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THE ORACLES to the DOLONCI and MILTIADES, §§34–5 1 To

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THE ORACLES to the DOLONCI and MILTIADES, §§34–5 1 To APPENDIX 8 THE ORACLES TO THE DOLONCI AND MILTIADES, §§34–5 1 To unravel this story, we must remove the folklore and write Pisistratos back into it: cf note to §§34–41. The case of existing inhabitants asking for a Greek colony (ofikistÆn, §34.2) is unique to our knowledge. But the Delphic response as given is not credible; it was contrary to Delphic practice to leave the foundation of a colony to chance: here, both founding polis and oikist are so left, and it would be the only case where that was so. Genuine foundation ora- cles are not riddling: they typically give straightforward authority to the oikist and geographical directions. Thus Delphi sometimes refused to sanction the colonists’ first choice, and there were few failures.1 Where the enquiry was by a polis (or group of inhabitants), the oikist was already known.2 Indeed, where a colony was proposed, it was de rigeur for either the polis or the ofikistÆw to get Delphic sanction: Malkin (1987) 17–29.3 The closest to the present case would be the oracle to the Phocaeans founding Massalia, to take a hegemon “from the Ephesian Artemis”: but there, the founding polis and possibly the destination were known.4 The alleged oracle is also false looked 1 Miskellos of Rhypai (Achaea) to go to Croton, not Sybaris; Phalanthos of Laconia to go to Taras, not Sicyonia; cf Arcadia is not for Sparta, 1.66.1 (Malkin (1987) 44–5; 47–8; 48–9). Failure: first colonisation at Abdera (1.168; Malkin 54–6), from local resistance (which would not arise here: the Dolonci wanted the settlers). Dorieus failed at Cinyps, Libya precisely because he had not first got Delphic approval; he then consulted Delphi, but failed for complex reasons attributed to his getting involved in fighting between Sybaris and Croton and not going straight to his destination (5.42–6). 2 E.g. the enquiry by the Epeunaktai for the settlement of Taras by Phalanthos (n. 1). We know too little about the oracle to the Phocaeans concerning Cyrnus, 1.165.1, 167.4, to judge if this also was an exception. 3 Or, in the case of Miletus, the same god’s approval from Didyma (Appx 6 para 6). 4 Strabo 4.1.4. Hegemon can be equivalent to oikist (Malkin 247–8). When the Phocaeans put in at Ephesus, they found a woman, Aristarcha, who reported that the goddess had appeared to her in a dream, ordering her to go, taking a sacred image with her. She became the priestess: Malkin 69–72. A version of the oracle to the Messenians, to join the Chalcidians in their colony to Rhegion (Strabo 6.1.6) 508 appendix 8 at from a different angle. Oracles that contain conditions, or with a folk tale element, are almost certainly not genuine (Malkin 18; Parke and Wormell (1956) I 49–81, esp 52–65; Fontenrose (1978) 58–87). “The first man to offer hospitality” is comparable to such legendary oracles as that Manto (daughter of Tiresias) should marry whatever man she meets in Colophon, or Pelias should beware the man wearing one sandal,5 or (perhaps) the late legendary stories attributed to Idomeneus of Crete and Maeander (like Jephtha) to sacrifice the first person they meet.6 2 There are several possibilities for the actual sequence of events. If the Dolonci were being pressed by the Apsinthii, and saw Greece as a source of extra manpower, they could have consulted Delphi to ask which city to approach.7 They could have decided on Athens, and went to Delphi for approval, and/or to ask for an Athenian ofikistÆw. They could have gone first to Athens, to get agreement in principle. Any of these scenarios would in practice involve Pisistratos; he, in turn, would have actively encouraged it. Despite the bad press he receives in our sources, modern assessments praise his role in the growth of Athens (e.g. BM 128–31; HG 179–81). Apart from pub- lic buildings and the Panathenaia festival, he sought to establish out- posts beneficial to Athenian trade, and ensure Athenian influence around the Aegean, as opportunity presented itself: his foothold at Rhaikelos and one or more silver mines on Mt Pangaion, Sigeion, Delos, and Naxos (BM and HG locc cit; Figueira (1991) 132–60; Garnsey (1988) 117–19).8 An Athenian outpost on the European is not an exception, as the Chalcidians had their oikist: Malkin 31–35, discussing also other versions of the foundation oracle for Rhegion; Paus 4.23.6 names a Messenian oikist, Alcidamidas. 5 Manto: Schol Ap Rh 1.308; cf Paus 7.3.1–2; Pelias: Pherec FGrH 3 F105; Pind Pyth 4.71–8. These are PW 20/523 and 143; for others see, e.g., 190, 197, 234. 6 The Idomeneus story is first in Serv on Aen 3.121 and 11.264 (earlier accounts of Idomeneus, Gantz (1996) II 698); Maeander in Ps-Plut Fluv 9.1. Jephtha is at Judges 11.30–9. 7 Non-Greeks did consult Delphi: see on §w DelfoÊw, §34.1. 8 Solon had absorbed Salamis: Figueira (1991) 137 cites Solon fr 4a West (p. 40 n. 135) as encapsulating the idea for expansion: it continued after the Pisistratids (Chalcis, Lemnos, Nicodromos). Pisistratos’ outpost at Rhaikelos may not have lasted for long, but the Pangaion mine(s) apparently continued to c525: Rhodes on Ath Pol 15.2; APF 11793 XI(b); see also Isaac (1986) 15. Figueira’s discussion subdivides into more the distant places, 132–142: Sigeion, Rhaikelos, the Chersonese (§§34–6), Delos (1.64.2; cf on p°rhn, §97.1) Naxos (1.64.1–2) and Lemnos (§140); and local.
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