THE SANCTUARY AT EPIDAUROS AND CULT-BASED NETWORKING

IN THE GREEK WORLD OF THE FOURTH CENTURY B.C.

A Thesis

Presented in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for

the degree Master of Arts in the

Graduate School of The Ohio State University

by

Pamela Makara, B.A.

The Ohio State University

1992

Master's Examination Committee: Approved by

Dr. Timothy Gregory

Dr. Jack Ba I cer

Dr. Sa u I Corne I I VITA

March 13, 1931 Born - Lansing, Michigan

1952 ..... B.A. in Education, Wayne State University, Detroit, Michigan

1952-1956, 1966-Present Teacher, Detroit, Michigan; Rochester, New York; Bowling Green, Ohio

1966-Present ...... University work in Education, Art History, and Ancient Greek and Roman History

FIELDS OF STUDY

Major Field: History

Studies in Ancient Civi I izations: Dr. Timothy Gregory and Dr. Jack Balcer

i i TABLE OF CONTENTS

VITA i i

LIST OF TABLES iv

CHAPTER PAGE

I. INTRODUCTION 1

I I. ANCIENT EPIDAUROS AND THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS 3

I II. EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI DECREES 9

IV. EPIDAURIAN THEOROI 21

v. EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS 23

VI. AN ARGIVE THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION 37

VII. A DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION 42

VIII. SUMMARY 47

END NOTES 49

BIBLIOGRAPHY 55

APPENDICES

A. EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS 58

B. ARGIVE THEARODOKO I I NSCR I PT I ON 68

C. DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION 69

D. THEARODOKO I I NSCR I PT IONS PARALLELS 86

iii LIST OF TABLES

TABLE PAGE

1. Thearodoko i I nscr i pt ions Para I I e Is •••••••••••• 86

iv CHAPTER I

INTRODUCTION

Any evidence of I inkage in the ancient world is valuable because it clarifies the relationships between the various peoples of antiquity and the dealings they had with one another. Such I inkages may be economic, political, social, rei igious, or cultural, and probably any type of I inking wi I I have elements of several, or perhaps alI, of these.

This study considers a specific type of I inkage or communication existing between the Asklepian Sanctuary at Epidauros and certain Greek city states or poleis during the third and fourth centuries B.C. It deals with citizens (as wei I as resident aliens in some cases) in

Greek-speaking poleis, appointed sometimes by the home polis but most often by Epidauros to act as hosts (thearodokoil for ambassadors ltheoroi) sent from Epidauros to such poleis to announce the festivals and games to be held at the Sanctuary of Asklepios near Epidauros and to represent Epidauros officially at these poleis' rei igious festivals.

Several Epidaurian inscriptions wi I I be analyzed and their 1 contents used to comment upon the status and duties of the thearodokoi .

References to two "grande listes de Thearodokoi," one from Delphi

(found, in parts, late in the last century 2 land one from Argos

!discovered in 19533 ) and a study of the accompanying commentaries are used to amplify the Epidaurian inscriptions and to present a more

1 2

inclusive picture of the "messenger and host" system used by Epidauros and other Greek rei igious sanctuaries to advertise cultic activities throughout ancient Greece. Finally, a discussion of the importance of such information i I luminates one of the unifying elements in the ancient

Greek world and closes up some of the gaps in our historical knowledge of that wor I d. CHAPTER I I

ANCIENT EPIDAUROS AND THE CULT OF ASKLEPIOS

Ancient Epidauros, a Doric settlement situated in the northeast

Peloponnese, does not appear to have been one of the major Greek . 4 po I e1s. It lay between mountains to the west and the Saronic Gulf to

the east, on a relatively small area of land that probably could not

have supported a large population. The pol is was unquestionably over- shadowed by Athens, 50 kilometers to the northeast; Aegina to the east;

Corinth, 30 kilometers to the northwest; Argos to the west; and powerful

Sparta to the southwest. Epidauros kept its political balance by means of alI iances with more influential neighbors such as Sparta and Corinth.

The strength of these alI iances protected the pol is from n~arby Argos

(at least unti I 338 B.C. and the beginning of Sparta's struggle against

Phi I ip of Macedon}.

Epidauros seems to have been an oligarchic state, somewhat

similar to Sparta, where two Basi leis and a counci I (Gerousial ruled the 5 citizens who were represented by elected magistrates (Ephorsl. There would have been two basic levels to Epidaurian society: landowners and

peasants. Plutarch speaks of the Epidaurian xovtTiooEC, or dusty footed,

who must have been workers on the land (" ... they were known by their 6 dirty feet when they came into the city" J. One hundred landowners

directed the state. Out of this group were chosen special magistrates

3 4 7 called "artynoi" to represent the landowners in state affairs. Fishing would have been a source of I ivel ihood and there was probably some trading along the coast. Bui I ding accounts from the fourth century show that "Aiginetan was the currency most commonly used, Corinthian and

Athenian less frequently." 8

Ancient Epidauros was closely I inked with the renowned Sanctuary of Asklepios about 9 kilometers southwest of the pol is. This Sanctuary had been originally, during the late Bronze Age, the site of an inland settlement (inhabited at the same time as a settlement on the coastl, where a hero cult developed that was based upon a hunting deity cal led

Maleatas. Eventually, Apollo, the Greek god of music, prophecy, and medicine, was brought (perhaps by Doric newcomers) to the same sacred area. Maleatas was incorporated into the Apollo cult and the god was worshipped as Apollo Maleatas. The early Sanctuary appears to have been simply a sacred area on a hill with an altar for sacrifice. Later it was moved to the foot of the hi II, but st iII the site was I imi ted to an altar that the earliest archaeological evidence places in the latter part of the sixth century B.C. 9 By the early fifth century the cult of

Ask I ep1os. (son of Apo II ol had been f1rm. I y estab I.1shed a t Ep1dauros. . lO

About 430 B.C. the Sanctuary dedicated to Apollo Maleatas and Asklepios, by then a healing god in his own right, was "modestly laid out and then recast on a much grander scale." 11

According to Burford's study of Sanctuary bui I ding accounts,

Epidauros took upon itself the guardianship of the Sanctuary and directed affairs of a general nature, as wei I as the huge bui I ding program that it had instituted. Burford compares this control to that 5 of state officials. at Delphi, Delos, Corinth, and Athens, where the

Counci I and Assembly made alI major decisions, financial and otherwise, which affected the Sanctuaries. Certainly the thearodokoi and theoroi,

to be discussed later, were appointed by the Boule of Epidauros as is evidenced by the phrase, '~Eoo~£ SouXat that invariably begins each

Epidaurian inscription referring to these positions.

This state control of Asklepios' Sanctuary continued as the cult of Asklepios developed into an internationally important rei igious force 12 and as enlargement of the Sanctuary became necessary. Burford points out that the steadily increasing interest in the Asklepian cult was not affected by, nor did it have any bearing upon, Epidaurian foreign

pol icy, or foreign states' political attitudes toward Epidauros. Athens was one of the first great poleis to accept Asklepios !420 B.C.), even

though it was most often an enemy of Epidauros, especially during the

Peloponnesian War. Asklepios does not seem to have been a political

god. As wi II be discussed later, Asklepios' interest was focused upon

the individual and the family, and any "Asklepian" activities of a

potentially political nature such as offering sanctuary to refugees of 13 foreign states, or freeing slaves, would be based upon that interest.

Therefore, though the devotion to Asklepios became part of a state cult

supervised and maintained by Epidauros, the pol is seems to have made its

alI iances, and entered upon financial dealings with other poleis inde-

pendent of the steadily spreading aura of Asklepios. 14 Asklepios was one of many Greek gods. A mortal king in th~

I I iad and a Thracian folk hero of physicians during the sixth century

B.C., Asklepios became a Panhel lenic healing god at Epidauros at the 6 beginning of the fifth century. Two events further advanced the acceptance of Asklepios and of Epidauros as a major cult site for the god. In 420 B.C., Asklepios was introduced into Athens by a certain 15 Telemachos, an Athenian advocate of Asklepios. (Some scholars I ink the acceptance of Asklepios by Athenians at this time to the suffering

Athens had undergone during the terrible Plague of 430 B.C. and its 16 interest in a new healing power. l Also, during the fifth century

B.C., the Delphic oracle, the most universally respected of Greek oracles, confirmed Epidauros as the btrthplace. of the god Ask I eptos. 17

"!l pkya xapJJ.a /3poToi<; {!>..o.uTwll 'AuiCA71'7f'tE .,..a.u,ll. 011 cl>"A.f'YV'It<; htiCTEII EJI-OL t/HAOTI1n JJ.tryeiua iJJ.epoeuua Kopc.>IIL<; EIIL Kpa11afj 'E.,..t.Savplf>· and a sacred precinct was set aside at Delphi for Asklepios, who was to be honored there as the "physician god" and son of Apollo.

Asklepian pub I ic rites at Epidauros and elsewhere were basically the same as those of other Greek cults. Celebrants walked in procession to the Sanctuary of Asklepios singing hymns of praise (paeans!. Purifi- cation by means of ritual bathing prepared the worshippers for sacri- ficial ceremonies. Banquets were set up for visitors. And, as a major part of the festivities, both athletic and artistic contests took place 18 and prizes were awarded to the victors.

The private aspect of Asklepian worship, however, demanded a set ritual that had to be followed to obtain a cure for individual ailments of various kinds, both physical and mental. First a sacrifice was made.

