems to be a “better choice” than the small, rarely mentioned Laus. Moreover, as the distance between Laus and Poseidonia is not significant, it is not impossible that the city harbored some refugees at the end of the sixth century.113

argument of P. Zancani. 111 Rutter 1997, 31-2. Rutter 2001 108-9. In hemiobol, there is a head of Poseidon on the obverse instead, Moreover, it is interesting to notice the stylistic similarity between Poseidon in Poseidonian issue and Apollo in the coin of Caulonia in the archaic period. 112 Kraay 1966,304. 113 The distance between Poseidonia and Laus is around 150-160km. If Sybarites came to Laus, it is not surprising that they went further to Poseidonia.

50 The city was almost silent numismatically in the following decades, between

500-470 BCE, except for some small fractions. While at the same time, the Sybarite population, divided into two groups, was either accepted by Laus or experienced subjection and rebellion under Crotoniate domination within Sybaris II. Later

Poseidonia resumed its constant coinage, issuing coins that contain Poseidon on the obverse and a standing bull on the reverse with the ethnic of Poseidonia (figure 15).

Noticeably, Kraay dates this resumption to 470 BCE, thus chronologically aligning with the fall of Sybaris II.114 Meanwhile, Poseidonia developed in a new numismatic pattern, replacing previous incuse technique and the local standard with double-relief technique and the Achaean standard, which further confirms the influence of Sybarite refugees.115 It is possible that the adoption of the standing ordinary bull somewhat reflects the Sybarite influence. 116 Indeed, Sybarites seemed to explore new numismatic emblems other than the reverted bull actively perhaps after 476 BCE.

Already at Laus, we have seen the acorn. It is thus not unanticipated that the standing bull emerged from active Sybarite adaptation under local influence. If it is the case, this adaptation may suggest that the Sybarite exiles became less persistent on the traditional reverted bull, which corresponds to a Sybarite yielding to Poseidonian domination in the city. Additionally, this alienation from the Sybarite bull to the

114 For this precise date, see Kraay 1958, 18-21. 115 It refers to Sybarites refugees from Sybaris II. 116 Kraay actually mentions a triobol of Laus that contains a similar ordinary bull instead of the head-reverted bull, which may be brought by the second wave of Sybarite refugees. Unfortunately, I have not found the photograph.

51 standing bull thus may be understood as a rather loose collective identity of Sybarites at Poseidonia.

But the possible Sybarite origin did not necessarily mean that this motif is pure

“Sybarite.” Rather, the local influence cannot be underestimated. It is necessary to reconsider the actual issuing authority. Despite the standard, there is no obvious sign indicating Sybarite identity visually but the Poseidonian numismatic authority is conspicuous.117 Like the situation at Laus, the standing bull merely leave an open interpretation, with wider ranges of cultural implications. On the one hand, the bull reflects a Sybarite inspiration, and can be connected with the reverted bull iconographically; On the other hand, the standing bull is a suitable emblem for

Poseidonia specifically. It represents physical powers and natural strength in general, as a reasonable symbol of prosperity. Moreover, the bull connects with Poseidon traditionally. The general numismatic design of Poseidonian issue further consolidates the connection between the standing bull and Poseidonia by placing the motif alongside with the city’s legend. Rutter mentions specimens containing seilu circa 450

BCE, which may refer either to the river Silaros or the oikist of Poseidonia.118 If it refers to the oikist, the Poseidonian character is more obvious. If it refers to the local river, again the standing bull is appropriate and associates with local topography concerning the traditional link between bull and rivers. In either case, the standing bull

117 Even though it is possible that the standing bull is initiated by Sybarites, certainly the connection between Sybarites and this motif has not been firmly established. 118 Rutter 2001, 109.

52 possessed a strong local character. By incorporating the standing bull with other

Poseidonian elements, this issue manipulatively transited the representation of the bull, furnished it with a new cultural identity to this very type, and weakened the possible

Sybarite inspiration.

The Poseidonia-bull link was further consolidated concerning its consistency in a relatively substantial period (470-445 BCE). The absence of the reverted bull and

Sybarite legend may also reveal the situation of those Sybarites at Poseidonia before

453 BCE. It seems that the Sybarite population unlikely occupied a principal cultural role at Poseidonia with regard to Sybarite yielding on numismatic type. It is true that the Sybarite identity is somewhat preserved, especially regarding several attempts of foundation and the sustained echo of Sybarite inspiration. And I do agree with

Kraay’s argument that the Sybarite population was not “a weak or disorganized” body.119 In contrast, from the destruction of Sybaris I at 510 BCE to the foundation of

Sybaris V at 440 BCE, there have always been groups being collectively tagged as

“Sybarites” in different communities, who attempted to maintain the traditional

Sybarite repository via coinages. However, we must also admit the flexibility and dynamicity of cultural identity especially within the multiple interactions between various cultural groups. The Sybarite exiles may revisit the Sybarite past that embodies the Sybarite bull according to different cultural-political contexts.

119 Kraay 1958,20.

53 Simultaneously, the definition of Sybarite identity was constantly altered with the frequent influx of new population groups and in various political contexts. The concept of “intact national identity” in Kraay may be misleading in some ways since the notion of “national identity” was reshaped correspondingly.120 The question thus remains concerning to which degrees the collective Sybarite identity is preserved when the demographic composition of the city is not Sybarite exclusively, and how it is altered through the modification of the numismatic motif, which we may perceive in the foundation of Sybaris III.

Before the actual foundation, it is also noteworthy to consider why Poseidonia actively offered help in this enterprise. The lack of Sybarite bull and the constant presence of Poseidon at Sybaris III, which we will discuss soon, may imply that the purpose of Poseidonia in the foundation is not to re-establish Sybarite national identity.

Moreover, its participation further complicates the cultural significance of “being a

Sybarites” at Sybaris III.

The precise date of the foundation of Sybaris III is attested through Diodorus.121

The participation of Poseidonia is immediately perceived through the numismatic type, as advancing Poseidon appears on the obverse in almost all denominations.122 In the stater, Poseidon is accompanied by the standing bull on the reverse with Sybarite

120 Kraay 1958, 20. 121 Diod.Sic.xi, 90.3. Diodorus mentions a certain Thessalus who led the foundation, which may refer to an individual name. For the discussion concerning the “Thessalian” see Bugno 2014, chapter IV, sections 16-23. 122 Rutter 2001, 109. Rutter 1997, 42-3.

54 legends on both sides (figure 16).123 This peculiar iconographic combination of

Poseidon and the standing bull initially emerges from Poseidonia earlier on and had been produced simultaneously and regularly at Poseidonia for decades, which suggests that this very design perhaps had been recognized as an established expression of Poseidonia. It seems that, apart from the Sybarite legend and the addition of a bird on the obverse, this Poseidon-standing bull type shares a closer link with Poseidonia instead of Sybaris. As a result, apparently Sybaris III did not create but inherited the numismatic emblem from Poseidonia. It does not necessarily suggest a submissive role or a political yielding of Sybarites in the community, but the motif certainly exhibits a significant, if not predominant, role of Poseidonia in the initiation of the foundation. Simultaneously, the numismatic influence also reflects a strong cultural presence of Poseidonians in the community, which obscures cultural exclusiveness and nationality of Sybarites.

However, the attribution of Sybaris is clear through the legends on both sides.

The general design of this stater hence illustrates a mixture of Sybarite numismatic claims and Poseidonian iconographic inspiration, which again resulted in a bilateral interpretation according to viewers’ cultural perspectives. Interestingly, it denotes that this motif, the standing bull, despite being employed by Sybaris III, had not yet conveyed a uniform cultural identity of Sybaris automatically as the reverted bull did

123 Rutter 2001, no. 1743.

55 in the sixth century. The combination of Sybarite ethnic and the standing bull, therefore, reflects a new departure of Sybarites attempting to assimilate the new numismatic type as well as the new Poseidonian influx, and to recohere collectively and to re-label themselves via coins. Its deliberate alteration from the reverted bull also mirrors a process of transforming and consolidating the cultural consciousness of

“being a Sybarite” in the new community, while simultaneously the Sybarite cultural identity is re-defined with new visual language (the standing bull) under influence from the newly absorbed populations.

Moreover, the Poseidonians were not the only group participating in the foundation of Sybaris III. Despite the aforementioned possible uncooperative attitudes from the Sybarites at Laus, it does not mean that the city had no share in the foundation of Sybaris III. Rather, Laus did engage in the foundation according to numismatic evidence. 124 Kraay hypothetically attributes a triobol with reverted man-headed bull on the obverse, and the acorn on the reverse to Sybaris III (figure

17).125 This combination has appeared at Laus decades ago, and the presence of

Sybarite legend nevertheless encourages the attribution to Sybaris III. This hypothesis demonstrates that citizens of Laus arrived at Sybaris III circa 450 BCE, though the small denomination and small production imply a rather minor role of Laus in the foundation, in contrast to Poseidonia.

124 For the joint issue of Sybaris and Laus, see Rutter 1997; 43. Rutter 2001, 145; Kraay 1958,21-4. 125 Kraay 1958, 17.

56 Kraay also attributes a certain diobol to Sybaris III that contains a standing bull and the double legends of Laus and Poseidonia on the obverse, and two dotted rings on the reverse with Sybarite ethnic (figure 18).126 I agree with his argument that this issue suggests a retaining of cultural identities of Poseidonia and Laus within the larger Sybarite community.127 It again affirms a mixture of various identifications at

Sybaris III thus further implies an indeterminacy of being a Sybarite in the community.128 Interestingly, Kraay mentions the standing bull as suitable for either

Poseidonia or Laus but did not connect it with Sybaris directly.129 Seemingly, the peculiar link between Sybaris and the standing bull had not been strong enough at

Sybaris III.

While this issue remains as an exception due to its rareness, other small fractions of Sybaris III either display a naked Poseidon on the obverse with thrush on the reverse (figure 19) or a draped Poseidon on the obverse with the bull on the reverse

(figure 20).130 For the former, Kraay suggests a Laus connection concerning the thrush, thus confirming the city’s participation in the foundation, though minor due to its appearance on small denominations only.131 As for the latter, the stylistic falling drapery of Poseidon on the obverse categorizes this issue together with another triobol

126 Kraay 1958, 21. 127 Kraay 1958, 23. 128 Kraay 1958, 23. 129 Kraay 1958,22. 130 Rutter 2001, 145. The Poseidon-bird/thrush appears on the triobol and the obol, no. 1744, no. 1745. B The Poseidon-bull appears on the triobol and later on the stater, no.1746-9. 131 Kraay 1958, 23-4.

57 depicting a distinct reverse with the walking bull being crowned by Nike (figure 21), which Kraay interprets as a triumph of Poseidonia over Laus.132 If this argument is accepted, again the issue mirrors the political change and was propaganda of the victors.

Moreover, the Poseidon/standing bull issue (figure 20) displays a chiastic placement of ethnics, as the Sybarite ethnic appears on the obverse with Poseidon and

ΜΟΠ on the reverse with the bull. Firstly, this chiastic placement may further disrupted the established link between the bull type with a single polis, corresponding to the integration of Poseidonian and Sybarite groups in the community and a new cultural identity originating from this integration. Moreover, the appearance of

Poseidonian ethnic at Sybaris III is noteworthy.133 Though Poseidon was a common type at Sybaris III, this triobol uniquely displays Poseidonian ethnic conspicuously, which further substantiates the importance of Poseidonian culture in the community.

Furthermore, the emblem of Sybaris in these two contemporary issues (figure 20 and

21) varied slightly, as the bull exhibited a more dynamic walking gesture in figure 21 in contrast to the standing gesture in figure 20. Since the iconographic similarity of the

Poseidon on the obverse indicates these two issues as contemporary, these two different types of bull should coexist at Sybaris III. On the one hand, it implies a lack of conformity concerning the numismatic type at Sybaris III, while on the other hand,

132 Kraay 1958, 24. 133 This is indeed distinct from these issues I have mentioned above, of which the non-Sybarite inspiration can be traced through iconography but otherwise display no legends of Laus or Poseidonia.

58 it seems that the Sybarite authority actively sought iconographic modification of numismatic expression that somewhat challenges the established link between the bull and Poseidonia.

Additionally, Rutter tends to attribute no. 1747 and no. 1748, perhaps based on the similar style of the shared bull, to Sybaris III, which merits a brief discussion here.134 In both issues, though differing in denominations, Poseidon disappears as an obvious reflection of Poseidonian elements, in contrast to figure 20 (no. 1746 in

Rutter 2001) and figure 21 (no. 1749 in Rutter 2001), and the bull is depicted in the walking instead of the standing gesture. Moreover, as it may be perilous to exclude a single motif from other supplementary elements of the general design, in the case of no. 1747 and 1748, the explicit Sybarite legend at least to some degree strengthens the exclusive connection between the walking bull and Sybaris, specifically concerning the lack of Poseidon. Although the precise date of these two issues is unknown, their attribution is in debate, and it is risky to place the numismatic interpretation within a certain historical framework, especially with regard to the short life of Sybaris III, it is hypothesized that the absence of Poseidon and sole Sybarite character in at least two different denominations (including a large denomination) suggest a possible marginalization of Poseidonians in the community, which resulted in a gradual

Sybarite appropriation of the ordinary bull as the new cultural exclusive emblem and

134 Rutter 2001, 145. Both issues carry a walking bull on the obverse, and a bull on the reverse with Sybarite legends.

59 the consolidation of Sybarite cultural identity. If this assumption is valid, the cultural implication of the ordinary bull had been transformed again in the community.