Then purification was obtained by bathing in clear spring water. In some cases this seems to have been enough to elicit aid from Asklepios. 7

Most often, however, the sacrifice and purification were a prelude to a ritual known as incubation. During incubation the worthy suppliant entered a smal I cubicle in a special bui I ding within the Sanctuary, cal led the Abaton, for a night's rest. While asleep the individual received instructions by means of a vision as to what needed to be done to achieve a cure. Sometimes the vision would involve a dog or a snake 19 as a representation of Asklepios. When one visits abaton cubicles such as those that have been excavated at Pergamum's Asklepieion, one can see holes in the cei I ings through which (it is conjectured) temple doctor-priests may have whispered words of encouragement and advice to the suppliant below. Many testimonies have been found in the Sanctuary at Epidauros that witness the amazing cures achieved in the name of 20 Asklepios.

Some of the less miraculous cures at the various Asklepieia appear to have been based upon auto-suggestion. Often treatments involved sound practical measures such as exercise programs and various intellectual activities that are used today in healing minds and bodies. 21 Walton cal Is Asklepian sanctuaries health resorts. The benefits of

Asklepios' healing seem to have been avai I able to men, women, and children and to the poor as wei I as the rich. Asklepios was not a god of luxury. Smal I gifts were encouraged. A cock was the most common offering, but laurel, oak leaves, money, or almost anything was 22 accepted.

Inscriptions found at the site testify that suppliants came to

Epidauros from alI over Greece. Asklepios' great power and the major attribute that separated him from other gods lay in his perceived 8 concern for t h e .1nd1V1dua . . I . 23 He had become a "personal" god, an appealing deity when compared with the gods of formal state rei igions

(although he, too, was eventually given state recognition in cities such as Athens [420 B.C.] and Rome [293-291 B.C.]l. He was seen as standing apart from the gods of Olympos and the gods of the dead and he was 24 "present among men." His strength was to be based upon devotees who had received help and wished to witness that fact in testimonies contained in inscriptions found in Epidauros and other famous sanctu- aries, such as those at Cos and Pergamum. Grateful suppliants also encouraged and helped to support the bui I ding of new sanctuaries in their home poleis. These sanctuaries would be set up and temples bui It

in Greece, Italy, Spain, Africa, Asia Minor, and on islands in the

Aegean and Mediterranean Seas. CHAPTER I I I

EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI DECREES

When, from 1881-1887, Panagiotis Cavvadias excavated the

Sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidauros, he found many inscriptions relating to the large-scale bui I ding program that had been carried on there in 25 the fourth and third centuries B.c. and also inscriptions having to do with temple affairs and official appointments. Some of this epigraphical material referred to a system of connections or I inks set up between Epidauros, as guardian of an Asklepian Sanctuary, and other

Greek poleis. Four such inscriptions had to do with thearodokoi and 26 give us insights into this office. Three of these (273, 274, 275! include the duties and status of these appointees and the fourth (243! presents one of the itineraries followed by Epidaurian theoroi, which 27 includes the names of the various poleis and thearodokoi visited.

The three short inscriptions will be considered first. These alI follow the stoichedon style of writing and can most probably be 28 dated to the fourth or early third century B.c. They all beginwith the set form ,~Eoo~£ SOUAQl xa1 oa~wl used in formal decrees during this period. The three inscriptions are reproduced and translated here.

9 10

:l-73. Stele ornee d'un fronton. II. 0'", iO. L. 0'", 35; Lettrcs:

'II y 'II a t a -; p ti 't o t),

~Eoo;£ ~oui,a.t 'IC~;. o&fLwt -:w·1 'Er.tc~up[wv 'fl"p;af-

a'tpa.•cv 'E• xa.-:a.to'J' K a.p~t-" o.vov itp6;t'IOV E:fLEV 'ta[ .;] itO Ato; oo;~.; 'Er.too uptwv

xa.t. et~po~cxov ... 'tC'J- .~ \ a- xi,o.1ttOU x~t a.u-:cv xo:l ixy6vo•J; X(lt EtfLEV a,•j. oo;o!; ci 'tD,ua.v xa.i ciau- At a. v x~t EJL r.o/,£rr.wt ;ca.l i.v dp~v(lt ul. x~-:21 1av X(ll :'.a.'t2 Oci'A(J.aaa.•1. K cnti'Aoyo; ~ot)A.a; 'Apt­ a•twv 'Ept),a.!.;.

Hegistratos

The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree Hegistratos of Kardia, son of Hekataios, to be a proxenos of the pol is of Epidauros and a thearodokos of Asklepios, both he and his offspring, and he is moreover exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war and in peace, both on land and on the sea. Aristion Eri lais is clerk of the Boule. 11

i74. Stele ornee d'un fronton.

111 111 111 H. \ , 03; L. 0 , 36; Ep. 6 , 09. Lettres scmbla.bles a celles du n' 273.

[ e,o,e~v~o~ Allf'4«x1r• Jo~. • E.do~E po•JA.a~ ut hfLwt .. . 0 , 'E~tO!l'Jplwv • £01~'1~0'1 •:\ 'i.fLljpou .\!lfL'~nllvoy n:p6- ;,.,o., '~fLEV ui £1Epyi- -:ct(v) -:!(;) n:o[~to]; d; 'E.n:~o[!lu]­ pi( w ]v ul G&ctpoSoxov -roii 'Aaxi.~n:to~ ui 111-rev xcx\ [ ix ]'Yo.,c,'J; xcxl &tfLn ctoj~o- t; chii..~tct v ul lia'JAt!lV (x }z[t] ifL n:oAifLWt Ut h dpci • ..,~t. ul n t~ y!v x ~\ n trz Oi[i.~~ )actv ui n:podpin h "!:o[t;] ciywat ':Ot; a2fLO • 'ltca;. Kn:ii..oyo; ~c,·J;..a~ .. ' - -.

Theophantos of Lampsakos

The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree Theophantos of

Lampsakos, son of Almeros, to be a proxenos and euergetes of the pol is of Epidauros and a thearodokos of Asklepios, both he and his offspring, and he is, moreover, exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war and in peace, both on land and on the sea and he has privilege of the places of honor belonging to the people .

. . is clerk of the Boule. 12

275. Fragment de stele brise en lw.ut ct it gauche.

[''Eoo~E ~ou ]A.a[ t xa ]'t OclfLW [t 'E1tt0a~pt]wv [1tp]o~EVOV [ttp.tv xal tu]tp[yi]tav -rli- f~ 'ltoAto~ x}xi 6Eapo~6x[ ov] [' Aax)-.amou tM]ox~.mpo~ [ au-rov xai] i( x)y6vou.; u't ~ [E~fLEV .. tXU'L. ]ot.; Cl't£1\EtClV. '"' [ xai aaui,1]av xed [ifL] 'ltoi.i­ [fLwt xai iv] Etpthat xai xa- ['ttl yav xai] X!X'LtX a~naaaav. [Ka't&Aoyo}; ~ouA.a.; [o cte'ira] 1\Id.. xtowv.

The Council and demos of Epidauros decree to be a proxenos and euergetes of the polis of Epidauros and a thearodokos of Asklepios Phaon

Simen (--- son of Phi I lokypros, he and his offspring and he is moreover exempted from taxes and granted immunity in war and in peace, both on land and on the sea. Melchidon is clerk of the Boule.

As can be seen, alI three decrees begin by naming the Boule !the governing counci I l and the people of Epidauros !the Assembly! as granting this particular honor. The name of the recipient follows in

273 and 274, but comes after the title of npo~Evoc and EOEPYE

Both titles of npo~Evoc and EUEPYE

Liddell and Scott give the meaning of npof,;e:voc as a "pub I ic guest or friend, made so by an act of the State, such as was the King of Macedon to the Athenians; the word expressed the same relation between a State and individual of another State, that E,;£voc expressed between individuals of different States. The npof,;e:voc enjoyed his privileges on the condition of entertaining and assisting the ambas­ sadors and citizens of the State that he represented, so that the npof,;e:vo1 answered to our Consuls, Agents, Residents, though the npof,;e:voG 29 was always a member of a foreign State." (Liddel I and Scott give a second closely related meaning: "patron, protector.")

The proxenos played a very specific and complex role in ancient

Greece. The institution of proxenia had been, since the beginning of the fifth century and still was in the fourth century, the "only point 30 of contact between individuals of one state and the law of another."

The proxenos might lodge nationals of the state that officially recognized him, but he was also responsible for introducing them, if necessary, to magistrates of his country. In addition, he had to serve 31 as their patron before his courts. Thus he needed to be a citizen of the pol is in which he I ived, if he were to effectively act as proxenos for citizens of another state. A pol is would be fool ish indeed to entrust its envoys to an individual with no official standing in the pol is to be visited. A proxenos might hold his bond with a foreign state as inviolable even outside his own state and in times of peri I.

Charneaux mentions as an example of this the case of Thucydides of

Pharsala, an Athenian proxenos, who sacrificed himself for a group of 14

Athenians during a riot in Athens in 411 B.C., at the time of the rule 32 of the "Four Hundred."

Proxenoi were appointed by the foreign government in the case of Athens and most other Greek poleis, or by the Basi leis or people of the state that was to receive the foreign visitors, as in Sparta. The awarding of proxenia brought much honor to the recipient and was avidly sought after, even though it usually entailed financial burdens of some sort. It was the custom in ancient Greece for states to honor service to the state even though sometimes that service was demanded, as in

Athens where wealthy men were appointed to expensive pub I ic offices and could get out of such positions only by challenging others as better able to afford the honors. 33 Sometimes proxenia was granted to a thearodokos as a form of appreciation for services rendered as a host for rei igious envoys, as happened in the case of Kleolas, a Delphic 34 thearodokos of Stymphale in northern Arcadia. Often proxenia took on the privilege of honorary citizenship and usually such a position was hereditary. The institution of proxenia and its accompanying duties and honors varied from pol is to pol is because the character of the poleis

themselves varied. Some Greek city states were chiefly commercial centers, others were politically aggressive, and sti II others were great cult centers. Epidauros would have needed to establish in friendly

poleis thearodokoi/proxenoi who could entertain and protect its religious envoys, support Sanctuary development, and work for Epidaurian

interests and would have chosen individuals appropriate for this task.