1.5. Sybaris IV and New Political Influence

Sybaris III lasted a short time; in 446 BCE, the Sybarites appealed to both Sparta and Athens for the foundation of Sybaris IV.135 Indeed, the close connection between

Sybaris and Thurium is conspicuous, as Diodorus detailed Sybarite history in the chapter focusing on the foundation of Thurium.136 According to Diodorus, Athens sent Lampo and Xenocritus as leaders in the enterprise with ten ships.137 Interestingly, the record of Diodorus primarily concentrates on Athens instead of Sybaris, and the formal process of foundation did not differentiate essentially from other colonial enterprises, in particular regarding Apollo’s oracle that guided the settlements.138 It suggests that, like Poseidonians, Athenians were not intended to redeem Sybarite identity but to establish its own apoikia principally. The Sybarite appeal was rather a justified excuse, which foreshadows the replacement of Sybarite supremacy and later expulsion of Sybarites.

Initially, Sybarites and other colonists coexisted peacefully at Sybaris IV, and issued coins bearing the head of Athena on the obverse and reverted bull on the

135 Diod.Sic.xii, 10,2. 136 Diod.Sic.xii,10, 137 Diod.Sic.xii,10,4. I will discuss with more details concerning the relationship between Sybaris IV and Thurium and the coinage of Thurium in the next chapter. 138 Diod.Sic.xii,10,5.

60 reverse with the ethnic of Sybaris (figure 22).139 It was the first time since the 470s

(Sybaris II) the reverted bull reappeared.140 Even though in the late years of Sybaris

III, Sybarite identity seemed to be expressed through the ordinary bull, the new community soon abandoned it in favor of the traditional Sybarite bull. Seemingly, the reverted bull still had been fixed as the principal type of numismatic option. This motif indeed had been reinterpreted again, looking back to Sybaris’ archaic grandeur.

Despite radical political turmoil for decades, the link between Sybaris and the reverted bull had still been recognizable. The reverted bull at Sybaris IV remained as a badge for Sybarite identity until the abrupt interruption around 444 BCE.

For the issues of Sybaris IV, regardless of the stylistic changes, the reverted gesture is sufficient to trace the Sybarite model. This very motif reclaims the cultural independence and re-associates to Sybaris at its heyday. Moreover, this numismatic resumption may indicate a possible deliberate disassociation of Sybaris from

Poseidonia at Sybaris III. Besides the reverted head, even the particular replacement of the chiastic forelegs in favor of the old-fashioned parallel forelegs emphasize a deliberate distance from Poseidonian inspiration. The return of the reverted bull thus denied the previous link between the ordinary bull and Sybaris III, functioning as a rejection of Poseidonian influence and a new departure of the current community. It demonstrates how Sybarites deliberately manipulated numismatic type and its

139 For the head of Athena as the earliest coin of Sybaris IV, see Kraay 1958, 26-9. 140 Kraay 1958, 25.

61 corresponding cultural implication to declare new political stance.

Notably, although the reverted bull appeared only on the reverse and the obverse contains wreathed Athena that stylistically resembles to Athenian coins and was possibly engraved by Athenian artists, the Athenian authority is somewhat obscured due to the lack of Athenian ethnic.141 Additionally, the cult of Athena is not unique to

Athens, and it is possible to appropriate the goddess as a local inspiration. 142

Nevertheless, the reverse type and the conspicuous Sybarite legend may demonstrate the prime cultural and political role of the Sybarites in the early stage of the city. The

Sybarite bull also appears on the reverse of a triobol, despite the small scale, it indeed indicates an attempt to spread and standardize the type in different denominations with a determination to proscribe a fixed numismatic visual formula, which did not vary according to denomination. Moreover, concerning the apparently small number of colonists (10 ships), Sybarites perhaps numerously dominated in the population composition around 446 BCE, which is also confirmed by literary evidence.

According to Diodorus, early Sybarites obtained both political and religious domination by controlling the most important administrations, priesthoods, and territories. In contrast to previous Sybaris II and III, Sybarites had seized the authoritative monopoly at Sybaris IV, which offers the backdrop for the revival of

Sybarite bull.

141 For the Athenian school, see Poole 1883. 142 For the discussion of Athena and local cult, see Barritta 2005, 59-71.

62 However, the peace lasted only for a short time. Perhaps around 444 BCE, the non-Sybarite colonists were strengthened by populations from many places around

Hellenic world, which certainly changed the power structure of the Sybaris IV.143

Soon civil strife ended with the expulsion of Sybarites. The tendency of declined

Sybarite power during the civil strife is also visible in numismatics. On the one hand,

Athena remains constant on the obverse in the following years. Though I have mentioned the possible local origin of the goddess, the Panhellenic influx must intensify the peculiar link between this type with Athens, especially with regard to the simultaneous widespread of Athenian owls across the Aegean Sea and Peloponnese.

The steady presence of Athena after the arrivals of other colonists thus indicates a rather consolidated Athenian power, if not domination, in the community. On the other hand, despite that Sybarites may dominate the community in the early stage, its legend and type remained on the reverse only later, and never had attempted to replace

Athena on the obverse. It is possible that this peculiar design is for the sake of numismatic regularity. But it may also imply that only the reverse had been restrictedly assigned to Sybarites with the limited numismatic right, and Sybarites were unable to deprive Athenian numismatic elements or replace it with a more

Sybarite motif.

143 Diod.Sic.xii, 11,1. The chronology is under debate concerning two phrases of Sybaris IV, and 444 BCE may be the possible transitional point. Here I use the timeline of Kraay, see Kraay 1958, 25. He indicates that Sybaris IV may be found around 446 BCE, and the Sybarite population was deprived perhaps around 444 BCE, after which Sybaris IV continued existing as Thurium. I will return to this point later in the following chapter.

63 Simultaneously, the Sybarite bull experienced somewhat variations in the 440s.

For example, a trihemiobol displays the head of a bull on the reverse instead of the expected reverted bull. A presumably later drachm contains a head-lowered bull, which resembles closely to later butting bull of Thurium (figure 23 and 24).144

Though both motifs did not ever appear in any previous Sybarite communities, they were clearly labeled as Sybarite by the legend at Sybaris IV perhaps shortly before the expulsion around 444 BCE. However, the mere presence of Sybarite legend did not necessarily imply Sybarite population as the actual issuing authority, especially concerning the alteration in motif, for it would be hard to image why Sybarites cast asides its traditional, recognizable, scarcely retrieved reverted bull in favor of an unfamiliar type without any predetermined stratum. Instead, if the assumption above is accepted, that Athens had established a recognizable association to the Athena portrait on the reverse even without the necessity to explicate the Athenian legend, and Sybarites in the community had gradually been marginalized politically and culturally with the arrivals of colonists; it is possible that these two altered bull types were exerted by the actual issuing authority (perhaps Athens) before the formal replacement of Sybarites in 444 BCE.145 The argument of Kraay is indeed persuasive, that the alteration of the type marked a tendency of non-Sybarite settlers “to override

144 For the discussion and dating of this bull, see Kraay 1958, 25-6. I will also return to this type later in the paper, focusing on the coins of Thurium. 145 For the detailed discussion, see Bugno 2014, chapter V, sections 56-7. I will discuss it in the following chapter.

64 the claims of the Sybarites element” before the actual expulsion.146 Also, it seems that the foreign settlers redefined the numismatic expression of Sybarites, who had lost the control of their own numismatic expression. Through combining Sybarite legend and non-Sybarite motif on the reverse, the numismatic expression of Sybarite identity was re-rendered. Additionally, for the marginalized Sybarites, losing the claim of the reverted bull emblematizes an interruption of the link between the Sybarite cultural identity and a recognizable formula. After abandoning the reverted bull, the numismatic expression through which Sybarites define themselves collectively once again became unstable. The instability is also visible from the lack of a recognizable consistent motif, as the numismatic representation of Sybaris varied between two depictions of the bull in different denominations.

After the expulsion, the population who continues identifying as Sybarites found the fifth, and the last Sybaris on river Traeis around 440 BCE.147 Rutter lists out three coins being attributed to Sybaris V.148 The first one, a stater, bears the Sybarite legend and a head-lowered bull with raising forelegs, which resembles closely to issues of contemporary Thurium (figure 25).149 It may suggest the influence of

Thurian coins that spread rapidly in the middle of the fifth century.150 Noticeably, this

146 Kraay 1958, 26. 147 Diod.Sic.xii, 22.1. 148 Rutter 2001, 146. See also Kraay 1958, 18-21 concerning the attribution of coins to Sybaris V. 149 Rutter 2001, 146, no. 1754. 150 If the lowered-head bull is initiated actively by Sybarites, it is also possible that the settlers of Sybaris V continued employing a Sybarite emblem which they initiated early on. However, the raising leg of this stater of Sybaris V, which makes the bull more aggressive, may indicate a stronger Thurian influence instead.

65 issue did not recover the Sybarite bull. The link to the sixth-century Sybaris is rather displayed by the incuse fabric. Perhaps Sybarites, after being identified with various numismatic motifs across the century, found the application of this certain issuing technique as a more stable expression of traditional Sybarite identity. It also suggests that Sybaris in the sixth century was always the origin of inspiration which later

Sybarite repository referred to, either being conveyed through reverted bull or the incuse techniques. Additionally, though the incuse technique is interpreted as an attempt to reconnect Sybaris V with Sybaris I, it appeared in this denomination alone.

The lack of further numismatic evidence makes it hard to consider how frequently this incuse technique was applied at Sybaris V, with a more concrete conclusion.

Furthermore, the degree of independence of Sybaris V and the composition of its population are questionable. Besides the lower-headed bull similar to the predominant type of Thrium, the triobol of Sybaris V exhibits a strong Poseidonian influence, bearing Poseidon on the obverse and an ordinary bull on the reverse with Sybarite ethnic. 151 In another triobol, which Rutter dates around 400 BCE, a horseman replaced Poseidon on the obverse, but a standing bull remains on the reverse with

Sybarite legend.152 These two issues indeed suggest a rather durable connection between the bull and the Sybarite authority. However, the small scale of these two issues, as well as the blank period for about forty years, imply a discontinuous coinage

151 Rutter 2001,no.1755. 152 Rutter 2001,no. 1756.

66 production. It may be a result of the declined power of the city, and indeed the city was rarely mentioned in the historical record with few archeological remains. Besides,

Diodorus mentions that “practically all of the original Sybarites” were put to death in the civil strife at Sybaris IV.153 It is thus reasonable to expect the participation from other cities in the foundation of Sybaris V and the relatively loosen cultural cohesiveness of Sybarites in this community, which was presumably impotent, especially in contrast to the prosperity of neighboring Thurium. The numismatic expression of Sybarite identity eventually faded perpetually.

In this chapter, I attempted to examine how the cultural identity of Sybaris had been bound to its numismatic motif, the reverted bull, and to detect the possible reasons of this peculiar selection, and investigate iconographic variations that originated from and succeeded the reverted bull, especially concerning in which ways these types are related, as well as how multiple adaptations reflect the preservation of

Sybarite cultural identity during almost a century after the fall of the city. From 510

BCE to 440 BCE, Sybarites, as a collective body, had experienced refuge in other communities, independence, and deprivation of independence, with several attempts and failures of re-foundation. Within the complex cultural exchange and political turmoil, the traditional numismatic motif had been reinterpreted and appropriated in multiple historical contexts, resulted in various adaptations that reflect a dynamic

153 Diod.Sic.xii, 22,2.

67 process concerning how the definition of Sybarite identity had been perceived.

Simultaneously, the constant revivals of the reverted bull imply the cultural cohesiveness of Sybarites, at least to some degrees. The numismatic type thus served as the cultural anchor uniting this population regardless of the chronological gap and the political instability. However, it is also necessary to recognize the limitation of the numismatic evidence, which hardly concludes in a concrete statement. Rather, I hope that, by focusing on the reverted bull and its successors, this chapter can give a direction of reconsidering the role of numismatic type and the cultural identity, concerning how the type can be manipulatively reinterpreted with an altered cultural significance.

68 Chapter 2: The Coinage of Thurium

This chapter will discuss the issues of Thurium in the second half of the fifth century BCE, concentrating on the connection between Thurian and Sybarite numismatic types. To what degree, for instance, the coinage of Thurium can be perceived as the successor to Sybaris IV, while simultaneously displaying Thurian character? How the Thurians appropriated the bull, which possessed a firm Sybarite element, as its characteristic emblem? Additionally, I will discuss the extensiveness of the Thurium issues, the impact it may have upon other issues in southern Italy, and its spread beyond the region.