Because of the unique position of a proxenos with regard to the

foreign state he represented, he was in a good position to work for 15 that state's interests, both economic and political, within his own state, if he wished to do so. Burford, in her discussion of the extensive fourth century bui I ding program in the Sanctuary of Asklepios at Epidauros, suggests that when the project was begun in 370 B.C.,

Epidaurians most probably looked first at contacts set up with proxenoi and thearodokoi in other poleis to find the materials and workmen that

Epidauros needed. These influential men must have helped with the great project from the very beginning (Burford states that bui I ding accounts make it clear that at every stage much of the material and ski I led labor came from outside Epidaurosl. Burford also points out that proxenoi were often accorded the right of import (E{crayoyE1al and export

(t~ayoyE1al and tax exemption (~T(AElal, so might have been able to 35 guarantee duty-f ree expor t or .1mport o f goods t o and f rom Ep1 . d auros.

Politically, because of their unique status with regard to foreign states, proxenoi were most valuable to states involved in conflicts of any kind and were often a part of some of the strategies used to solve such conflicts. When truces were renewed or peace was desired, overtures were usually made by the proxenoi of the states involved. During the Peloponnesian War Lichas, Argive proxenos at 36 Sparta, served as negotiator. f or t he t wo po I e1s.. Occasionally the 37 proxenos initiated the conclusion of treaties.

The term "proxenos" is sometimes included in thearodokia decrees. 38 It is not known how many thearodokoi were also proxenoi.

Thearodokoi itinerary inscriptions contain the names of many indi- viduals, but relatively few of these can be definitely I inked with proxenia. It is only in thearodokoi/proxenoi honorary inscriptions such 16 as those being discussed here !Cavvadias 273, 274, and 275! and in proxenoi decrees, which name individuals already known to be thearodokoi, that we can find evidence of individuals serving in both capacities. Most probably the two positions were often held by the same individual. This would have been especially true in the case of some of the smaller, more obscure poleis named in itinerary inscriptions.

A thearodokos had no function other than to assure shelter and means of transport to rei igious ambassadors or theoroi. Thearodokoi did not necessarily need to be citizens of the states being visited. A resident alien might just as easily provide a place to stay, food, and transportation to ambassadors reporting on cultic affairs. !Several 39 Delphic thearodokoi are known to have been foreigners. J Some thearodokoi were probably asked by their home cities to assume the responsibi I ity for rei igious ambassadors in the absence of any Sanctuary appointees, or in cases where death or some other misadvanture had caused an immediate need for a new thearodokos. At important rei igious centers, such as Athens and Delphi, where sometimes, especially during festivals, there might be whole delegations of theoroi to care for and where diplomatic relationships were of the utmost importance, prominent and wealthy citizens who were perhaps already proxenoi would be chosen by the foreign state to act as thearodokoi. Although women might serve as thearodokoi, they were probably the exception to the rule. As regards the thearodokoi inscriptions discussed below, there are no women named in the Epidaurian I ists, only one in the Argive itinerary I ist, and four in the long Delphic I ist. Such women may have been chosen as

thearodokoi because of their wealth or their rank in society. 17

Kleopatra, queen of Epirus in 330 B.C., acted as thearodokos for her 40 state. It is not known whether or not a thearodokos was paid or even whether he received any of the special honors accorded to the

thearodokos who was also a proxenos.

A thearodokos, then, would be totally responsible for the wei 1-being of any Epidaurian theoroi who might visit his state. Men of great influence became thearodokoi for Epidauros, for example Dion,

tyrant of Syracuse; Heketas, tyrant of Leontini; Tharyps, presumably a member of the Mol ossian royal family; and Perdikkas of Macedonia. These names wi II appear in the Epidaurian thearodokoi itinerary I ists to be

discussed below.

In inscriptions 274 and 275, the title, £U£PYETnc, is also conferred upon the individual honored. Liddel I and Scott give for this word the meaning "a well doer, benefactor" and a second, closely allied meaning, "a title of honor of such persons as had done the state some service." This word seems to reinforce the term proxenos and probably means that the person had given Epidauros (in this case) money or gifts of some kind, perhaps donations of materials for the bui I ding of the

Sanctuary. Such a person would be honored for services rendered in the

hope that such services might continue.

AI I three inscriptions include the words auTov xa1 txyovouc to

show that these honors stretch beyond the individual himself to his

offspring or progeny. This bears out the comment above concerning the

often hereditary nature of such positions. Burford discusses a possible

tie between a certain Athenian, Lamachos, involved in payments for

Pentelic marble received from Epidauros, who might have been an 18

Epidaurian proxenos in Athens sometime after 430 B.C., and a later

third-century Lamachos of Athens who was a witness of fines at

Epidauros, but who is not specifically described as a proxenos. 41

Charneaux refers more convincingly to Periandros of the Argive I ist of

thearodokoi as being the son of Aristion, who is mentioned in one of the 2 Epidaurian thearodokoi I ists I IG IV 1,95J, both men having been from . 42 the area of Anac t or1on.

, ~ Both &TElE~a and &crulta, in times of war and peace and by land

and on the sea !another part of the set forml, are conferred upon these

thearodokoi/proxenoi. The word &T(lEta means exemption from taxes

granted to those who deserved wei I of the state. Decrees from the fifth

to second centuries show that proxenoi were often given tax exemption

status. The word &crul\a means inviolabi I ity of suppliants. 'Acruy\a

must have provided security of persons and belongings under Epidaurian

law, in case of lawsuits and in times of confl let between Epidauros and

the proxenos' home city.

In inscription 274, npoEop\av EV To[\c] &ywcrt Tote oa~ocr1otc

!the privilege of [using] places of honor [in the theater or at the

games]J is a further distinction conferred upon this particular

thearodokos. Front seats were always set aside for ambassadors and

other esteemed guests attending Sanctuary games and plays. Not only

were these the best seats for viewing and hearing what went on, but they

were sometimes the most comfortable, as they were often bui It up to

resemble chairs. These places were traditionally reserved for the

highest officials of the state and there would have been great honor

received by any individual granted the privilege of joining them. 19

AI I these thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees end with the words

KataAoyoc BouAaC, clerk of the Boule, and two of them name this secre-

tary !273 and 275). Cavvadias states that the KataAoyoc, chosen monthly

by the Boule out of Boule members, had the responsibi I ity of acting as

a sor t o f regts. t rar. 43 Overseeing the inscribing of these decrees would

be a part of his job, which would probably also include attention to

financial matters and other Sanctuary affairs.

Similar inscriptions have been found since the earlier texts were published and studied a hundred years ago. The following

inscription !dated to the fourth/third century B.C. l published by W. 44 Peek in 1972 illustrates this. 20

446. ASKLEPIEION, DECREE, 4th/3rd cent. B.C.?

[ f6oE£ I aouMiL )(Q.L Ed­ ['IJWL -rwlv 'EnLEaupL- v [..L~ "tdc 'E­ (nLOaUOL1..Cav )(Q.L tu no>..t I - ['IJWL )(Q.L tv £Lpiw.L )(Q.L )(Q.I- 1-.a. yerv )(Q.t )(Q."tc\ ~ 1 • ()(Q."tO).OyO, 13ouJ.a.c • • • 1

The Counci I and demos of Epidauros decree ... machos

Phi I i [ pp ]o [. . .]Ea to be a proxenos and euergetes of the city of

Epidauros and a thearodokos of Apollo he and his offspring, and he is moreover exempted from taxes and is granted immunity in war and in peace, both on land and on the sea. . .. is clerk of the Boule.

This particular inscription honors an Epidaurian thearodoxos/ proxenos of Apollo (as mentioned earlier, Apollo, the father of

Asklepios, was also worshipped at Epidaurosl, but the form is basically

the same as that of the Asklepian thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees discussed

above. An individual is named a proxenos and thearodokos by the

Epidaurian Boule or Counci I and the privileges accompanying the titles

are I isted. These Epidaurian stelae were set out in the Sanctuary to

honor individuals for their support of Epidaurian Sanctuary affairs. CHAPTER IV

EPIDAURIAN THEOROI

The institution of thearodokoi was based upon the use by Greek cult centers such as Epidauros and Delphi of cultic messengers or t h eoro1· 45 who were chosen by their· po I e1s. or e I ected, as at T hasos 46 (where theoroi were magistrates l, to represent them officially in rei igious matters. Women as wei I as men might be chosen to act as 47 theoroi. Not only would these individuals attend rei igious festivals held by other sanctuaries and offer sacrifices in the names of their poleis, they also traveled to other friendly Greek poleis to garner support for their own sanctuaries and to announce upcoming rei igious

festivals. Thus a theoros worked for his cult as a type of rei igious promoter.

As for the use of theoroi by Epidauros, Burford makes the point

that the Epidaurian festival in honor of Apollo had been patronized by outsiders as early as the late sixth century, so that it might be

inferred that Epidaurian theoroi were needed to advertise rei igious 48 celebrations from that time on. We learn from a schol ion on Pindar

that contests inaugurated by the Epidaurian Asklepiadai (secular 49 physiCians). . were cont1nued. by Ep1dauros. at f.1ve-year .1n t erva I s. They were held in the grove of Asklepios and were performed "nine days after

the festival of Poseidon at the Isthmus of Corinth, which was probably

21 22 50 held toward the end of Apri I ." The Epidaurian contests included box1ng· and the pancra t.1um 51 p I us r h apsod1es. . 52 Probably foot races were 53 also held. Money was given to the victors.