The historical account of the transition between Sybaris IV and Thurium may be muddled concerning the precise chronology.154 Maurizio Bugno comprehensively details how various accounts differ from each other and the contradictions with the record of Diodorus Siculus, who provided the most comprehensive history about the foundation of Sybaris IV and Thurium.155 Despite the debates, it is generally accepted that Sybarites appealed to the Spartans and Athenians for re-foundation, and received aid from the latter in 446 BCE, who sent ten ships to southern Italy.156 Though

Ehrenberg suggests that this relatively small force may be preparation and “the first

154 For the discussion on the foundation date of Thurium, see Ehrenberg 1948, 149-170; Kraay 1958, 24-5; Maurizio Bugno, 2014. 155 Bugno 2014, chapter V, section 1-33. For the oracle, see sections 15-18. For the discussion on the record of Diodorus and his sources, see Bugno 2014, chapter V, sections 34-44; Rutter 1973,155-176. 156 Diod.Sic.xii, 10,4.

69 gesture” instead of the final expedition, he does not deny the common assumption that

“Sybaris was founded in 446/5.”157 However, it is hard to imagine that such a small number of Athenians is directly responsible for the foundation of Sybaris IV. Rather, especially concerning the chronological proximity between the destruction of Sybaris

III and the Athenian help in 446 BCE, it seems that Sybarites remained as a coherent unit at least culturally, with the ability to appeal collectively and muster a significant population. 158 It is thus likely that Sybarites at that time possessed enough demographic and cultural force to constitute a new community even without the

Athenian help. It is also noteworthy that Sybarites asked aid only from two superpowers, Sparta and Athens, implying that the city did not merely look for a new population but political backup. This appeal thus is a political gesture, and the arrival of Athenians is a political guarantee securing the community perhaps from its old enemy, Croton. The Athenian force in 446 BCE, therefore, functions as diplomatic and symbolic support for Sybaris, as it was a relatively insignificant addition to the

Sybarite population. As a result, once Sybaris IV was established in 446 BCE,

Sybarites naturally dominated the city based on the demographic composition and cultural supremacy, which indeed is confirmed by literary evidence.159

This Sybarite dominance is also indicated by the early coins of Sybaris IV, which

157 Ehrenberg 1948, 151, 157. He indicates that “common sense seems in favor of the assumption that the third Sybaris (Sybaris IV in this paper) was founded in 446/5 BCE.” 158 Sybaris III was founded circa 453 BCE but was destroyed few years later. Though the precise date of its destruction is unsure, the community may survive circa 450 BCE. As the first appeal occurred in 446 BCE, a chronological gap for four or five years between the destruction of Sybaris III and the appeal is possible. 159 Diod.Sic.xii, 11,1.

70 resumed the reverted bull of archaic Sybaris (figure 26).160 But how to explain the head of Athena on the obverse based on the Sybarite perspective? As I mentioned briefly in the previous chapter, on the one hand, the Athenian style is conspicuous, while on the other hand, Athena is also appropriate for Sybarite iconography.161

Moreover, the explicit Athenian element on coins may correspond to the diplomatic function of the Athenians to the Sybarite appeal, which propagates the backing of the new community against potential hostilities.

Nevertheless, the small scale of the Athenian involvement, the local appropriation of Athena, the resumption of reverted bull, the presence of Sybarite ethnics, and the demographic dominance illuminate a strong Sybarite element in the community in 446

BCE. However, the situation changed soon. Although there is debate concerning the precise sequence of the coming events, certainly 444 BCE is a turning point for the community, which both Pseudo-Plutarch and Dionysius of Halicarnassus date as the beginning of Thurium based on the life of Lysias.162 This foundation date of Thurium is also confirmed by Diodorus, who suggests that a short peaceful coexistence in the community of Sybaris IV ended soon with the expulsion of Sybarites, presumably in

444 BCE. 163 Importantly, the expulsion should be the climax of a gradual

160 Kraay 1958, 25. This resumption of the reverted bull is “for the first time since the seventies.” 161 For the detailed discussion about the head of Athena in Sybarite and Thurian context, see Barritta 2005, 59-71. Rutter, 1997, 44. And page 50 in the previous chapter. 162 Pseudo-Plutarch, ten orators,, 836. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, De Lysia, 1.2. In pseudo-Plutarch, “it is supposed he was born in the year of Philocles (459 BCE).: And he came to Thurium at the age of 15, thus Thurium was founded in 444BCE. For the discussion on the two dates, see Ehrenberg 1948 and Bugno 2014, sections 1-33. 163 Diod.Sic.xii,11,1-2.

71 marginalization of the Sybarite population and dilution of Sybarite cultural domination. Between 446 and 444 BCE, the Sybaris IV received the Hellenic influx that altered the demographic composition and the corresponding political structure.

According to Diodorus, after sending ten ships to aid Sybaris, “further” they

(Athenians) invited Peloponnesians to share in the colony.164 The phrase δὲ κατὰ τὰς indeed confirms the chronological sequence between ten Athenian ships and the invitation of Peloponnesians. The latter should occur shortly after 446 BCE, and the

Peloponnesians must have come in several batches across the time. Though the central role of Athens is debated, the multiplicity of origins of those who accepted the offer must be undeniable. 165 Noticeably, Diodorus does not explicate Sybaris as a motivation for the later enterprise. The Peloponnesian colonists seemingly did not come with the justification to aid Sybaris. In contrast, the invitation “to take part in” the apoikia, the oracle, and the process of hunting the place together indicate that those new colonists did not arrived directly at Sybaris but sought for a new foundation, demonstrating that these colonists were motivated principally by individual interest and intended on a new endeavor. 166 Their conflict with the existing Sybarite dominance is thus expected.

Moreover, Diodorus uses the term “Thurians” in describing the people of the city,

164 Diod.Sic.xii, 10, 4. 165 For the role of Athens in the enterprise, see Ehrenberg 1948. He emphasizes the Athenian leadership in the foundation. But Rutter seems to hold a different argument,see Rutter 1973. 166 Diod.Sic.xii, 10, 4-6.

72 while he modifies Sybarites with προϋπάρχοντες (“former”) that suggests a transition of power and introduced the new cultural identity of the community.167 The domination of Sybaris in politics, religions, and land allotment, with corresponding dissatisfaction of new colonists, who became “more numerous and more powerful” led to internal stasis which ended in the demolishment of Sybarite power.168 After

444 BCE, the new city experienced a series of reforms including equal land division, new diplomatic policy, the establishment of democratic government, and tribal assignment.169 The new friendship with the Crotoniates is noteworthy, especially concerning the traditional hostility between Croton and Sybaris. Seemingly, through these new internal and external schemes, Thurium claimed itself as a new independent political entity with distinct diplomacy and denied the Sybarite cultural influence deliberately. Meanwhile, the city was divided ethnically into ten tribes, which implicates the diversity of origins of the Thurian population.170 However, it is uncertain to which degree the Thurians recognized their previous ethnicities, and it is necessary not to overestimate the cultural significance of the original ethnicity in the new community. It is true that demographic heterogeneity invokes diverse cultural manifestations, such as dialects and practices. But the coexistence of different identities in a newly established colony with significant distance from their respective

167 Diod.Sic.xii,11,1. 168 Diod.Sic.xii, 11,1-2. 169 Diod.Sic.xii, 11.3-4. 170 Diod.Sic.xii, 3. For the debate of tribal composition and the role of Athens, see Ehrenberg 1948 and Rutter 1973. Ehrenberg tends to highlight the leading and extraordinary role of Athens, which as the only tribe naming after a single city. But Rutter rejects and attempts to overestimate the role of Athens at Thurium.

73 mother-cities may obscure distinctions between various groups, with emphasis on the new cultural cohesion and the autonomy of Thurium. Moreover, according to

Diodorus, the object of invitation is the singular individual who “wishes to take part in/of the colonization (τῷ βουλοµένῳ µετέχειν τῆς ἀποικίας).”171 Therefore, the second enterprise was thus driven by personal advancement of individual adventures representing their own interest instead of the interest of their mother-cities. The aim of personal gain further enhances the link between individual colonists and the new community, Thurium, from where many colonists sought a new life. The economic prosperity and political power that Thurium soon obtained may also help to tie people with various original ethnicities together into one cohesive Thurian identity.172

This perhaps is the context circa 444 BCE, as the new settlers united under

Thurian cultural identity. The new political identity that forms between 446 BCE and

444 BCE threatened the domination of Sybarites, which eventually ended with the expulsion of the latter. This gradual marginalization between 446 BCE and 444 BCE is also reflected in numismatic evidence. Soon, the walking bull with a lowered head had replaced the reverted bull on drachma with a fish in exergue (figure 27).173 There are two directions of examination concerning the emergence of this new type. The

171 Diod.Sic.xii,10,4. 172 However, caution is necessary to balance the diversity of citizens’ original origins, the formation of new cultural cohesion, and the political autonomy of Thurium. Despite distinct previous cultural backgrounds, the citizens of Thurium are regarded as a new cultural entity collectively. Moreover, the multiplicity of mother-states does alter the fact that Thurium was an autonomous political state. Through this brief discussion, I want to suggest that the people coming from the entire Greek world to Thurium where they were able to acquire a new political and cultural identity, while simultaneously the city cohered into a citizen body with distinct backgrounds created its particular cultural fabric. While the multiplicity of origins in the development of Thurium should not be overestimated, it was part of the framework composing the cultural identity of Thurium. 173 The fish in the exergue seems to connect to the local river, see Hands 1984, 119.

74 first possibility is that, since the issue presents the Sybarite legend and continued to be employed at succeeding Sybaris V, this typological change may be conducted by

Sybarites initially, who sought negotiation actively with the PanHellenic influx through the yielding of the numismatic type. The adoption of this new type, together with the abandonment of the recently resumed Sybarite bull nevertheless suggests the instability of Sybarite domination, if not the complete fall of the Sybarite power circa

444 BCE, who lost its established numismatic expression.

Interestingly, after the expulsion of Sybarites, Thurium issued its earliest coin almost identical with that of Sybaris IV except the legend (figure 28). The close link between the early Thurian issue and the late issue of Sybaris IV is visible iconographically and stylistically, in particular as the basic form of Athena-bull was carried on. Kraay even suggests that the issues of Sybaris IV and the first issue of

Thurium may be “successive issues of a single mint.”174 This close link also suggests the second possibility concerning the emergence of the head-lowered bull. As Bugno argues, the new design was a conspicuous reduction of the Sybarite element, which was a sign of the new controller of the city. 175 He seems to suggest that the Thurians had formed as an organized force against Sybaris perhaps before 444 BCE with access

174 Kraay 1958, 26. For the discussion on the link between Sybarite and Thurian issues, see Kraay 1958, 24-9. 175 Bugno 2014, chapter V, sections 56-7. “ ciò indica che lo schema figurativo del toro gradiente a testa bassa, e in esergo il pesce, doveva essere sentito dei nuovi apoikoi già quando era associato alla legenda ΣΥΒΑΡΙ; per Thurii fu infatti necessario cambiare solamente l’etnico. Si può allora pensare, come già K. von Fritz ha suggerito, che il toro a testa bassa, il pesce in esergo e l’etnico di Sibari, stiano ad indicare una fase in cui i nuovi coloni divennero padroni di Sibari e non le cambiarono subito denominazione?”

75 to numismatic design, and the new design was thus motivated by Thurians instead of

Sybarites.176 If this assumption is accepted, regarding the peculiar combination of lowered-head bull and fish as a result of Thurian influence in the mint before the

Sybarite expulsion, it is easier to understand the close connection between the two issues177 Moreover, the first possibility indeed leads to these questions: why Thurium continued adopting a type with Sybarite origin after expelling Sybarites violently, and why they tried to appropriate an existing type instead of creating its own numismatic expression, which must be easy and natural for a new apoikia? This question left open, and it is hard to reach a concrete conclusion. These two possibilities concerning the

“real” introduction of the new numismatic type (the lowered-head bull) indeed are interrelated. The first one highlights the Sybarite negotiation, while the second highlights the Thurian penetration in issuing before 444 BCE. Different emphases eventually lead to the same conclusion: the alteration of the numismatic type corresponds to the change of political structure in the city, which culminated in the expulsion of Sybarites in 444 BCE.

After 444 BCE, Thurium claimed its political autonomy through several reforms

176 This is indeed one of the possibilities, and I have mentioned it briefly in the first chapter, see page 52 in the previous chapter. But there are problems concerning this interpretation, as it denies the connection between the issuing authority and the legend. It cannot explain why Thurians maintained Sybarite legends if they had access to numismatic right, unless we consider issuing authority (Thurii) and the apparent issuing authority (Sybaris) separately. 177 Kraay talks about the close link, but he did not implicate the origin of the lowered-head bull and the possible “real” autonomy behind it (whether it was Sybaris or Thurium).See Kraay 1958, 24-9. Indeed, we should admit the limitation of numismatic evidence, and discussion especially considering the “real autonomy” instead of the one material evidence exhibits usually heavily depends on interpretation of scholars without concrete conclusions. Each possibility has its corresponding problem. For the second possibly, it is hard to explain why the Thurians continued using Sybarite ethnic if they had obtained the numismatic right.

76 and diplomatic policy. Issues of the city immediately flourished with mass production.