Epidaurian theoroi would have been sent out to Greek cities to advertise the upcoming festival very early in the spring, or perhaps during the fall of the preceding year, as most travel was suspended during the winter months when adverse weather conditions made getting about difficult. During the fourth century these rei igious ambassadors would very I ikely have reported on the new Sanctuary bui I ding program and have encouraged interest in it. Although Epidauros appointed special commissioners to collect money and arrange for the procurement 54 of bui I ding materials, theoroi would have been in a good position to make the first approaches to wealthy individuals on the Sanctuary's behalf. Rei igious I inks already established between Epidauros and other cities might be used to create relationships of a financial nature. 55 Delphi used its theoroi in this way, as did other religious centers.

When theoroi represented Epidauros at the rei igious celebrations of other poleis, they often attended in delegations. Important cult centers would have had great numbers of official visitors who would expect to be housed, fed, and cared for. Inscriptions attest to special bui I dings having been put up for festival receptions tloT1aTop1al. It

is reasonable to assume that with so many people in attendance at these

festivals, Epidaurian theoroi, although present to solemnly offer neces-

sary homage to another pol is' god, might take advantage of the crowds

and quietly fit in some eulogizing of their own god, Asklepios, and the

Sanctuary at Epidauros. CHAPTER V

EP I DAUR I AN THEARODOKO I ITINERARY I NSCR I PT IONS

One of the best ways to determine the extent of Epidauros' ties with other poleis is to examine itineraries I isting the names of poleis and thearodokoi to which Epidaurian theoroi might present themselves as they traveled throughout the Greek world.

Itinerary inscriptions may be handled chronologically or geo­ graphically. A geographical approach to information of this nature seems to be best, since it is often difficult to pinpoint time periods accurately. Also, geographical material can give a map-1 ike orientation that may serve to clarify the total picture for a reader.

Although at first glance such I ists may seem useful simply as itinerary schedules for traveling theoroi, they can be valuable also as evidence of communication patterns existing between a Sanctuary and other Greek poleis. In addition, where place names are joined to names of wei 1-known thearodokoi, the itineraries can suggest information about other unknown thearodokoi I isted in the same place, although a careful study of erasures and additions to the inscription must be made when using it in this way. Where place names are not included to "confirm" a thearodokos, and if patronymics are not used, very I ittle can be known about the individual.

23 24

Often itinerary I ists are arranged by areas, so that they present poleis' names in units which are sometimes labeled, thus suggesting an idea of the political situations existing during the time

. f. . . t. 56 o f t h e spec 1 1 c 1 nscr 1 p 1 on. This information can be checked against 57 other evidence, such as other inscriptions or I iterary testimonies.

Itinerary lists had the practical value of announcing officially the poleis and persons to be visited by traveling theoroi. But they also confirmed the Sanctuaries' ties with other Greek poleis and honored the thearodokoi of these poleis by pub I icizing their names. The great amount of epigraphical material devoted to the recognition of specific individuals throughout ancient Greek history clearly points out the importance of prestige and honor in the Greek ethic. Thearodokoi not receiving the benefits accorded to thearodokoi/proxenoi might still be honored by Epidauros with the I isting of their names on stelae for alI to see. 2 IG IV 1,94 and 95 are two geographical I istings of Epidaurian 58 thearodokoi . The first deals with thearodokoi in Megara, Thebes (and other Boiotian cities), plus Thessaly, Macedon, and Thrace (including 2 Thasosl. IG IV 1,95 is a I isting of Epidaurian thearodokoi in north- western Greece and in Sicily and Italy. So far no itinerary I ists have been found that record Epidaurian thearodokoi in the Peloponnese or on the Aegean Islands (except for Thasosl, or in Ionia. It is known from 2 thearodokoi and proxenoi decrees in IG 1v 1,96 that the Asklepian cult had become important in these areas by the fourth century B.C., so perhaps stelae that recorded thearodokoi from such places have been lost 59 and may yet be recovered. 25 2 The editors of~ IV 1,94 and 95 place the original material on the two stelae within the period of time between c. 390 B.C. and

367 B.C. This is possible because of the inclusion in the original 2 portion of Stela II ( IG 1v 1,95) of the name of Dion, the son of

Hipparinos and an historical personage, as thearodokos for Syracuse.

Dion was influential in the court of Dionysius I during the period after

390 B.C., when Syracuse's difficulties with Carthage were settled for

a time and Sicily was divided into Carthaginian and Syracusan regions.

In 366 B.C., shortly after the death of Dionysius I, Dion was exiled by

Dionysius II and did not return to Syracuse until 357 B.C., when he

"liberated" the city. Although he remained in power (with some diffi­

culty) until his death in 354 B.C., the three-year period of his "reign"

was neither stable enough nor long enough to make it I ikely that his

name would have been placed on an Epidaurian thearodokoi I ist at that

time. An additional point: Dion's lieutenant, Herakleides, is also 60 included in the inscription as a thearodokos for Syracuse. His name

appears just below that of Dion. Since Dion and Herakleides became

adversaries soon after Dion's return to Syracuse in 357 B.C.

(Herakleides was eventually assassinated by Dion), it is most doubtful

that their names would have been placed together on any such I ist

between 357 B.C. and 354 B.C., the year of Dion's death. Thus the dates

of 390 B.C. and 367 B.C. seem firm, based as they are upon the known

history of the city of Syracuse. 61

As regards changes to the lists: the additions of the 62 63 thearodokoi Aristomachos and Klearchos of Syracuse were obviously

made after 354 B.C. to provide replacements for Dion and Herakleides. 26

These additions must have been inscribed before the year 339 B.C., when 64 Hiketas of Leontini died, as his name follows theirs.

The addition of the name of a thearodokos from Kassandreia 2 65 (former site of Potidaial on Stela I (~ 1v 1,95J brings the terminus 66 date of the inscriptions down to 316 B.C. and probably later.

Kassandreia was founded by Kassander, son of Macedonia's governor,

Antipater (397-319 B.C.), after he took control of Macedonia in 316 B.C.

Thus we have for these thearodokoi inscriptions a time period

from around 390 B.C. to 316 B.C. or later, right down into He I lenistic

times--almost the span of a century. The Epidaurian theoroi/

thearodokoi, messenger/host system was certainly in operation during

most of the fourth century B.C. 2 IG IV 1,95 (Stela Ill was found and published first and will 67 be d1scusse. d f.1rs t . The names of the areas and poleis visited by

Epidaurian theoroi together with the thearodokoi appointed to receive

them are placed on the stone in two columns that overlap in some places.

Several erasures and some additions to the stone are evident. When

Epidaurian thearodokoi died or for some other reason could not fulfi I I

their duties, changes to the stone would have been necessary. Also,

when Epidauros established relationships with new Greek poleis, their

names and the names of their religious envoys would need to be added.

The original material on the inscription begins with the words

"Thearod6ko i 'ep 'Akarnan I an"; Thearodoko i to Akarnan i a. This seems to

indicate the outermost I imits of the theoroi 's route, but in fact does

not, as from I ine 23 on, many poleis to the north of Akarnania are

I isted, and the I tal ian and Sici I ian poleis in the itinerary were even 27 further away from Epidauros. The first poleis I isted are those to be visited on the way to Akarnania: Corinth (the only Peloponnesian pol is on the route and perhaps a convenient stopping place), Delphi, Amphissa,

Oiantheia, Naupaktos, and Kaludon.

Corinth and Delphi were both important cult centers and sites of Panhel lenic games. Their appearance on this first I ist clearly indicates the close relationship Epidauros had with at least two other rei igious centers. In alI probabi I ity, as Epidaurian theoroi were welcomed at Corinth by Lukomedes and at Delphi by Damosthenes, so too would the Corinthian and Delphic theoroi announcing their celebrations in honor of Poseidon and Apollo be taken care of at Epidauros by specific thearodokoi.

From Delphi the route turns northwest to Amphissa, then southwest to Oiantheia near the coast, across to Naupaktos and Kaludon and thus into Akarnania.

Oiniadae, near the mouth of the Archelaus River, and Stratos, along the middle reaches of the Archelaus (I I. 9-10), begin the list of

Akarnanian cities. Perhaps theoroi traveled in pairs, each taking a specific route during parts of the journey so as to cover territory more efficiently. One theoros might have gone north to Delphi and Amphissa and then across to Stratos, while the other visited the coastal cities of Oiantheia, Naupaktos, and Oiniadae. They may have divided up the 68 other Akarnanian cities (I I. 11-22) between them.

Epirus (I. 23l lay directly north of Akarnania, as did Kassope,

Pandosia on the Archeron River, Thesprotia, the island Corcyra, and

Chaonia across from Corcyra. Unless the names are geographically out 28 of order, after the I isting of Molossia, the route looped south toward

Ambrakia and Argos Amphi lochia (I I. 32-33). The cities in I ines 34-38 are all difficult to identify, unless Therminea !1. 36l may have been ancient Thermon.

Lines 39-45 I ist Syracuse on the island of Sicily and the southern Italian cities of Locri, Kroton, Thurii, and Laurentum (along the Ionian coast) and Terina (on the Tuscany coast).

Of the forty-four place names to be found in the original inscription, several were areas of peoples rather than single poleis, namely Akarnania, Ambrakia, Thesprotia, Epiros, and Molossia. Charneaux makes the point that these were not unified countries at this time 69 !390 -3 6 7 B.. C l b u t I oose I y JOined. . con f e d era t .1ons. In the case of a kingdom, theoroi might need only to know the monarch, as the king would stand for the state. 70 When this inscription was written, however, theoroi would visit different poleis I isted beneath specific headings such as Akarnania and Epirus and the thearodokoi for each place would need to be known.

Several of the thearodokoi named in the original inscription are historical figures and they were all men of substance and power.

Tharyps (I. 31), the thearodokos for Molossia, may have been a descendant of King Tharyps of the fifth century !430-390 B.C.), perhaps a mem b er of th e roya I fam1.I y. 71 Dion !Sici I ian tyrant) and his

I i eu tenant, Herak I e ides ( I I . 39-40 l , have been discussed above. The money and material goods avai I able to these individuals would have been

important to Epidauros, especially at this time when the Asklepian sanctuary was being enlarged. None of the three is named proxenos in 29

the inscription. To only one thearodokos is that title given:

Antandros (I. 18l, thearodokos for Torubeia in Akarnania. As discussed earlier, proxenia was often awarded to persons who had done a state some special service. In this case Antandros of Torubeia may have been

singled out from the other thearodokoi as proxenos because of his

particular generosity to the sanctuary at Epidauros.

Changes to the inscription were made in a second column,

beginning with the naming of additional thearodokoi for Italy. Rhegion

and Metapontum (II. 47-50) are I isted for the first time. Thuri i in

I ine 52 appeared also in the original portion of the inscription in

I ine 43. Several names of thearodokoi were fi I led in where there had

been non~ before_ (II, ,?5,. £?3,_7\}_,. 76,_ 77, 81, 82, and 93J. Ooe new

pol is, Limnaia, was added to the Akarnanian section of the itinerary in

I ines 56 and 57. After the headings "in Sicily" and "Syracuse" are

I isted the names of the substitutes for Dian and Herakleides,

Aristomachos and Klearchos (II. 64-65), the city Leontini (dominated by

Syracuse) with its thearodokoi, Hiketas and Nikanoros (II. 66-68), and

Katana (also part of the Syracusan Empire) and its thearodokos Alkipos,

son of Markos (II. 71-72l.

Except for a second I isting of Epiros and the addition of

Zmarathos (an unknown Epirot pol is) along with their thearodokoi, the

rest of the entries (II. 78-86 and 90-92) are the names of the Sici I ian

poleis Messana, Gela, and Akragas and their thearodokoi. (Lines 87-89

are incomplete.) It is quite obvious how carefully Epidauros took note

of Sici I ian affairs. By the early fourth century Syracuse had become,

through the efforts of the tyrant, Dionysius I (430-367 B.C. l, a great 30 mi I itary and commercial power. The wealth of Syracuse was legendary.

The polis and the areas under its control (eastern Sicily, settlements on both shores of the Adriatic, and the western coast of ltalyl would have been an important source of support for the sanctuary at Epidauros.

There are twenty-one I ines (and two erasures) included in the Sici I ian/

Syracusan material and, in the additions alone, about half of the entries have to do with Sici I ian poleis and thearodokoi. Many changes took place in Syracuse after the death of Dionysius I. Petty tyrants such as Dian tried unsuccessfully to assume total control and thus opened the door to Carthage's aggression. Not unti I Timoleon's successful efforts toward peace with Carthage and the elimination of

Sicily's tyrants was the political situation in Sicily stabi I ized.

(Timoleon died c. 334 B.C.)

It would have been difficult but necessary to find out just where to send news of Sanctuary affairs during this unsettled period.

Epidauros had to know which poleis would be able to welcome its theoroi

and which individuals could best take care of them. As mentioned above,

the Sanctuary must have benefited greatly from its contact with the wealth of Syracuse and other Sici I ian and I tal ian poleis.

With regard to the thearodokoi I isted in the additions,

Aristomachos and Klearchos have been discussed above, as has Hiketas.

The thearodokos from Katana, Alkipos, son of Markos, may have been the

son of a tyrant of Katana. 72 As is true in the original portion of the

inscription, most of the thearodokoi in the additions are unknown.

It is interesting to note that patronymics, which often accom-

panied names in official documents, were not used in the original 31 inscription, except in the case of the Syracusan thearodokoi, Dion and

Herakleides, and the thearodokoi for the southern I tal ian cities of

Thuri i and Terina. They appear more often in additions to the inscription. The patronymic may have been used as a way of showing respect for important individuals, as in the case of Dion, Herakleides, and Alkipos of Katana. However, other personages such as Aristomachos,

Klearchos, and Hiketas were not treated in this way. Certainly it sometimes helps with the identification of specific names such as

"Dion." When we see "Hipparinou" (son of Hipparinosl following the name, we are able to identify the person. 2 The poleis I isted in~ IV 1,95 must have been responsive to the Asklepian cult and interested in receiving and hearing from

Epidaurian rei igious ambassadors or theoroi. In each of the cities there was at least one thearodokos willing to act as host for the theoroi. Several of the hosts were wealthy and influential men. The area represented by these thearodokoi took in a large part of Greece and

Greater Greece--to the northwest as far as Chaonia and the Aous River and directly west as far as Italy and Sicily.

For Epidaurian connections with northern Greece one must look 2 at IG IV 1,94 (Stela I l. The first nine I ines ( lal route Epidaurian theoroi to Megara and Athens, then on north to Thebes and Thespiae. The editors have fi lied in Koroneia and Orchomenos and the missing letters for Lebadeia that follow. All of these poleis are worthy of mention.

Megara was a land passage between the Peloponnese and central Greece.

By the time this inscription was prepared, it had recovered from the

Peloponnesian War (431-404 B.C. l and was prosperous once more--an 32

important city on the itinerary. Athens had had its own Asklepian shrine since 420 B.C. A major cult site and the host for the great

Panathenaic celebrations, it must have been one of the most important poleis on the Epidaurian theoroi's route north. During the 360s B.C.,

Thebes' Epaminondas was the chief power in Greece because of his defeat of the Spartan army in 371 B.C. Thebes and the other Boiotian cities on the I ist--Thespiae, Koroneia, Orchomenos, and Lebadeia--were cities with which Epidauros would want to establish friendly relationships.

Lebadeia was the site of a shrine dedicated to Trophonius, an oracular god of Boiotia. This is another example of cult centers maintaining steady contact through the offices of theoroi and thearodokoi. With the exception of Charik[les], thearodokos for Thebes, the names of

thearodokoi in Ia are incomplete or missing.

Most of lb is devoted to cities under Macedonian control. It

begins, however, with poleis in Thessaly and Magnesia (II. 1-6). Pydna

and Methane (II. 7-8), both Athenian poleis, were captured by Phi I ip II of Macedon (king from 359-336 B.C.) in 356 B.C. and 354 B.C. respec­

tively. Potidaia, at the head of the Pallene peninsula, was destroyed

by Phi I ip I I in 356 B.C. This gives us another date to use in assigning

a time period to the inscription. There would have been no reference made to Potidaia in an Epidaurian thearodokoi inscription after its

destruction. In the absence of any attempts to erase the name, it must

be assumed that this part of the inscription belonged to the period

before 356 B.C.

Dikaia (I. 11) was located on the north Aegean coast. This

pol is seems completely out of place in the itinerary unless here, too, 33 2 there may have been a sharing of poleis visited, as in~ IV 1,95--one

theoros going to the farthest areas east and the other working his way around the Chalcidice.

Kal indoia (I. 13! and Olynthos (I. 14! (destroyed by Phi I ip in

348 B.C.l were near the Toronaic Gulf. The Apol Ionia I isted next may have been situated in the northern Chalcidice. In I ines 16-26 appear many poleis that were part of the Chalcidice or east of it: Arethusa,

Arki las (in Thrace near the Strymon River!, Amphipol is, then Stagiros,

Akanthos, Stoles, Aphutis, Skione, and Mende. Berga (I. 19! and Tragi Ia

(I. 20! appear to have been part of Thrace. Neapolis across from

Thasos, Abdera, Maroneia, and Ainos (II. 27-30! follow in geographical order. The original part of the inscription ends with Thasos (I. 31!

and Datos (I. 32!, which was possibly a colony founded by Phi I ip in

356 B.C.

Lines 35-55 in the second column are additions to the

inscription. Petal ia (I. 35! may have been a Boitian pol is or perhaps

a smal I island near Euboea. Euordaias (I. 38! could have been the

Macedonian pol is Ordaia. Kassandreia (I. 41! has been discussed already

as a pol is founded by Kassander sometime after 316 B.C. and before his

death in 297 B.C. It lay at the head of the Pal lene peninsula.

Ormenion (I. 44! may have been a pol is near the Pagasaetian Gulf. New

thearodokoi are I isted for Ainos in I ines 46-50. The additions end with

the I istings of Zeneas (I. 51} as a substitute for the Abderite

thearodokos named in I ine 28 of the original; Pythogonos (I. 52!, the

substitute for Anapsuxis in I ine 29; and the city Dorkal ion, which is

unknown, in I ine 54. 34

There are no thearodokoi designated as proxenoi in this inscription and only four are accompanied by patronymics. These appear exclusively in additions to the original material Ill. 36, 47, 49, and

55).