Kraay analyzes the alphabetic sequence of the early coins of Thurium. 178 The sequence, moreover, suggests that the city had attempted to organize the numismatic production earlier on, which indeed demonstrates the economic ambition and preludes the extensive spread of Thurian coins.

The general numismatic design that contains the head of Athena and bull remained constant for centuries. The sole presence of the walking bull with lowered head on the reverse was soon interrupted by the emergence of a new type, the butting bull (figure 29). 179 The stylistic distinction between these two is characterized especially through the depiction of forelegs, for the butting gesture displays the bull with its right leg arcing inwards as the bull was pawing the ground. Concerning the motivation of this particular design, early numismatists suggest that the butting gesture corresponds to the name of the city, which is rejected by Ehrenberg because

“the new type first appeared in Sybaris and not in Thurium.”180 I agree with

Ehrenberg that the lowered-head bull originates from Sybaris instead of Thurium, but this argument does not necessarily deny the butting bull as a pun referring to the city.

It is important to acknowledge the iconographic connection and distinction between

178 Kraay 1958, 26-9. 179 This picture is a distater dated to early fourth century, but the depiction of the butting bull on the reverse is almost identical to the butting bull I mentioned here, which appeared on the Thurian issues in the late fifth century. 180 Hands 1984, 85-89; Kraay and Hirmer 1966,119. Ehrenberg 1948, 152, note 15, when he mentions R.Pappritz, 1891. Here Ehrenberg seems to equate the butting bull with the head-lowered bull here, and he rejects the butting gesture as the pun of Thurium because the head-lowered bull originates from Sybaris.

77 these two motifs. After the expulsion of Sybarites in 444 BCE, the Thurian population at first continued employing a Sybarite type, the head-lowered bull, gradually appropriating and transforming the cultural significance of the existing motif. In particular, there is no abrupt numismatic intervention when the political transition occurred in 444 BCE. Rather, Thurium continued employing the Athena-bull without conspicuous interruption and appropriated it accordingly. Although the motifs, which were employed by Sybaris, remained unchanged, they certainly embodied new cultural significance. It is understandable especially considering that the connection between the head-lowered bull and Sybaris is weak, even regardless of the possible

Thurian influence in employing the type in Sybaris IV. In contrast, Thurium never tried to adopt the Sybarite bull in silver issues, which tied firmly with Sybarite culture.181 It seems Thurium adopted the Athena-head-lowered bull type with the intention to appropriate them gradually. Thurium may at first adopt the very type and deliberately plan to transfer the Sybarite element that had not yet been firmly established, to Thurian control, thus symbolically reclaimed the city. The head of

Athena obtains a new cultural implication and stands for the new community as it substitutes the link to the local cult of Sybaris with a PanHellenic appeal. Perhaps it is also the case for the head-lowered bull as well. The Thurians initially adopted and attempted to appropriate the lower-head bull. But the lowered head, perhaps as well as

181 Rutter suggests that Thurium continued employing the Sybarite bull with Thurian legend on the very first bronze issues, see Rutter 1997,66. But he did not list the sources.

78 the notion of pun, later inspires the new design, the butting bull.182 It is also noteworthy that, at least for a short period, the walking bull and the butting bull appeared interchangeably, which suggests a smooth transition from the former and gradual adoption of the latter. Through assimilation, the original Sybarite head-lowered bull is replaced by the new cultural signifier of the butting bull. This parallel indicates a dynamic process of Thurian appropriation of the walking bull and numismatic integration of the butting bull. Nevertheless, either accidentally or not,

Thurium created its characteristic numismatic expression, the butting bull, which corresponds to both its name and expansive policy. It is indeed a more suitable motif for the city growing with prosperity and hegemonial ambitions.

This suitableness of this new type is clearly illuminated by its prevalence and complete substitution of the walking bull with the lowered head in Thurian coinage.

The cultural implication of the butting bull is nevertheless broad. Despite the possible pun of the city, it can symbolize the power of nature, in particular the strength of local rivers.183 This aggressive type may also signify the militaristic power of the city that engaged in rather extensive territorial expansion once being founded. Diodorus mentions that Thurium and Taras fought continuous wars in 444 BCE.184 Moreover,

182 Using the pun of city’s name for numismatic design is a common practice in the Greek world early on. In fact, Hand seems to suggest a gradual development of the butting bull, as the head was further lowered and the leg became more muscular, which was finalized in a standardized aggressive gesture. But he does not contain specific example and corresponding stylistic analysis. Moreover, it would be hard to assert stylistic change in such a short period precisely. Additionally, for a period of time, the walking bull and butting bull were used simultaneously, which further complicates the analysis of the stylistic development from the walking bull to the butting bull. See Hands 1984, 120. 183 Especially concerning the fish in the exergue. 184 Diod.Sic.xii,23. 2.

79 the conflict between these two cities should last for a considerable time, as the agreement was eventually settled by the foundation of Herakleia in 434 BCE.185

Taras was one of the most powerful cities in the region, and it is unlikely such a hegemonial power actively initiated conflict with Thurium, especially considering the territory of the latter is never unoccupied. It is thus possible that Thurium played a more aggressive role. Wonder also suggests that aggressive Thurium threatened

“Croton’s authority as well as its trade via the Tyrrhenian Sea,” which he argues as one reason for Croton to form a new Italic League.186 Interestingly, Thurian land previously belonged to Sybaris, which was potential threaten against Croton and the trade route. But Croton never responded with the formation of such a league.

Furthermore, it reflects that, in contrast to Sybaris, Thurium was a much stronger enemy for Croton, and cannot be defeated easily. Thurium also marched against

Croton and invaded Terina.187 It thus seems that Thurium acquired enough force and aggressive policy to threaten the power balance in the area. As for such an ambitious city, the butting gesture is indeed appropriate. Thurium created a numismatic expression particularly concretizes its political and militaristic activities. Through the correspondence with Thurians’ aggressive expansion, the iconography tied even closer to the city.

The economic power of Thurium is also indicated by the broad circulation of the

185 Diod.Sic.xii, 23,4. 186 Wonder 2012, 129,135, 137. 187 Iambl. VP 264, Polyaenus 2.10.1.

80 coins.188 It is understandable, as economic prosperity was the principal backup for militaristic expansion. Additionally, the economic influence of Thurium is not only perceived through the large output and circulation of coins, but also the iconographic influence upon other cities. We may hypothesize that, for instance, Poseidonia was inspired by the spread of Thurian coin and employed a similar image on the octobol perhaps in the 440s.189 But this issue is short-lived, rarely preserved, and small in denomination, which indicates that this may be an experimental attempt, thus making this assumption less convincing. Besides, it is important to consider the traditional link between Poseidonia and the bull, which had been employed circa 470 BCE, suggesting the possibility of local appropriation, even local creation of this motif.

However, the emergence of the bronze coinage in Poseidonia reveals a more direct influence: Thurium was one of the first cities that issued bronze coins in the second half of the fifth century.190 Rutter notices that the earliest bronze issue of

Thurium bears the Thurian ethnic and the reverted bull on the reverse, which suggests the transitional stage of the city.191 It is thus safe to date the earliest bronze coin of

Thurium shortly after 444 BCE. Despite the iconographic diversity of Thurian bronze

188 Rutter 1997, 44-5. He indicates that “there is no better whiteness of its (Thurian) prosperity in the fifth century and beyond than its rich coinage.” He also summarizes that the “the mint of Thurium as ‘one of the most productive and influential in South Italy.” See Rutter 2012, 132. 189 The date is derived from Rutter 2001, 109, no. 1117. 190 Rutter 1997, 66. For the discussion of the emergence of bronze issues in South Italy, see Rutter 1997, 65-68. He suggests Rhegium and Thurium as the first two cities issuing bronze coins, and the date for Thurian bronze issues may be 440 BCE. Interestingly, both Thurium and Rhegium developed a closed relation with Athens, from where the idea of bronze issues may originate. 191 Rutter 2001,154, no. 1903. He dates this issue 440-435 BCE. It is thus interesting to see that Thurians employed the Sybarite bull in the bronze issues, perhaps with as a experimental attempt to appropriate it initially, or to devaluate Sybarite bull in less precious metal in contrast to the walking/butting bull of silver issues. But this issue must be substituted by the walking/ butting bull very soon.

81 coin in particularly on the reverse in the late period, the butting bull remained consistently in the early stage of the city for about 20 years, which implies a certain degree of stability of production and standardization.192

The bronze coins of Thurium during 430-410BCE usually bear the same form as silver issues.193 Almost simultaneously, bronze coin rapidly spread to other cities, including Poseidonia. Initially circa 420 BCE, Poseidonia issued bronze coins with the same type as silver coins (Poseidon and the ordinary standing bull). Later, the butting bull appeared on the reverse with an octopus (figure 30). 194 The depiction is nevertheless very similar to the Thurian bull, with a raised foreleg and lowered head.

Though it is possible that Poseidonia developed these motifs based its own numismatic tradition, especially regarding its traditional emblem, the bull, and the previous presence of octopus at Poseidonia circa 470s;195 the iconographic similarity, the combination of the butting bull and marine creatures (fish and octopus), and the sole domination of the butting bull on Poseidonian bronze issues nevertheless suggest a strong influence of Thurian bronze issues.196 This influence may not necessarily be direct, but it is highly possible that the Thurian type provides a model for the

Poseidonian type.

192 For the variations perhaps after the 410s, see Rutter 2001, no. 1905-1912. But nevertheless, the butting bull was prevalent. 193 With the head of Athena on the obverse, and the walking, later butting bull with a fish in exergue in the reverse. 194 Rutter 2001, no. 1153-4. 195 Rutter 2001, no. 1111. 196 As the iconography of Thurian bronze and silver issues is the same, it is also possible that Posedoniate bronze issue was influenced by Thurian silver issue. But it is likely that Poseidonian bronze issue was incited by Thurian bronze issue, I tend to specify the influence of Thurian bronze issues here.

82 It would also be an interesting question to ask why cities such as Thurium adopted bronze coinages in the fifth century. Rutter argues that the motivation of issuing bronze coins may be initiated by a certain individual, Dionysius Chalkous.197

Bronze issues also suit particularly well with the southern Italian context, due to the lack of silver in this area. Furthermore, bronze may be supplementary alongside silver issues, especially in large denominations, as public payment when the silver source was exhausted.198 In particular, the iconographies of silver and bronze issues are often closely linked, if not parallel, which perhaps indicated that the bronze issues function as substitutes for the silver issues according to Rutter. 199

However, the Thurian numismatic influence was not reflected only through the spread of the butting bull, but also through the head of Athena on the obverse. For instance, Velia, the city located in the Tyrrhenian coast, introduced coins with the head of Athena wearing Attic helmet around 440 BCE, which was decorated later with a wreath (figure 31). This iconography and style resemble closely to Thurian coinages, suggesting a considerable extend of Thurian numismatic influence westwards.200 Additionally, Thurian influence is also visible in Campanian cities. For instance, at Neapolis, the center of Neapolis with long-established numismatic tradition, new variation appeared in the late fifth century. The city issued coins with

197 Rutter 1997, 66. But he also warns us to avoid oversimplification. 198 This is indeed the case for mercenary payment, which I will discuss below. 199 Rutter 1997, 71. 200 Rutter 1997, 60.

83 the head of Athena on the obverse and the butting man-faced bull on the reverse around 410 BCE (figure 32). Both iconographies resembles closely to Thurian types.

Rutter suggests that the head of Athena “was now clearly modeled on similar heads of coins of Thurii.”201 Additionally, the reverse of this issue displays a man-faced bull, which was the tradition emblem of Neapolis, of which the foreleg links closely to

Thurian butting bull, as it is arcing inwards. This may also indicate the Thurian influence was partly adopted at Neapolis. Besides the Campani, the Hyrians, and the

Nolans adopted the head of Athena with Attic helmet, which stylistically associates with Thurian Athena, in the early fourth century. It certainly indicates the extensiveness of Thurian numismatic influence.

Moreover, the second half of the fifth century is a time full of internal and external conflicts, especially when the west was involved directly in the

Peloponnesian War after 415 BCE. Simultaneously, Thurium developed a new denomination, the silver distater perhaps in the 410s with the characteristic Thurian design. This denomination then became common for Thurium thereafter but was found rarely elsewhere. The issue in such a large denomination in precious metal is not created for daily transactions. Especially concerning the historical context that it was issued during a time when frequent militaristic conflicts occurred, it encourages us to consider mercenaries as one of the important impulses of this innovation, being

201 Rutter 1997, 73.

84 the main receivers of this valuable coin. Additionally, the cultural integration, as well as the northern Peloponnesian origin of many Thurians, may have made the city an attractive destination for mercenaries who sought a temporary or permanent stay in the west after their service, since north Peloponnese was traditionally the main source of Greek mercenaries, especially since the Peloponnesian War. Though there are many cities sharing the North Peloponnesian origin, Thurium uniquely displays a cultural cohesion composing of various Peloponnesian cities from the beginning, tagging those with the different native identities with a collective cultural label.

Seemingly, it was at Thurium that the coexistence of citizens and mercenaries with multiple backgrounds became relatively smooth, and the city may be a rather welcome place for mercenaries.202 Moreover, the fact that the distater was almost solely issued by Thurium does not necessarily mean that it was circulated among citizens or mercenary with Thurian background alone. Rather, such valuable coins were widely accepted and likely travel with the migration of people. Furthermore, as I mention above, the Thurian influence is highly visible in Campanian areas, which is the center for mercenary recruitment in the late fifth and early fourth century. It is thus not surprising perceive that mercenaries in this area would be familiar with the Thurian iconographies and brought Thurian influence elsewhere.

Nevertheless, Thurian coins and the butting bull traveled beyond southern Italy.

202 The connection between the butting bull and the mercenary will be detailed in the next chapter, when the motif spread to Sicily, initially in Katane.

85 In Sicily, again we recognize the influence of Thurian issues and iconography decades later, perhaps being brought by mercenaries initially. It was also in Sicily that the butting bull obtained a different cultural significance, as a mark of a peculiar profession instead of a political entity.

86 Chapter 3: The Coinage of Sicilian Cities

Sicily experienced huge political, military, and demographic changes in the late fifth century BCE, while at the same time the island saw the introduction of a number of new mints and numismatic types. For this chapter, I would like to focus on the butting bull in Sicilian coinages, both developing locally and introduced by external population groups, especially mercenaries, from the late fifth century to the middle of the fourth century, and discuss its distribution and stylistic variations. This chapter will explore the stylistic relationship between the Sicilian butting bull and the Thurian bull, and examine to what degree, this numismatic type may reflect a new political context, namely, the mercenary settlement, which became a common phenomenon on the island from the end of the fifth century. In which case(s), we may see the butting bull as the specific synonym of the mercenary/ex-mercenary group?203 How this butting bull-mercenary connection emerged and spread? I want to suggest the possible changes in the cultural implication of the butting bull, which originates from Thurium but developed beyond the single city on the island. I will trace the general development pattern of this motif on the island and provide some possible perspectives to understand its various significances in corresponding contexts.

Before beginning the discussion about the butting bull, I want to spend a short paragraph on the “mercenary settlement” and the “mercenary coinage.” The

203 It does not mean that the butting bull is a direct indication of a mercenary settlement or mercenary presence.

87 mercenary concept by itself merits discussion and leads to many unsolved questions, including the various nature and political status of the settlement, the evidence from them, and demographic composition.204 Though rare, there are cases containing rich information about interrelation between the arrival of new population, the appearance of new monetary type, and the establishment of the mercenary settlement. For example, Entella is a mercenary settlement confirmed by solid literary and numismatic evidence.205 Though this city issued civic coins in the last quarter of the fifth century, its numismatic character changed when mercenaries occupied the site.206

These new coins differ from the earlier coins concerning the addition of the new weight standard and numismatic types, which suggests a clear break from the previous community.207 The interrelationship between new coinages and the mercenary group is perceived not only through chronological alignment but also through visual expressions. The dual legend in some issues is particularly interesting. In most early

Campanian issues of Entella, it is “Campania” often in the genitive plural while

“Entella” in the nominative case, which can be interpreted as “Entella of Campanians,”

The coinage, in this way, labels Entella under a new domination. Apart from the

204 For the different categories of mercenary settlements, see Pope 2020. For the general discussion on mercenary issues, see Puglisi 2018, 143-172. For the evidence, in many cases, the literature source and the archaeological evidence does not correspond to each other. 205 For the discussion concerning Entella, see Hoover 2012, 70-84; Frey-Kupper 2017. Here I do not expand the question concerning the chronology of the foundation of Entella as a mercenary settlement and the dating of the issues, but I agree with Frey-Kupper who dates the terminus post quem to 401/0 BCE based on the study of undertypes, See Frey-Kupper 2017, 28-35. For the literature evidence concerning the establishment of Entella, see Diod.Sic. xiv.9.2-3, xiv.9.8-9. For this essay I generalize the “Campanian” as people from Southern Italy. Also see Diodorus Siculus xiv.9.2-3;14.9.8-9. 206 I agree with a dating to 401/0 BCE for the new mercenary coins. 207 The earlier coins used the local standard, the Litra, while it seems that the “Campanian silver” adopted both the Attic weight standard as well as the Litra.

88 legend, these new issues carry types such as the Campanian helmet, which contributes to both martial characteristics and the Campanian origin.208 Legends and types of coinages thus clarify the militaristic elements and the Campanian cultural identity of the new settlers. These issues also function as a political claim of the community, indicating that Campanian mercenaries had replaced the previous inhabitants of

Entella as the monetary authority. These issues bearing Campania ethnic also indicate that the Campanians had developed a cultural identity based on the same ethnic origins. Interestingly, this ethnic origin, as it does not correspond to a single polis, is a regional identity. Seemingly, the mercenaries identified themselves and united as a coherent social group via the common regional origin and shared militaristic profession. Moreover, the Campanian issues did not adopt the type of the earlier issues of Entella, which suggests a deliberate desertion and the corresponding

Campanian domination in the numismatic expression of the re-founded community.

Furthermore, it seems that the Campanians had already acknowledged the importance of coinages, and were ready to create their own issues in order to reinforce their claims of Entella as soon as they possessed the community.209 Noticeably, those

Campanians, even though had partly settled, did not deny their militaristic origin as mercenaries, but continued adopting the Campanian helmet and galloping horse. As a

208 For dual legend, see Pope 2009, 131-7. 209 There indeed is debate concerning the issues prior to “the mercenary issues”, and Hoover, for example, attributes a series of Siculo-Punic coins dated to 410-390 BCE. Also see Lee 2000, pp. 1-66. But I rest on the view that a real political entity came into being after 401/0 BCE.

89 result, these types originating from the militaristic nature obtained an extensive political significance, functioning as the emblem of a formal political entity.

Entella may set a model for a “mercenary settlement” as well as for the coins issued by such a community. This city is a case indicating that mercenaries claimed a new political and cultural identity based on the common profession and militaristic background, which is expressed by numismatic types and legends. In the following discussion, we may see distinctions in numismatic designs by comparing Entella and other “mercenary settlements,” which lead to the consideration of the cause and significance of those differences. It is also noteworthy that the condition of being a

“mercenary settlement” is not permanent. Over time, the militaristic character in settlements would be diluted through secularization and civilization. The mercenary settlement is thus always in a process of transformation to a more proper and more complicated “state.”210 It is interesting to see how this dilution and cultural transition of the cities from mercenary settlement to post-mercenary settlement are reflected in coinages. Meanwhile, we should recognize the limitation of evidence concerning the identification of a mercenary settlement. In most cases, scholars use mainly numismatic evidence, in particular the militaristic iconography, to identify a mercenary settlement in light of scanty historic and archeological evidence. It is

210 Especially concerning the complicated the population, the brevity of mercenaries’ career, and the transformation of the active soldiers to farmers. I personally believe “secularization” as an inevitable end for a mercenary settlement according to natural course, without external interruptions. It does not mean a total absence of martial characteristics though.

90 therefore important to be mindful of the attribution of mercenary settlement and the trap of the cyclical argument that the butting bull must be associated with mercenaries.

In fact, the first butting bull appearing in Sicily is completely local development and contains no association with mercenaries. The butting bull first appeared on coinage in Sicily at Gela around 420-405 BCE (figure 33). Here it can be understood as a variation of the characteristic Geloan man-faced bull, which is traditionally associated with the local river and remained consistent across the century.211 This consistency, however, does not limit innovation including the butting bull. This appearance demonstrates the complexity concerning the interpretation of the type, as the appearance of the butting bull per se does not imply the presence of mercenaries.

In the case of Gela, both archeological and historical records show no indication of contemporary mercenary occupation of this city. There were neither radical political changes nor dramatic demographic alteration that create the occasion for the mercenary influx. Meanwhile, this Geloan butting bull is dated together with the other two types of the bull in the city circa 415 BCE, the man-faced bull (figure 34) and the standing bull (figure 35).212 All three bulls are similar in style, considering the treatment of the folding on the shoulder, smooth belly, and the placement of the legs.

In all three forms, the static rendering alleviates the dynamic gesture. These

211 For the details concerning the coins of Gela, see Hoover 2012, 95-108, and Jenkins 1970, group I. 212 For the advancing bull, see Jenkins 1970, 511and Hoover 378-381.

91 specimens also bear the same legend, referring to the local river Gela. It is thus reasonable to believe these three as parallel issues, and different representations perhaps indicate different seasonal conditions of this very river. Furthermore, the coexistence of the river god/butting bull and the standing bull/river god may suggest that the Geloans actively tried to seek new representations of the river Gela, by separating the previous embodiment, the man-faced bull, from newer iconographic development. The Geloan butting bull thus is an altered version of the traditional monetary type. The new form demonstrates a continuation of the traditional pattern, as the personification of the natural landscape. As the Geloan issues show, the very iconography does not directly link to the presence of new political initiative and a new identity per se, but context is necessary for the examination.

3.1 Coinage of Katane, Kephaloidion and Piakos

The first Sicilian butting bull presumably used by a mercenary group appeared at

Katane around the end of the fifth century. The city has a relatively long minting tradition, in contrast to Entella, whose coinage was issued in a large scale after the mercenary occupation. Katane produced issues with a charging man-faced bull in the middle of the fifth century, of which the gesture indicates the power of local rivers.213

Later in the century, around 440 BCE, Katane issued coins under heavy influence of

213 For the inspiration from Gela, see N.J. Molinari and N. Sisci, 2016, 75.

92 contemporary coinages of Syracuse and Leontinoi.214 The butting bull appeared at the end of the century in hemidrachs, being respectively accompanied by the head of

Silenos, or the female head on the reverse with ethnic of Katane (figure 36). Unlike the Geloan butting bull, whose style of which can be traced through the traditional pattern, the Katane butting bull signifies a new departure, deviating from both the

Katane tradition and the Syracusan influence.215 More importantly, the Katane bull seems to be inspired directly from the contemporary butting bull of Thurium (figure

37) regarding the stylistic and iconographic similarities.216 Both bulls display the similar dramatic arrangement of the lowering head, a projecting horn, the parallel folds around the neck, the chiastic arrangement of the legs, with one stretching forwards and one bending back, the smooth and slightly depressed flank, and the circling tails in some specimens. These close resemblances suggest a deliberate adoption of the southern Italian style, either by conscious imitation or employment of artists from the Thurian cycle, if not the same engraver.217 The abrupt appearance, the obvious southern Italian inspiration, together with the contemporary historical events at the end of the fifth century strongly indicate that the Katane butting bull is an ethnical expression employed deliberately by the new settlers, mercenaries under

214 For the Syracusan influence, see Hoover 2012, 159-163 and Rutter 1997.151-3. 215 It is important to notice that, though both Katane and Geloan types are “butting bull,” their styles vary dramatically. 216 Pope 2009, 131-137. 217 The selection of the butting bull represents a deliberate adoption of Southern Italian cultural motif. It does not directly indicate those mercenaries are from Thurium alone. The Thurian origin butting bull should be appealing beyond this specific city, to a general southern Italian circle, especially for the mercenaries now settled in a foreign land.

93 Dionysius I. According to Diodorus, Katane was granted to the Campanians “as their dwelling-place” in 403 BCE and was occupied until mercenaries moved to Aetna in

396 BCE.218 The Campanians must be familiar with the Thurian butting bull, which spread in Campania areas at the end of the fifth century.219 Concerning the substantial quantity and extensiveness of contemporary Thurian coinages, it is likely that

Campanian mercenaries received Thurian coins for their payments. The interrelation between Thurian coinages and mercenary is further confirmed as Thurium began to issue a distater circa 420 BCE, whose large value seemed to be designed specifically for mercenary. The Campanian mercenaries at Katane adopted the butting bull that originates from Thurian coinages, which they received as militaristic payment, perhaps due to the recognizable link between this iconography and economic benefits. 220 Seemingly, the community appropriated the abstract notion of the iconography that originates from larger Thurian denomination and tied the bull with a new political entity synonymous with new settlers of the same militaristic background.

Once the mercenaries adopted the butting bull as their official numismatic expression in a new community, the butting bull obtained new cultural and political significance as the emblem of the mercenary groups, which in turn consolidated the butting bull-mercenary link and prompted its spread in Sicily in the following century.

218 Diod.Sic.xiv.15.3.and xiv.58.2. 219 For the spread of Thurian coins in south Italy, especially in Campania, see the previous chapter. 220 The real initiation of this adoption is hardly known, Though it is possible that Campanians selected Thurian bull to indicate their origin of southern Italy, this argument cannot explain why they chose this specific form in contrast to other southern Italian motifs.

94 The butting bull does not only emphasize the Italian origin and cultural ethnicity for the settlers but also echoes the traditional mercenary values: martial strength and physical power. The bull is a valuable animal constantly associating with agriculture.

But in the militaristic context, by rendering its muscle in a special dramatic and dynamic way, and by displaying the very moment of charging and attacking, the bull is turned into an animal whose strength is about to crush the facing enemies.221 It is thus an appropriate motif for the Campanian mercenaries.