Perdikkas, thearodokos for Macedonia I I. 9l, is one of the most interesting names in the inscription. If this Perdikkas is indeed the son of Amyntas Ill and the individual who ruled Macedonia alone from

368 to 359 B.C., we have more information to consider when placing the first part of this particular Epidaurian inscription within a time frame. !The name Perdikkas appears in I ine 9. l It is unlikely that

Perdikkas would have been I isted as thearodokos for Macedonia before

368 B.C., as his elder brother, Alexander, ruled before him upon the death of their father, Amyntas Ill, in 370 B.C. In naming royalty as thearodokoi, Epidauros would surely have selected the supreme heads of state whenever possible. However, Perdikkas could have been designated the Macedonian thearodokos anytime after 368 B.C. until his death in 73 359 B.c. Thus, this part of the inscription could have been formu­ lated after 368 B.C., but before 356 B.C. and the destruction of

Potidaia !listed on line 12l, which has already been mentioned. !As noted earlier, the reference to Kassandreia in I ine 41 indicates that additions to this stele were still being made in the latter part of the fourth century. l 2 ~ IV 1,94 shows clearly the Epidaurian concern at this time with Macedonian affairs. Macedon under Phi I ip II was extending its 74 boundaries to the south and to the north. Athenian poleis were captured, alI iances were made with the Chalcidian League and Thrace, 35 and eventually the Chalcidice and Thessaly were united under the

Macedonian royal mint. Epidauros would have wanted to establish contact with the new Macedonian power centers and Macedonian wealth. 2 Both IG IV 1,94 and 95 give direct evidence for a network 2 I inking the Sanctuary at Epidauros to many Greek poleis. IG IV 1,94 2 I ists forty-three poleis to be visited and IG IV 1,95 I ists fifty.

Ninety-three official contacts are provided for by the inscriptions on these two stelae.

By land and by sea (as would have been necessary for visits to southern Italy and Sicily and certainly easiest when traveling from 2 Corinth to Delphi ( IG 1v 1,95), Epidaurian theoroi set out to remind 75 ninety-three Greek poleis of the Festival to be held for the Panhel-

lenic god of healing, Asklepios, and most I ikely, at this time, to 76 gather support for Sanctuary developments. Theoroi were well taken care of and were sometimes placed under the protection of very powerful 2 thearodokoi, such as Perdikkas of Macedon ( IG 1v 1,94) and Dian of 2 Syracuse (~ IV 1,95).

Theoroi would not have I imited themselves strictly to Epidaurian sanctuary affairs in their conversations with people of other city states. They would have carried with them from one area to another news and messages from places visited. Certainly, as has been already discussed, communication between theoroi and ttiearodokoi might cover political, social, and economic issues, as well as cultic business.

Thus was formed a formidable network, carrying various types of

information and running from Epidauros to poleis in mainland Greece and

"Greater Greece" and from poI is to poI is and from poI e is back to 36

Epidauros. The I inkage between peoples that such a system might bring about is impressive, but it is even more so when one realizes that other

Greek sanctuaries had the same type of messenger/host system in oper­ ation during this period and that their networks overlapped the

Epidaurian network in many places. A brief look at two such sanctuary networks involving Argos and Delphi wi II illustrate this. CHAPTER VI

AN ARGIVE THEORODOKO I I NSCR I PT I ON

In 1953, a partial list of Argive thearodokoi was found in Argos and reported in "Ia Chronique des foui I les." There was great interest

in the inscription because of its probable connection with the Panhel-

lenic Nemean Games and also because it could be compared with other such

I i sts. In 1961, a further inspection of the stela itself was done by

Pierre Charneaux in Argos. He reported his findings in the article 77 "Liste Argienne de Thearodoque" (1966), fully discussing earlier studies of the inscription and adding his own commentary. This article

is of great help in any use of the Argive material.

The inscription is a list of thearodokoi similar to those of the 2 78 Epidaurian inscriptions IG IV 1,94 and 95. The stone is damaged and

letters have been fi I led in by various editors !Charneaux's article is

in part a discussion of these restorations). The I ist dates from c. 330 B.C. !this is based upon the appearance in the I ist of the name

"Kieopatra"--to be discussed below) and is one of a series of I ists of citizens and thearodokoi placed in the agora of Argos, in the sanctuary . 79 o f A po I I o L y k 1as. !For information concerning an important Argive thearodokoi list from 323 B.C., seeS. Miller, "The Thearodokoi of the 80 Nemean Games,)"

37 38

The goddess Hera (worshipped at the Heraeum six miles north of

Argos) and her consort Zeus, to which the sanctuary of Nemean Zeus in

the northern Argo I id (area of Kleonai l was dedicated, had been worshipped in the Argol id since early times. In 573 B.C., the Nemean

Games in honor of Zeus became a Panhel lenic festival. Celebrations took place every second and fourth year of each Olympiad. Since the Argive

festivals dedicated to Zeus and Hera took place between the middle of

June and the last days of July, theoroi would have been sent out in the spring of the same year or the autumn of the preceding year (to avoid winter weather) to carry their festival invitations to other Greek . 81 po I e1s. These theoroi would have been officially welcomed by the

thearodokoi listed in the inscription.

Charneaux connects the material in this inscription to

thearodokoi I ists from Epidauros and Delphi !the Delphic I ists wi II be

discussed below), noting the similar constructions of the names--first

the nominative, or "en" plus the dative, of the name of a country or 2 city (the dative alone was used for many names in IG IV 1,95 from

I ine 33 on) and then the names of one or more individuals. Charneaux

points out that this type of reading is never met in the many I ists of

proxenoi and naturalized citizens that we have and so this must be a 82 I ist of thearodokoi . Since there have been few Argive honorary

thearodokoi decrees discovered that belonged to this period, it is

difficult to positively identify most of the thearodokoi I isted, or to

connect them with particular honors such as proxenia. However, there

are several names that can be identified or connected to thearodokoi

I inked with other sanctuaries and these wi II be discussed below. 39

The inscription is divided into two columns. The second column

I ists thearodokoi in Asia Minor. One of these I ines names the island 2 of Thasos (I. 20l 1 which also appears in the Epidaurian ~ IV 1 1 94

(I. 31l. The first column contains nine place names also to be seen in 2 IG IV 1 1 95: Anaktorion 1 Palairos (unknownl 1 Alyzia 1 Leukas 1 Argos

(Amphilochial 1 Ambrakia 1 Epiros 1 Corcyra 1 and Turbeion. This is part 2 of an Akarnanian-Epirot itinerary similar to that I isted in IG 1v 1 1 95.

Argive theoroi traveled north to announce to certain poleis the approaching Nemean Games. Epidaurian theoroi represented the Asklepian

Sanctuary in exactly the same poleis.

Column one also I ists poleis from the Peloponnese and the island

Cephallenia 1 but these I ines (21-55) are damaged and only parts of the

names of the thearodokoi can be seen. (As mentioned earl ier 1 the

Epidaurian itineraries make no reference to Peloponnesian thearodokoi. l

Column two is interesting because it I ists poleis in Asia Minor

(for which there are no Epidaurian thearodokoi references) and so provides definite evidence for the existence of a Greek messenger/host system operating in poleis along the coast of Asia Minor. Argive

theoroi traveled from Klazomenai and Erythrai in Ionia south to ChiOS 1

Miletos 1 and lasos 1 visiting other poleis along the way. The islands

Tenedos and Thasos in the north Aegean were also a part of this

itinerary.

It is important to take note of several of the thearodokoi

I isted in the inscription. In this itinerary the thearodokos named to receive the theoroi of Hera and Nemea at Anaktorian is Periandros. The 2 Epidaurian thearodokos for Anaktorian in IG IV 1 1 95 is Aristion 1 son 40 of Periandros. The dates of the two inscriptions (c. 360 for the

Epidaurian list and c. 330 for the Argive itinerary) make possible the

fact that the Argive Periandros was the son of the Epidaurian Aristion

(son of Periandros), the grandson having received, as was often the case

in ancient Greece, the name of his grandfather. Thus, theoroi from

Argos and Epidauros, each summoning delegates to his own Sanctuary's

festivities, may have been welcomed by a family that was part of a

thearodokoi tradition passed from father to son (auTov xai lKyovoucl.

There wou I d have been great honor gained in being f i nanc i a I I y ab I e to

serve more than one sanctuary and in being I inked with several rei igious

cuI ts.

In I ine 10 of the Argive inscription the I isting for Ambrakia

carries the name [Ph]orbadas as thearodokos, the Phi being supplied by 2 the editor. The Epidaurian IG 1v 1,95 I ists Korradas as thearodokos

for Ambrakia (I. 81). It's possible that the Phi of the Argive

inscription should beaK and the Beta a Rho. Perhaps here again we see

the hereditary nature of thearodokia in operation and have further

evidence of certain thearodokoi fami I ies acting as hosts for theoroi

from different Greek sanctuaries.

The name Kleopatra, thearodokos for Epiros (I. 11), was

mentioned earlier in connection with a date for the inscription.

Historically we know of a queen Kleopatra, daughter of Phi I ip II of

Macedon (king from 359-336 B.C.). Married to Alexander I, king of

Molossia, in 336 B.C., she took over the area at his death in 330 B.C.

Epiros was under the control of the Molossians at this time, so it too

would have been part of her kingdom. Olympias of Epiros, Kleopatra's 41 mother and the sister of Alexander of Molossia, was perhaps the real power in these areas after her brother's death, but Kleopatra would have

been queen and Argive theoroi would have reported to her the Heraia and 83 Nemea of 329 B.C. CHAPTER VI I

A DELPH I C THEARODOKO I I NSCR I PT I ON

A long Delphic thearodokoi inscription provides further evidence for the impressive breadth and complexity of the theoroi/thearodokoi network operating in Greece, not only in the fourth and third centuries, 84 but on into the second century B.C. as well.

In 1880, three fragments of a stele containing I ists of ancient

Greek poleis were found near the Athenian portico at Delphi. Each pol is name was followed by the name of one or more individuals. As eight other pieces of the original stone were discovered and joined together, there appeared a great stele of Delphic thearodokoi, an itinerary for 85 Delphic theoroi, damaged, but perfectly legible in many places.