Furthermore, though appearing abruptly, the butting bull can still be incorporated into the local tradition of the bull-river connection. Examining the nearly contemporary coins of Katane, there are silver drachms with facing Silenus/head of

Amenanos (figure 38) and with Silenus/butting bull (figure 39), whose interpretations may vary according to viewers. On the one hand, the butting bull replaces the traditional youth head of Amenanos, suggesting a new initiative. While on the other hand, maintaining the same obverse type (the head of Silenus), these two coins can be grouped together and the reverse types may be assimilated. As a result, the reference to the river remains through the butting bull, which provides continuity with the earlier fluvial personification. The butting bull thus is appealing to both the native

Katanian and the new Campanian settlers: the bull can be incorporated into the local tradition, while this particular butting gesture recalls the martial characteristics of

221 For the aggressive bull and Thurian policy, see previous chapter, page 11-12.

95 mercenaries.222

Although the stylistic similarity with the Thurian issues is clear, the coin itself does not bear “Campanians” explicitly in monetary legend, as in the case of Entella.

Rather, the issuing authority remains with the traditional Katanian ethnic. This distinction, however, may be a result of the unusual occupation of Entella, whose native inhabitants seem to be almost annihilated.223 In contrast, Katane displays a different picture due to the existence, even resistance, of civic identity. Although according to Diodorus, Dionysius sold off a portion of the Katanians to slavery before turning over the city to the Campanians, the presence of Katanian legend in genitive plural nevertheless suggests a numismatic preservation of the original civic identity, which may imply the coexistence of the Katanians and the Campanians in the community.224 It perhaps also suggests that the Campanian mercenaries redefined themselves as Katanians. Considering the question of who is the real monetary authority of this butting bull, and by whom the coins circulated, I believed it is safe to exclude the tyrant Dionysius himself, but autonomy to issue – and select types – must have been dominated by the mercenary group under possible Katanian influence.225

Meanwhile, the general political framework of Katane remained almost unchanged

222 This may be a reason for this particular adoption. 223 Though there is always debate concerning the degree of “a complete annihilation” in literature evidence. Moreover, the nature of settlement is different for Entella and Katane, see Pope 2020. 224 Diod. Sic. xiv.15.3. 225 Dionysius I took tyranny in 405 BCE, and dealt with the marching Carthaginians under Hemilco. The conflict was temporally settled by the treaty of 405 BCE. Then Syracuse revolted in 404 BCE. Moreover, although the issuing authority was held by the mercenary group, it does necessarily implies a absence of the Katanian influence.

96 during the mercenary occupation to 396 BCE. The internal affairs developed in a relatively smooth course with limited involvement of the tyrant. The style of the butting bull is associated too closely with the Thurian type to ignore a mercenary involvement in the type selection. The issues were also produced on a small scale in a short period, which may evince a nonpermanent issuing authority. Combining these observations, the adoption of the Thurian type tends to be for a short-lived output by the mercenary community itself, though it is uncertain whether it is a private decision of a specific mercenary leader or the result of the collective voice. Thus the inclusion of the innovative Campanian butting bull and the retention of Katane legend tends to be a negotiation between the civic identity of Katane and the mercenaries within the city. It is a result of concession and assimilation of both sides.

However, there is an issue that deserves further discussion. A hemidrach dated to this time is apparently a joint issue of Leontinoi and Katane, bearing Apollo and abbreviated legend of Leontinoi on the obverse and the butting bull and Katane ethnic in genitive plural on the reverse with fish in exergue (figure 40). Hoover dates this issue circa 404/3 BCE. He thus tends to date it before the mercenary occupation in

403 BCE, which is somewhat confirmed by the presence of Leontinoi on the obverse.

Leontinoi recovered its autonomy in 405 BCE but was conquered again by Syracuse in 403 BCE, which resulted in the compelled migration and abandonment of the city.

The presence of Leontinoi ethnic thus prevents to attribute this issue after 403 BCE.

97 According to Hoover, this coin thus should belong to the short period before

Syracusan conquest of Leontinoi and the mercenary occupation of Katane. But this hypothesis that the coin was issued as the joint issue of Leontinoi and Katane seems to deny the mercenary link that the Thurian bull indicates. However, as the abandonment in literary source may not reflect the historical fact, and especially considering that

Leontinoi was granted as the payment for mercenaries in 396 BCE, it is possible that a mercenary influence had already existed in the city, if not a direct mercenary presence.

This hybrid coins thus can also be interpreted as a joint issues of mercenary groups in two cities. The interpretation indeed remains open.

Seemingly, from Katane, the connection between the butting bull and the mercenary group started to emerge. However, considering the possible residual

Katanian influence of the bull type and the short-lived political entity at Katane, this connection had not been firmly established yet. It is at Kephaloidion that we see a more solidified link between this numismatic type and a mercenary community.

Kephaloidion is an identified mercenary settlement based on literature sources: according to Diodorus, Dionysius I took the city in 401/0 BCE.226 Though Diodorus does not specify the settling of mercenary, it is highly possible, as settling loyal mercenaries, instead of leaving it to the pro-Carthage Sikels, would secure

Dionysius’s control of the territory. Unlike Katane but similar to Entella, the original

226 Kephaloidion’s mercenary settlement is attested by both literature and numismatic evidence. Diod.Sic, xiv.78.7. ‘He (Dionysius I) also gained by treachery Cephaloedium….”

98 Sikel city had no trace of mint prior to the arrival of mercenaries.227 Again, like

Entella, the lack of a solid local identity may be a precondition for the emphatic publication of the issuing authority on monetary. The coins (figure 41), beginning at the early fourth century, carried the explicit Italian ethnicity with the legend, EK

KEΦAΛOIΔI (OY) HΡAKΛEIΩTΩN. Here the dual legend is interesting. The preposition EK intensifies Kephaloidion as the topographical reference instead of the issuing ethnicity. Rather, the cultural identity of the issuer is expressed by the customary genitive plural HΡAKΛEIΩTΩN. Heracles’s profile on the obverse also merits discussion. Despite the wide influence of the hero, it seems less likely that the

Sikel origin city would select Heracles as its type. Instead, it is should be a pun of the original city from where the mercenaries came, being brought deliberately to the new site. In this way, a Heraclean cultural identity is intensified by both the legend on the reverse and the motif on the obverse. Heracles refers both to the mother-city of the settlers and to the Greek hero, through which the new settlers made Greek political and cultural claim of the community. Heracles also recalls the military excellence, which is suitable for the mercenary nature of the settlement. Unlike the issues of

Katane, which the Katanian ethnic obscures the Italian origin the butting bull displays, at Kephaloidion, there is no indication of potential local influence, but the southern

Italian origins and militaristic background of this new political entity are detected

227 Hoover 2012, 179-180.

99 clearly through both ethnics and iconographies on both sides. There is debate concerning which Heracleia the Kephaloidion mercenaries originally come from, in my opinion, Lucanian Heraclea may be a more appropriate selection, considering the link between south Italy and the mercenaries.228 It is also not surprising that the style of the butting bull again exhibits Thurian influence in the renderings of legs, shoulder, and tail. On the one hand, the stylistic similarities can be explained by the Lucania origin of Kephaloidion, given the geographical proximity between Thurium and

Heracleia, the close political relationship between these two cities, and the spread of the Thurian numismatic types.229

On the other hand, it may suggest that this particular stylistic butting bull had gradually become a preferable motif for the mercenary group for asserting their cultural and political identity. In particular, the new settlers, if Heracleia Lucania is their metropolis, abandoned the wresting Heracles type in favor of the butting bull as the typology of Kephaloidion.230 Though it is unlikely that the butting bull has became a recognized “standard” numismatic language for the mercenary group at large in such a short period, at least in some degrees and in some cases, such as

Kephaloidion, within the general Sicilian framework, a mercenary community has

228 Hoover 2012,179. Hoover tends to argue that Herakleia Minoa is the source of the settlers of Kephaloidion due to the Dorian characteristics. I personally prefer Lucania Herakleia instead, see Pope, 2009, 134.Meanwhile, it seems that Herakleia Minoa was repopulated by the Kephaloiditans later in the second half of the fourth century, through whom the city Minoa gained the title Herakleia. 229 Heraclea is a colony founded jointed by Taras and Thurium. 230 Assuming the origin of the Kephaloidion settlers is Herakleia Lucania, the mother city has developed Athena/Hercules wrestling the Nimean lion in the middle of fifth century, SNG ANS 26ff.

100 been conscious of the potential militaristic character of the butting bull and may display tendency or preference of this particular image as its cultural embodiment.

Moreover, at Kephaloidion, this motif certainly bound more closely with the new mercenary community than at Katane. In particular, unlike Katane, Kephaloidion lacks previous numismatic history. As a result, the butting bull was not appropriated locally and cannot be integrated into the local community as at Katane, but it must be brought by the mercenaries intentionally. The deliberation is more conspicuous at

Kephaloidion, which suggests the consciousness of a more established link between this motif, the mercenaries, and their communities. Additionally, it is noteworthy that

Kephaloidion some specimens lack the fish in exergue that we see constantly at

Thurian and Katanian issues. It seems that the butting bull had gradually disassociated from the standardized Thurian design. If at Katane the butting bull displays a direct

Thurian inspiration under the previous Katanian shadow, at Kephaloidion this motif had departed and evolved further, with a more self-sustaining significance. But at the same time, caution is necessary since the issue of Kephaloidion seems to be limited in scale and time span. The size of Kephaloidion perhaps is not large. It is possible that

Kephaloidion is an exemption instead of an epitome of a general trend based on its heavy militaristic nature and restricted development later.231

Another Thurian butting bull is found in the issues of Piakos. However, the

231 The scale of the mint of Kephaloidion may suggest the city/site has limited expansion and development in the fourth century.

101 identification of this site and the interpretation of the numismatic legends lead to debate.232 Iconographically and stylistically, issue of Piakos resembles closely to

Katanian issue that bears female head on the obverse and the butting bull on the reverse (figure 36). If we can identify Piakos in the vicinity of Mount Etna, perhaps near Adranos, it is possible that this site was under a strong mercenary influence circa

400 BCE when Dionysius I founded Adranos in order to fortify Syracusan power.

Additionally, the fact that the butting bull appeared almost at the same time at Katane,

Kephaloidion, and Piakos, with distinct legends, nevertheless indicates the broad distribution of this iconography, suggesting that it was not an emblem of a single polis or site, but a particular population group, the mercenaries.

3.2 Coinage of Tauromenion

Tauromenion is another interesting case concerning the change of the mercenary settlement and its issues. This is a city of Sikel origin, which Dionysius I possessed and settled with “the most suitable member of his own mercenary troops” after 392

BCE.233 Starting from 392 BCE, the city experienced a series of political changes with corresponding coins. Hoover attributes a series of “mercenary issues” to this initial mercenary settlement. 234 This series contains a coin of the butting

232 Pope 2009,134-6. 233 Diodorus Siculus, xiv.96.4. Also 14.59.1-2. Diodorus mentions the Sikels settled in Taurus “with no leader.” It is interesting to consider the political organization in the Sikel community. 234 Hoover 2012, 417.

102 bull/sixteen-rays star (figure 42).235 The design of the head, legs, and tail of the bull again recalls those found elsewhere in Sicily. The appearance of the butting bull among other martial motifs such as the Phrygian helmet, the galloping horse and wreath in parallel issues indicates that, the butting bull in such rendering per se has symbolized a potential mercenary link.236 The connection between mercenaries and this butting bull thus had been established at this point, if not codified, at least for a certain group of viewers in this city. But concerning the relatively small scale of the mint, less regulated type of this “mercenary series,” and the lack of any ethnic legend, this mercenary group settled at Tauromenion perhaps had not yet existed as a formal political entity. Rather, practical militaristic nature was predominated, and those mercenaries perhaps still obtained an active military role, especially concerning the strategic location of the city. The previous alliance between Carthage and

Tauromenion also demanded a military presence that seemed to prevent Tauromenion for further political institutionalization. The butting bull in this way, though echoed the martial character and represented the particular social group of mercenary in the community, has not yet became an emblem to a fully established political foundation like Katane and Kaphaloidion.

I would like to spend a small paragraph concerning the interesting ΝΕΟΓ(Π)ΟΛΙ

235 Hoover 2012, 417, no. 1606. But Rutter also identifies it as ”the Campani,” suggested by the altered T. Rutter seems to take this monogram as a mark for the Campanian issues in general instead of an abbreviation of Tauromenion. See Rutter 1997, 170. Hoover also mentions the monogram, based on which he identifies these issues as parallel issues and attributes them to the mercenaries, see Hoover 2012,410. 236 These issues are parallel issues due to the sharing monogram, see Hoover 2012,410.

103 coin (figure 43), despite its lack of the butting bull, through which we may see how flexible the “mercenary settlement” can be. The death of Dionysius I and the succession of Dionysius II mark a shift for the history of the island in the first half of the 4th century. Dated to this period, this silver dilitron bears the head of youthful

Apollo with laureate wreath on the obverse, and a squatting Silenos on the reverse, surviving in two specimens.237 The chronology deserves discussions, concerning to which population group, and to which site this type should belong.238 Though some notice the distinction of this coin from Naxian numismatic types, Hoover suggests a strong Naxian influence of the coin, as he argues that “the Apollo and Silenos dilitron types clearly imitate those employed at Naxos on the eve of that city’s destruction…”239 Concerning the date, Hoover only gives two possibilities, indicating that it was either produced at 392 BCE with the establishment of the mercenary settlement, or 358 BCE when the Naxians came. However, as I argue above, the initial mercenary settlers might have not yet constituted as an established political body. It may suggest that those settlers lacked a formal issuing authority. Dionysius I, who then fight against Rhegium, may also prevent an autonomous monetary right of the

237 Hoover 2012, 410. Hoover describes the Silenos as “Ithypallic,…squatting facing, drinking from kantharos and holding thyrsos. Herm to r.” But Arena describes it the Silenos as “non regge nella mano destra alzata il kantharos come nei didrammi e tetradrammi di Naoxs, ma stringe fra il police e l’indice una foglia d’ulivo in un esemplare e un oggetto di non Chiara identificanzione nell’ altro.” See Arena 2015,307. Arena tends to suggest the distinction of the Tauromenion coin from the Naxians types. Despite the debates concerning to which city this coin should belong, here the discussion bases on the idea that this coin is attributed to Tauromenion. 238 This type contains only two specimens. There is debate about whether this coin belongs to Taoromenion, Naxos or an unknown city. 239 Hoover 2012,409. For the distinctive iconography from Naxian coins, see note 4, the argument of Rizzo, from Arena 2015, 307. But I argue for a strong Naxian influence instead.

104 community.240 Despite the fact that Naxian influence is never absent from this area, the Apollo/Silenos type seems too abrupt to a still active mercenary group, comparing to other martial types from contemporary issues.241 The ΝΕΟΓ(Π)ΟΛΙ coin thus less likely belonged to the initial mercenary group being placed by Dionysius in 392 BCE.

But it is also unlikely that this issue belonged to the community after the arrival of

Naxians in 358 BCE, which issued coinages bearing Apollo Archegates on the obverse constantly. Arena provides the third persuasive argument, dating this coin soon after the death of Dionysius I in 367 BCE, when the city experienced a transition from a mercenary settlement to a polis under strong local influence.242 This may explain the unusual combination of the Naxians element and the southern Italian ethnic. Arena suggests an existing Tauromenion community prior to 385 BCE based on the record from the sanctuary of Apollo on Delos during 366-364 BCE.243 The inscription Ταυροµενῖται οἱ aπὸ Σικελίας certainly demonstrates an instituted political entity and a citizen body of the Tauromenion community.244 The cultural identity of

“being a Tauromenion” thus had existed prior to the coming of the Naxians.

Presumably, the death of Dionysius and the new policy under the succeeding

Dionysius II have incited the emergence of a new political status of Tauromenion.

240 For the lack of the monetary right, see Arena 2015, 308-9. 241 This is mentioned by Hoover, based on which Hoover rejected the attribution of this coin to the mercenary group, see Hoover 2012,409. 242 Arena 2015, 308-9. He specifies the date under descendant, the second generation of the mercenary settlers at the beginning of the reign of Dionysius II. 243 Arena 2015, 308. 244 Arena 2015, 308, note 7. The inscription is I Delos 103,1.60;104,1,117.

105 Although Arena seems to prefer a “new polis” was reestablished in situ of the old

Naxos, it is possible to take ΝΕΟΓ(Π)ΟΛΙ as a new stage of Tauromenion rather than a new city.245 The death of Dionysius I provides the occasion for Tauromenion to be transitioned from a fortress to a more proper settlement, if not a polis.246 In this way, the ΝΕΟΓ(Π)ΟΛΙ issue was produced in Tauromenion by the descendants of the initial settlers, the Campanian/Neapolean mercenaries. It thus is not a purely

“mercenary issue” but an issue falls in between the mercenary settlement phase and the civic phase of Tauromenion. This coin, interestingly, indicates how flexible and temporary a “mercenary settlement” can be. It is not a stable condition. For a mercenary settlement, with the removal of military threaten, the consistent alteration of generations and increasing diversity of the population, is always in a dynamic process of “state formation,” within which the marital character becomes diluted.

When the ex-mercenaries and mercenary descendants gradually obtain formal citizenship, the cultural implication of the butting bull is transformed and incorporated correspondingly.

The coming of the Naxians in 358 BCE marks a new phase of the city, concerning the maturation of the political identity and the monetary output. For the first time, the

245 For the argument of Arena concerning a “new city” of this issues, see Arena 2015, 309-310. But I would like to attribute this issue to Tauromenion, whose political status changes with the death of Dionysius I, instead of a new city in situ. 246 Arena also mentions the change of the monetary status of Tauromenion at the succession of Dionysius II, he lists the concession of particle monetary autonomy of other satellite centers of Syracuse, and “ la possibilità che l’insediamento mercenariale abbia assunto uno status poleico solo grazie alla con ciliante politica di Dionisio II appare più che concreta.” Arena 2015, 310.

106 ethnic appears on the coins. Though the mercenary characteristic is already lessened after the death of Dionysius I, the coming of the new population finalizes the process of “becoming a fully Greek state.” 247 The ethnic is significant. Although the dedication for Delian Apollo indicates the existence of the cultural identity at

Tauromenion as early as in the 360s BCE, and the general concession of the satellite mints, according to Arena, demonstrates the “capacity” of the new mint.248 Neither directly evinces a formal political institution.249 This vacuum is filled by the legend, which is a clear mark of the monetary authority, formally implies an autonomous political entity for the neighboring communities. The issue thus functions as propaganda through which the city claimed its cultural identity and new political status.250 The community actively exploited the types and appropriated them in the context. For example, Apollo Archegetes was issued as a major type. He is the most important deity in Naxos, but is also an embodiment of the new foundation as “Apollo the founder.” The new government thus combines the retrospection of the homeland and the expectation concerning the fresh start through the very motif.

247 Hoover 2012, 407. 248 Arena 2015, 309. He argues that “la capacità di monetare della Neapolis trova riscontro nella concessione di parziali autonomie monetarie per i centri satellite di Siracusa come Tyndaris, Lipara e Leontinoi, la cui monetazione di IV sec. è genericamente assegnata proprio all’epoca di Dionisio II.” I do not expand the debate by concerning whether this “new mint” locates in Tauromenion or in the old Naxos. 249 Concerning the Delos dedication, certainly a cultural identity has emerged already, facing the Hellenistic world at large. But it does not directly suggest a political organization, facing the local neighboring states. 250 Thanks for the advice from Dr. George, the word “propaganda” here is somewhat misleading and loosened. Though the real intention of Sybarites is hard to examine and it is uncertain whether Sybarites initially employed the bull deliberately or the propagandistic function is by-product of the potential Sybarite influence, I do want to suggest that Sybarites were conscious of the political role of the numismatic type and they actively exploited the established link between Sybaris and the bull for cultural and political claim at least after the middle of the sixth century.

107 However, the monetary type of Tauromenion does not only address the Naxians, but also the previous inhabitants of the city, the descendants of the mercenaries.

Though there is no literary evidence concerning how these inhabitants reacted to the coming of the Naxians, presumably the political shift is smooth. Perhaps the previous inhabitants were not unwilling to accept the Naxians and to integrate into the civic body.251 Through the butting bull type, the city, being dominated by the Naxians, actively seek the incorporation of the mercenary descendants into its civic body. In

358 BCE, Tauromenion did issues coins with the bull. This selection is understandable in the traditional civic context: there is a local river nearby (modern

Alcantara) and the bull is the pun of the city’s name. It is a bronze litra with the laureate head of Apollo Archegetes, indicated by AΡXAΓETAΣ, and a monogram below (if any) on the obverse; a bull butting left with legend TAUROME-NIT-AN, monogram, and a crescent or a grape bunch on the reverse (figure 44). This litra is contemporary with issues of Apollo Archegetes/advancing man-faced bull (figure 45) and Apollo Archegetes/advancing bull (figure 46). The parallel of three distinct types of bulls, with the same Apollo on the obverse, encourages us to view the butting bull as an alternative form of the other two. The butting gesture, which is a previous synonym of mercenaries’ martial strength, has transferred as a typical personification

251 Though it is uncertain how many Naxians refugees emigrated, it may not have been easy for them to integrate if the previous inhabitants had resisted strongly. The lack of violence in literary record and the later Naxian domination under Andromachos may suggest a non-hostile attitude of the previous inhabitants towards the Naxains.

108 of the natural force of the river. Just as the descendants of mercenaries have been integrated into the community, this motif is subsumed into the new citizen body, being endowed a civic aspect, and re-obtains its established implication as the symbol of water. The injection of the new population, together with the incorporation and harmonization of different groups in a dominated cultural identity, results in the marginalization of the marital peculiarity of the butting bull. The mercenary element of the motif has been replaced by a more civic and traditional implication. Together with other Naxian numismatic motifs alongside, the butting bull symbolizes the new political body in a more civic context.

3.3 The Fourth Century

The butting bull continues being issued through the fourth century. In some cases, a martial connection is still visible. For example, in Kamarina, an issue of female head/butting bull (figure 47) is contemporary with an Athena/galloping horse (figure

48), with a grain ear appears in exergue for both specimens that categorizes these two issues as parallel. In other cases like Agyrion, the peculiarity of mercenaries is mingled and transformed according to the context. The city produced bronze issues with traditional man-faced bull in the middle of the fourth century with the same legend ΠAΛAΓKAIOΣ (figure 49).252 Since this legend always appears alongside the

252 Hoover 2012,15-17. Generally the man-faced bull of Agyrion is dated around 355-338 BCE, thus belongs to the issues under the local tyrant. The man-faced bull varies in different specimens and different denominaitons. Variations includes the forepart of man-faced bull, standing man-faced bull, and charging man-faced bull. But

109 man-faced bull in almost all specimens, it must carry cultural weight in the community and was adopted deliberately with a close tie to the man-faced bull, which traditionally associates with local streams. Similar in the case of GELAΣ,

ΠAΛAΓKAIOΣ may be interpreted as the name of a local river god.253 The major problem concerning this interpretation is the lack of literature evidence, even

Diodorus Siculus, to whom Agyrion is the hometown, does not ever mention a river in this name. But due to the chronological gap between the issue and literature source, it is possible that the name of a local river, perhaps merely a local stream, vanished in time.254 Moreover, Agyrion remained to be a Sikel city at the time of issuing these coins, as the local tyrant was compelled to withdraw only after 339/8BCE under

Timoleon.255 It is reasonable to believe that the river god Palankaios may have a non-Greek origin.256 This exclusive indigenous character of the name Palankaios perhaps explains the neglect of Diodorus. Nevertheless, Agyrion is a community that developed a local numismatic traditional motif, the man-faced bull, that symbolizes the local streams before the yielding to Greek rulers.

interestingly, in all denominations and variations, legend appears alongside the man-faced bull. For this Palankaios coin, though in my presentation, I describe its obverse as the head of Hercules, there seems to be few traces to confirm this identification. Hoover identifies it as a male head instead. It is also unlikely the Sikel authority would issue Hercules in their coins. 253 See N.J. Molinari and N. Sisci 2016, 84-85, 94-95. 254 N.J. Molinari and N. Sisci 2016, 84-85, 124-5. 255 Diodorus Siculus, xvi.82.4. 256 N.J. Molinari and N. Sisci 2016, 85. It is also possible that the new Timoleantic government, which aims at a re-Hellenization of Sicily, deliberately erases and obscures the Sikel divinity as the removal and the denial of the Sikel cultural identity, resulting in the oblivion and literary ignorance of this Palankaios, a certain local god for the idngenous community. Additionally, the forceful recession of the local tyrant may indicate a less smooth transition. But it is also important to notice the unusual peculiarity for Timoleanic government. See Diodorus Siculus, 16.82.4. Here He describes a series of wars of Timoleon, not without violence. “He(Timoleon) concluded his war with Hicetas and out him to death and then attacked…and wiped them out. Likewise he overbore…and putting an end to the tyranny of Apolloniades in Agyrium.”

110 Corresponding to the disappearance of the ΠAΛAΓKAIOΣ issues, Agyrion produced issue that bears the female head on the obverse and a butting bull on the reverse, which Hoover dates after 338 BCE.257 He certainly connects this issue with contemporary 10000 mercenaries settled by Timoleon.258 Interestingly, this issue contains the ethnic of Agyrion alongside the butting bull. The butting bull thus obtained a new political significance as an emblem of the political entity of Agyrion.

Likewise, the political identity of the mercenaries of Timoleon changes as well, as they were integrated into the community and obtained new citizenship of Agyrion.

Although the butting bull somewhat is appealing to those mercenaries in the community, concerning the tradition of man-faced bull at Agyrion, this motif was also appropriated and associated with the civic body of Agyrion, of which the peculiar mercenary group formed a part. The situation thus is similar to Katane, where we see the coexistence of new numismatic motifs with new influx and the local influence.

But by placing the butting bull in the issues of Agyrion, the cultural and political significance of the motif is thus further enriched. Simultaneously, the replacement of the Palankaios by the butting bull, at least in some extents, assimilates a Sikel divinity into Greek dominated context. Though the fluvial personification is retained, the lack of the Palankaios legend conceals the Sikel characteristic divinity, degrading a local god into a natural river. There is no longer a Palankaios, but a local river belongs to

257 Hoover 2012, 18. 258 Diod.Sic. xvi. 82.5. The unusual large number may indicate a marginalized Sikel population in the city.