Parts of this itinerary differ in writing style. When additions to the inscription became necessary, various artisans used empty spaces for I isting the names of the poleis and thearodokoi which would keep the

"t"1 1 nerary curren t . 86 (This sometimes affected the geographic order within the inscription.) However, several features of the list serve to unify the various sections. First, the orientation is geographic throughout (except for the additions) and cities are I isted under definite headings such as "Boiotia" and "Peloponnesos." In addition,

"en" is used with the dative for all city entries. As mentioned earlier, the use of the dative plus "en" also appears in parts of the

42 43 2 Argive and Epidaurian ~ IV 1,94 inscriptions. The dative alone is 2 used for certain cities in IG 1v 1,95.

Plassart places this Delphic inscription in the first quarter of the second century B.C. and supports his dating by referring to specific decrees. He I ists thearodokoi from the itinerary who also appear in Delphic proxenoi decrees that can be placed within a definite time period. For ex amp I e, Xenon Xenonos, at Kassan dre i a ( I I I 77) , was proxenos in 186 B.C., and Dionysios Legetos, at Elea (IV 68), was 87 proxenos in 179. He also I ists three decrees that help to give a

"terminus post quem" for parts of the long itinerary. One example of this is a decree for Telesias d'Oisyme from 205/4 B.C. Plassart points out that Telesias must have been dead when the Macedonian portion of this Delphic inscription was written. His son Epigethes ("Telesiou") 88 is named as thearodokos for Oisyme (Ill 81) . The I ist is from a later period than either the Epidaurian or Argive itineraries, but it is very much like them in form and content. Thus it supports many of the points made earlier concerning the institution of thearodokia.

There are relatively few thearodokoi in this long itinerary who can be positively identified through the proxenoi decrees and I ists that we have from the same period. Plassart discusses eight or nine of these 89 names. This isn't very many for such a long I ist.

Not only do Delphic proxenoi decrees help with the dating of the inscription and the identification of a few of the thearodokoi recorded in it, but they also make clear that at Delphi, as at Epidauros, the two titles of thearodokos and proxenos were sometimes enjoyed concurrently 44 by persons deserving special honors because of their services to the

Sanctuary.

Four women are I isted in the itinerary as thearodokoi for Kos,

Kynaitha, Kleonai, and Opous. One king can be identified: Theodoros of Athamanes (Ill 34). In only four or five cases can evidence be found that the formula "to him and his descendants" (which appears in thearodokoi/proxenoi decrees) was followed I iteral ly. In some cases thearodokia was carried out in two different cities by members of the same family; for example, the two sons of Krinias, Androsthenidas at

Tolphon and Aristomachos at Oiantheia; also the sons of Xenon, Herakleon at Antigoneia and Xenon at Kassandreia; and, finally, sons of

Epikrates, [ ]timos at Amphipol is and Antinikides at Phi I ippi. Here we see evidence of possible I inks formed between poleis through family

ties: brothers serving as thearodokoi and upholding the family tradition and honor in different localities.

As for the number of Delphic thearodokoi placed in each city,

there are about ninety-five examples of cities having two or more

thearodokoi and twice as many where thearodokoi acted alone. There are only a few examples of more than one thearodokos having been appointed

for a pol is in the Epidaurian and Argive inscriptions. Certainly there may have been reasons for I isting two or more hosts for particular poleis on occasion--a need for particular services or a wish to honor additional persons for financial support, or perhaps a desire to

reinforce ties with a particular state. Delphi's status as the

Sanctuary for the Pythia of Apollo, the most respected oracle in ancient

Greece, may have made necessary more elaborate arrangements for its 45 theoroi. Delphi's involvement with political prophecies, as wei I as religious and moral questions, meant it held great power in its rela­ tionships with other states. The Pythia might, by its pronouncements, affect states' dealings with one another. An example of this is its support of Sparta during the Peloponnesian War. In addition to its status with regard to the Pythia, Delphi was the site of the Panhel lenic

Pythian games. Theoroi would have been sent out to Greek poleis everywhere to announce the games ~nd to reaffirm ties !probably finan­ cial as wei I as rei igiousl between these poleis and the Sanctuary.

There would have been great honor involved in caring for these messengers from Delphi and great expense as wei I, if the receptions were to be impressive enough. Several individuals might more easily assume such a burden. Which of the thearodokoi were engaged by Delphi or which were simply appointed by their home poleis is not known.

Many of the poleis mentioned in the Delphic inscription are 9 paralleled in the Epidaurian and Argive itineraries. ° Four of the 2 first nine I ines in the Epidaurian ~ 1v 1,94 11al contain polis names also appearing in the Delphic inscription: Koroneia, Orchomenos,

Thespeia, and Megara. These same two inscriptions also have nine iden­ tical poleis I isted for Macedon and Thrace: Homolion, Pydna, Bragi Ia,

Kassandreia, Amphipol is, Neapolis, Akanthus, Thasos, and Maroneia. 2 The Epidaurian ~ 1v 1,95, in its I istings for Akarnania and

Epiros, contains eleven pol is names also found in the Delphic

Akarnanian/Epirote itinerary: Naupaktos, Kaludon, Stratos, Argos

IAmphilochial, Ambrakia, Kassope, Oiniadae, Photias, Oiantheia,

Amphissa, and Corcyra. The Argive inscription matches these in four 46 places (in the entries for Argos, Ambrakia, Kassope, and Corcyral and

I ists Apol Ionia and Phoinika, as does the Delphic inscription.

Some of the Ionian cities in the Delphic I ist are also found in the Argive inscription: Andros, lases, Kumai, Erythrai, Klazomenai, and 91 the island Kephal lenia.

Re f e r en c e s t o t he I t a I i an a n d S i c i I i an c i t i e s o f Tar en t um ,

Lokr i , Rhegion, Thuri i, Katane, and Syracuse are found in both the 2 De I phi c inscription and the Epidaurian IG IV 1,95.

A search for thearodokoi names in the Delphic inscription that appear in any of the other three inscriptions discussed produces just one. This might be expected since over a century separates the Delphic 2 inscription from the others. Both IG IV 1,95 and the Delphic itinerary

I ist a certain "Leonteus" as thearodokos for Argos Amphi lochia. Perhaps

"Leonteus" was a common name in Argos or just possibly this is one more example of the office of thearodokos passing from one generation to another in the same family.

Of the four itineraries discussed in this thesis, because of its

length, the Delphic inscription provides the best picture of the

multitude of large and small governmental units that might be linked

with a Greek sanctuary and with each other through their common interest

in and support of that sanctuary. It also shows clearly that the insti-

tution of thearodokia was sti II flourishing (at least at Delphi) well

into the second century B.C. CHAPTER VI I I

SUMMARY

There were many changes taking place in the ancient Greek world of the fourth century B.C. which would alter that world forever.

Macedon, Alexander the Great, and the gradual dispersion of Greek culture into non-Greek areas would neutralize the international power of mainland Greece and its colonies. However, rei igious ties within ancient Greece would remain strong and relatively unchanged for several centuries, as is evidenced by cultic decrees and itineraries that date from the fourth century on into the second century B.C. This inscrip­ tional material shows the network of communication that existed between

Greek sanctuaries, such as those at Epidauros, Argos, and Delphi, and city states throughout Greece by means of the offices of heralds of the great cult festivals and their hosts, the ancient theoroi and thearodokoi.

Greek rei igious festivals were important meeting places.

Messengers carrying news of cult activities served as I inks betwe~n sanctuaries and large and smal I poleis. They were respected alI over ancient Greece and it was considered an honor to welcome and entertain them. Communication patterns set up by traveling theoroi provided a kind of base upon which other relationships, economic and political as wei I as social and cultural, might be continually formed and developed.

47 48

Considering the number of sanctuaries involved in the theoroi/

thearodokoi institution, the resulting network of communication must have been intricate indeed and massive in scope.

Such a network, steadily serving as a sort of infrastructure for alI that went on during the fourth century B.C., must be taken into

account in any study of the Greek world of this period. END NOTES

1 Panayotis Cavvadias, Foui lies d'Epidaure (Athens: S. S. Vlfstos, 1891). 2~3, 274, 275, and ~43, which is also pub I ished as~ IV 1504 and~ IV 1,95. The~ IV 1,95 edition wi I I be used, ~long with a second important Epidaurian thearodokoi inscription,~ IV 1,94. 2 A. Plassart, "Liste delphique des thearodoques," BCH 45 (1921): 1-85. 3 Pierre Charneaux, "Liste argienne de thearodoques," BCH 90 ( 1966) :156-239. 4 Realenzyklopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft I, val. 6. "Epidauros," C. Phi I ippson, 46-51. 5 1bid., II, val. 3. "Sparta," V. Ehrenberg, 1374-1453.

6 Plutarch, Moralia II, 291d (Greek Questions ll. 7 AI ison Burford, The Greek Temple Builders at Epidauros (Liverpool: University Press, 1969), p. 15. 8 1bid., p. 16, n. 5. 9 R. A. Tomlinson, Epidauros (London: Granada, 1983), p. 13. 10 1bid., p. 23. 11 Bur ford, p. 15. 12 See E. J. and L. Edelstein, Asclepius, 2 vols. (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1945). See Vol. II for a full discussion concerning the development of the cult of Asklepios. 13 Burford, pp. 17-18. 14 Edelstein and Edelstein. 2 15 1nscriptiones Graecae 11 , no. 4960a. 16 Burford, p. 20, n. 7.