111 the new Agyrion. Though this replacement, therefore, the butting bull further enhances the political claim of the Greeks.

A concrete conclusion is not easy to reach for such a discussion concerning the developing pattern of the butting bull from the end of the fifth century to the middle of the fourth century, but I hope to provide some different perspectives of thinking about

“mercenary settlements” and “mercenary coinage” in Sicily, when the island experienced huge political changes and constant flows of new population. Concerning the butting bull, various contexts provide various interpretations. The monetary motif is always an expression of the community, but still, there is space for individual contingency, and the degree of the mercenary connection, in my opinion, varies hugely according to sites. It was at Katane we see the formation of the connection between the butting bull and the mercenary community. However, this connection had not been firmly established, especially concerning the possible appearance of the butting bull before the mercenary community. Kephaloidion may provide a better example indicating the butting bull as an expression of the political identity of a newly settled mercenary group, especially concerning the double legends and the deliberation of adoption. This iconography obtained a peculiar cultural association with the mercenary settlement thereafter. However, “mercenary settlement” is only one stage of the community, and the community is always in a process of development. In Tauromenion this motif experienced a gradual integration and

112 obtained new implications in the civic context. It seems that the militaristic embodiment of the butting bull was marginalized through time. As in the example of

Agyrion, the new political authority may appropriate it according to context and re-associated the butting bull with rivers, instead of the militaristic character. This butting bull, originating in southern Italy, departed from Thurian influence and obtained a new cultural significance with peculiar link to mercenary group on the island, which had again been appropriated and re-interpreted as these mercenary or ex-mercenary communities were secularized.

113 Conclusion

The cultural implication of the bull in Greek numismatic iconography is an interesting topic, which leaves a fertile field for a comprehensive academic study.

This paper discusses the variation of the bull as a numismatic type in Magna Graecia from the Archaic to late Classical period, attempting to trace its emergence and reconstruct its potential cultural implications within the development. By focusing on the role of the bull on coinages, I hope this study can bridge the historical account with numismatic evidence. As the result, we might perceive a more precise picture of these communities in this particular region.

Sybaris provides a vivid example demonstrating the dynamic cultural role the bull played in different stages of the city among different population groups. Though there are debates concerning the original motivation of this adoption that leads to no firm answer, Sybaris adopted the bull in the incuse fabric in the sixth century, which remained consistent as the standardized emblem of the city. Interestingly, the bull, with its characteristically Sybarite design, spread beyond the city as propaganda through which Sybaris laid cultural claims to other communities and unified them in the Sybarite political sphere. Especially for some communities with mixed population groups such as the site of Timpone della Motta, this numismatic type integrates them with Sybarite identity, thus enhancing Sybarite cultural domination. In this way, the

114 bull was transformed as a badge of the extensive Sybarite hegemony. However, this cultural implication changed correspondingly to the political situation. As Sybaris falls in 510 BCE, victorious Croton re-employed the Sybarite bull on the “alliance coinage.” This employment is a result of the Crotniate manipulation of the bull, whose cultural implication had been deliberately re-interpreted to indicate the subject status of Sybaris. But the Sybarites did not abandon their numismatic motif, through which they attempted to maintain the cultural bound with the archaic homeland in several refounded communities. After 510 BCE, it seems that the Sybarite population was divided into two groups, those staying in Sybaris under Crotoniate hegemony and those taking refugees in other cities, in particular Laus. Their distinct political situations lead to different interpretations of Sybarite identity. For the latter, smooth integration in Laus’ community encourages them to redefine the Sybarite identity, which seems to be gradually appropriated and substituted by a new cultural identity.

Although the reverted gesture maintained, the deliberate iconographic change transformed the political entity that this motif represents. As for the former who faced rather dramatic political changes in the first quarter of the fifth century, Crotoniate supremacy enhanced their cultural cohesion of being Sybarites. Once they gained independence circa 470 BCE and established Sybaris II, we see a revival of the

Sybarite bull. This resumption explicates how they perceive this iconography, which physically ties them with the past and reclaims their lost identity. It is thus interesting

115 to see how these two groups distinctively reinterpreted their Sybarite origin through adopting or altering the bull numismatically. Sybaris II was destroyed shortly, but

Sybarite refugees continued holding their original identity with attempts to refound the third Sybaris. But this time we see the involvement from other cities, Poseidonia and Laus, both of which had been under Sybarite influence brought by the refugees.

Their participation, however, changed the demographic composition at Sybaris III, which resulted in an overwhelming Poseidonian influence and a rather obscured

Sybarite identity, which is indicated by the absence of the Sybarite bull. Sybaris III was later replaced by Sybaris IV, which was founded under Athenian help. Though the reverted bull was re-adopted by this community, it lasted shortly and was soon substituted by a new variation, the lowered-head bull, which was inherited by the succeeding community, Thurium.

The bull then bounded with a new political entity, Thurium. Though it is the

“successor” of Sybaris IV, Thurium had a distinct demographic composition and created its own numismatic expression. Soon a more aggressive Thurium bull that was inspired by the former lowered-head bull was adopted by the city, which spread extensively in the region. Perhaps due to the wide circulation of Thurian issues, a new cultural implication of the Thurian butting bull emerged in the late half of the fifth century, as the motif tied to the particular population group, the mercenary.

It was in Sicily that the butting bull obtained a new cultural implication,

116 associating with the mercenary settlements or ex-mercenary settlements that flourished at the end of the fifth century under the tyranny Dionysius I. But caution is necessary, as the butting bull per se was not the indication of mercenary communities.

What is noteworthy is that, at the end of the fifth century, we see issues bearing exactly the same style of the Thurian bull at sites that possibly accepted mercenaries such as Katane, Kephaloidion, and Tauromenion. The stylistic similarities, the extensive spread of Thurian coins at Campania, and the appearance of this very motif in various sites at the same time contributes to the potential link between the Thurian butting bull and mercenaries group in Sicily. Moreover, as the mercenary communities gradually became secularized, this motif correspondingly changed its significance. As in Tauromenion, for example, with the demographic change of the settlement, the militaristic character the butting bull represented previously was gradually replaced by a more civic implication with the traditional fluvial association.

In conclusion, the bull as a numismatic type experienced a dynamic process of changes. These changes do not merely refer to stylistic and ichnographic change, but also the change in its cultural implications. It is thus a barometer reflecting the self-identification of diverse population groups and the dynamic interactions of various communities in Magna Graecia. Through studying the development of the bull on coinages across the century, I hope this paper can highlight the important social role the numismatic type plays. It is not merely a motif, but it is an embodiment of

117 cultural and political identity and was constantly appropriated and re-interpreted accordingly. This paper, moreover, is not intended to provide a concrete conclusion or standardized interpretation of the cultural implications of the bull. Rather, it is overwhelmed by possibility and hypothesis, from which I hope this study would go further in the future.

118 Images

Figure 1. Sybarite stater before 510 BCE

Figure 2 stater of Siris-Pyxus, 540-510 BCE

119 figure 3. stater of AMI, circa 530 BCE

Figure 4. SO drachm, sixth century BCE

120 Figure 5. the alliance stater of Croton and Sybaris (Sybaris II),510-475 BCE

Figure 6. the alliance stater of Croton and Pandosi (No. 2097 in Rutter 2012)

Figure 7. stater of Laus around 500 BCE, man-faced bull

121

Figure 8. stater of Croton in alliance with Sybaris, with legend of Laus Obv: tripod YM, octopus Rev: bull looking abck, LAF in exergue.

Figure 9. stater of Sybaris II, the more matured style

122

Figure 10. triobol of Sybaris II, Bull and amphora

Figure 11. obol of Sybaris II, Bull and acorn

Figure. 12 triobol of Laus, man-faced bull and acorn

123

Figure 13. stater of Laus, man-faced bull with head turned back, acorn in exergue on the obverse, and the man-faced bull on the reverse, Rutter 2001, 2277.

Figure 14. stater of Poseidonia, 520-500 BC

124

Figure 15. stater of Poseidonia, 470 BCE

Figure 16 stater of Sybaris III, Poseidon and reverted bull with SYBA

125 Figure 17.triobol of Sybaris III

Figure 18. the diobol of Sybaris III

Figure 19. triobol of Sybaris III

Figure 20. triobol of Sybaris III, Rutter 1746

126

Figure 21. triobol of Sybaris III, Poseidon with chlamys, SY and bull crowned by Nike

Figure 22. stater of Syabris IV

127

Figure 23. drachm of Sybaris IV

Figure 24. stater of Thurium, walking bull with the lowered head on the reverse

128

Figure 25. stater of Sybaris V

Figure 26. drachm of Sybaris IV

129 figure 27. stater of Sybaris IV

figure 28. stater of Thurium

130 figure 29. distater of Thurium, early fourth century

figure 30. bronze issue of Poseidonia, 415-405 BCE, Obv. Poseidon and dolphin Rev. butting bull, octopus below (no. 1153 Rutter 2012)

Figure 31 stater of Velia, 440 BCE

Figure 32. didrachm of Neapolis, 420-400 BCE

131

figure 33. bronze onkai of Gela, 420-405 BCE (Jenkins 500)

Obv: head of young river god with barley grain behind

Rev: butting bull, the legend ΓΕΛΑΣ, pellet in ex.

figure 34. silver tetradrachm of Gela, ca. 420-415 BCE ( SNG ANS 91)

Obv: charioteer driving walking quadriga, Nike flying above, crowning the horse, lizard about to catch fly in the ex.

Rev: forepart of man-face bull, ΓΕΛΑΣ

132

figure 35. bronze trias of Gela, 420-405 BCE (Jenkins 511)

Obv: ΓΕΛΑΣ, bull standing left barley grain above, pellets in ex.

Rev: head of river-god Gelas right with flowing hair

figure 36. silver litra of Katane, 405-403/2 BCE (Hoover 591)

Obv: female head wearing sphendone

Rev: KATANAIΩN, Butting bull, crayfish in ex.

133 figure 37. stater of Thurium, 443-400 BCE

figure 38. silver drachm of Katane, 405-403/2 BCE (Hoover 579, SNG ANS 3, no.

1262)

Obv: head of Silenus facing

Rev: ΚΑΤΑΝΑΙΩΝ, horned head of Amenanos l., wearing tainia.

134 figure 39. silver hemidrachm of Katane, 405-402 BCE (Hoover 585)

Obv: head of Silenus

Rev: butting bull and fish in ex. KATANAIΩN

figure 40. silver hemidrach, the possible alliance coin of Leontinoi and Katane,

404/3BCE (Hoover 586)

135 figure 41. silver drachm of Kephaloidion, ca. 390BCE, (Hoover 641, Calciati 245)

Obv: Head of young Hercules in lion skin, EK KEΦAΛOIΔI (OY)

Rev: HΡAKΛEIΩTΩN with a butting bull, monogram above (and a fish in ex. in one coin)

figure 42. bronze “denomination AA” of Tauromenion, 370-358 BCE (Hoover 1606)

Obv: butting bull with monogram (T)

Rev: Sixteen-rays star

136 figure 43. Silver dilitron of Tauromenion, 392 or 358 BCE (Hoover 1570)

Obv: laureate head of Apollo

Rev: ΝΕΟΓ(Π )ΟΛΙ Ithyphallic Silenos squatting facing, drinking from kantharos and holding thyrsos

figure 44. bronze litra of Tauromenion, 350-300BCE/357-305BCE (Calciati

2v/Hoover 1583)

Obv: AΡXAΓETAΣ, laureate head of Apollo Archegetes, monogram below (if any)

Rev: TAUROME-NIT-AN, bull butting left; T below, crescent or grape bunch to l. (if any).

137

figure 45. bronze “denomination A” of Tauromenion , 357-315 BCE (Hoover 1577)

Obv:AΡXAΓETAΣ, head of Apollo Archagetes

Rev: TAUROME-NIT-AN, bearded man-faced bull advancing, grape bunch to l. (if any)

figure 46. bronze “denomination A/B” of Tauromenion, 357-315 BCE (Calciati

5/Hoover 1578)

Obv: Apollo with AΡXAΓETAΣ

Rev: TAUROME-NIT-AN and the advancing bull, crescent

138

figure 47. bronze issue of Kamarina, 339 BCE to Late 4th century BCE (Westermark

& Jenkins 217.2)

Obv: female head, KAMAPINAIOΩN

Rev: the butting bull, corn ear in ex.

figure 48. bronze issue of Kamarina, 339 BCE to Late 4th century BCE (Westermark

& Jenkins 208.6)

139 Obv: Head Athena wearing Attic helmet with KAMAPINAIOΩN

Rev: galloping horse, grain ear in ex

figure 49. bronze litra of Agyrion, 344-336 BCE (SNG ANS 1303, Calciati 6/2, BMC

3, SNG Cop 128)

Obv: AΓYΡINAION, male head facing right.

Rev: ΠAΛAΓKAIOΣ, forepart of a man-headed bull right

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