49 50 17 Pausanias, Descriptio Graeciae II, 26, 7. 18 Edelstein and Edelstein, I I :210-11. 19 Sacred snakes in particular appear to have been used as substitutes for the god, even outside Epidauros. When, in 420 B.C., Athens first accepted an Epidaurian snake from the Sanctuary, it was welcoming Asklepios himself into the city. 20 2 see IG 1v 1,121-22 (second half of the fourth century B.C.) for examples o-f-these cures. 21 AI ice Walton, Asklepios: The Cult of the Greek God of Medicine (Chicago: Ares Publishers, Inc., 1979), p. 36. 22 Edelstein and Edelstein, I I :190. 23 see Andre-Jean Festugiere, Personal Rei igion among the Greeks (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1954). 24 WaIter Burkert, Greek ReI i g ion (Oxford: Basi I B I ackwe I I, 1985) , p. 214. 25 see Burford. 26 The word "thearodokos" is not I isted in Liddel I and Scott's Greek-Eng I ish Lexicon (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), but one meaning of 9£wpoc is "an ambassador sent to consult an oracle or to present an offering" and ooxoc can mean "receiver" (Liddell and Scott). 9£apoc is the Doric form for 9£wpoc.

27c avvad1as.. 28 There are no archaic letters used, so the stelae must have been inscribed after 480 B.C. R. P. Austin, in The Stoichedon Style in Greek Inscriptions (London: Oxford University Press, 1938), p. 66, states that most stoichedon inscriptions from the Argol id come from the shrine of Asklepios at Epidauros: " ... the vogue of the style seems to have been greatest in the 4th century." He identifies "a series of decrees conferring the title of proxenos and thearodokos on various individuals" as early third century material (pp. 67-68). 29 Liddel I and Scott. 30 Charneaux, pp. 23-24. For an earlier discussion of the insti- tution of proxenia, see C. Phi II ipson, The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome (London: MacMi I ian and Co., 1911), chap. 6. 31 1 bid. , p. 162. 32 1 bid. , p. 162, n. 2. 51 33 Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 56, 3. 34 Claude Vatin, "Kieolas, Thearodoque de Stymphale," BCH 91 ( 196 7 ) : 409 . 35 Burford, p. 37. 36 Thuc. Pelop. War. V:76. 37 Thuc. Pelop. War. V:59. 38 charneaux, p. 161, "so often there was a special decree which confe2red the two titles at the same time upon the same person." See ~ IV 1,96 for examples of Epidaurian proxenoi/thearodokoi decrees. 39 L. Robert, R. Phi lol. 65 (1939) :154-56. 40 Charneaux, p. 157, I. 11. 41 Burford, p. 24. 42 Charneaux, p. 172.

43c avva d.1as, p. 102. 44 W. Peek, Neue lnschriften Epidauros (Berlin: Academie- Verlag, 1972). 45 original ly the word theoroi meant merely spectator. Thus, theoroi were probably first spectators at special celebrations, which in ancient Greece were usually of a rei igious nature. 46 Fran

50T om I.1nson, p. 16. 51 Pindarus, Nemeae, V:95-97, and Schol ia in Pindarum, Ad Nemeus, V:94b. 52 Plato, lon, 530A. 53 Ibid. 52

54Tom I.1nson, p. 25. 55 1bid. 56 2 P. Cabanes, "Ep ire," REG 82 (1969 l: 116-20, 144-45 uses I G I v 1,94 and 95 to show the development of ethnic communities in Epirus. 57 Some of the names on Epidaurian thearodokoi I ists can be paired up with honorary thearodokoi decrees, such as those discussed above. 58 1nscriptions Epidauri (1929). See Appendix A. 59 cos, in the Aegean Sea, and Pergamum, on the coast of Asia Minor, would become the sites of the most important Asklelpieia of He I lenistic times. 60 2 I G I v 1, 95, I . 40. 61 cambridge Ancient History (Cambridge, 1927-1930), vol. VI, chaps. V, X. 62 2 1G IV 1,95, I. 64. 63 1bid. , I . 65. 64 I b i d . , I I • 66-6 7 . 65 2 I G I v 1, 94, I I . 41-43. 66 rwelve I ines follow the Cassandreia entry. They were not necessarily inscribed at the same time. 67 see Chap. I, p. 2, n. 1. 68 The division of the route in Akarnania by Epidaurian theoroi was first suggested by B. Haussoul I ier in "Torubeia ou Turbeion: Vi I le d' Acarnanie," Rev. Phi I. 18 (1894) :155. L. Robert ("Vi lies de Carie et d' lonie dans Ia I iste des thearodoques de Delphes," BCH 70 [1946]: 507-8) makes the point that itineraries, especially maritime trips, probably varied according to circumstances of the moment, so that the exact placement of a city on such a list may not have corresponded with the actual order followed. 69 Charneaux, p. 181, n. 3. 70 1bid., p. 182. 71 1bid., p. 178. 72 1bid. 53 73 ulrich Wi lcken, Alexander the Great !New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1967!, p. 27. 74 see Paul McKechnie, Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the Fourth Century B.C. !London: Routledge, 1989!, pp. 48-51. 75 There were no doubt many more cities I inked to Epidauros in this way. The Peloponnese and the rest of "Greater Greece" !the Aegean islands and coastal Asia Minor! would ~ave been part of this rei igious messenger/host institution. The IG IV 1,96 inscriptions provide evidence of many such I inks. --

76Th is is not stated in the inscriptions, but as has been discussed above, much of the material used for the Sanctuary bui I ding program came from outside Epidauros and it's reasonable to assume that solicitations were often made by traveling theoroi. 77 Charneaux, pp. 156-239. See Appendix B. 78 For two of the first I ists of Argive thearodokoi discovered, see "Inscriptions d'Argol ide," BCH !1889! :194-95. 79 Charneaux, p. 159. 80 stephen G. Mi I ler, "The Thearodokoi of the Nemean Games," Hesperia 57 !1988! :147-63. In addition to discussing several paral leis to the Argive inscription of 330 B.C., Miller presents an interesting commentary on the relative dating of the two inscriptions. 81 For an article discussing theoroi sent to Argos from Aspendos, see R. S. Stroud, "An Argive Decree from Nemea Concerning Apendos," Hesperia 53 !1984! :193-216. 82 Charneaux, p. 160. 83 see Cabanes, pp. 316-18, for a discussion of ~he changes which took place in Epirus between 360 B.C. !Epidaurian IG IV 1,95} and 330 B.C. !Argive Inscription!. -- 84 Plassart, pp. 1-85. See Appendix C. 85 see G. Daux, "Note sur Ia I iste delphique des thearodoques," BCH 89 !1965! :658-64 concerning specific restitutions. 86 Plassart, pp. 39-40.

871b'ld., pp. 38-39. See also Charneaux, pp. 163-64 for a discussion of Delphic thearodokoi and proxenoi I ists. 88 I b i d . , p . 41. 54 89 ibid.

90 see Appendix D for Inscription parallels. 91 For a discussion of the Ionic cities I isted in this Delphic inscription, see Robert, "Villes de Carie •.• ", pp. 506-523. SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

Austin, M. M. The Hellenistic World from Alexander to the Roman Conquest. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Austin, R. P. The Stoichedon Style in Greek Inscriptions. London: Humphrey Mi I ford, 1938.

Botsford, George Wi I I is, and Robinson, Charles Alexander. Hellenic History. New York: MacMi I lan and Co., 1969.

Burford, AI ison. The Greek Temple Builders of Epidauros. Liverpool University Press, 1969.

Burkett, Walter. Greek Rei igion. Oxford: Basi I Blackwel I, 1985.

Cabanes, P. "Epire." REG 82 (1969) :116-20, 144-45.

Cambridge Ancient History. Vol. VI. Cambridge, 1927-1930.

Cavvadias, Panayotis. Foui lies d'Epidaure. Athens: S. S. Vlastos, 1891.

Charneaux, Pierre. "Liste argienne de thearodoques." BCH 90 (1966): 150-239.

Daux, G. "Note sur Ia I iste delphique des thearodoques." BCH 89 ( 1965) :658-64.

Edelstein, E. J., and Edelstein, L. Asclepius. 2 vols. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 1945.

Festugiere, Andre-Jean. Personal Rei igion among the Greeks. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1954.

Graham, A. J. "On the Great List of Theori at Thasos." The Ancient World 5 (1982) :103-121.

Haussoull ier, B. "Torubeia ou Turbeion: Vi lie d'Acarnanie." Rev. Phi I. 18 (1894) :155-58.

"Inscriptions d'Argol ide," BCH (1889) :194-97.

Inscriptions Epidauri. 1929.

55 56 2 lnscriptiones Graecae I 1 , no. 4960a. 2 lnscriptiones Graecae 1v 1,94 and 95.

Liddel I and Scott. Greek-English Lexicon. Oxford: Clarendon Press,, 1978.

Marouzeau, ed. L'Annee phi lologique. 1924-.

McKechnie, Paul. Outsiders in the Greek Cities in the Fourth Century B.C. London: Routledge, 1989.

Mi I I er, Stephen G. "The Thearodoko i of the Nemean Games." Hesperia 57 (1988) :147-63.

Oxford Classical Dictionary. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987.

Pauly-Wissowa-Krol I. Realenzyklopadie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft. Stuttgart: Druckenmul ler, 1893-.

Pausanias. Description of Greece. Translated by W. H. S. Jones. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978.

Peek, W. Neue lnschriften aus Epidaurus. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1972.

Phi I ippson, C. The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome. London: MacMi I lan and Co., 1911.

Pindarus. Nemeae, V:95-97.

Plassart, A. "Liste delphique des thearodoques." BCH 45 (1921) :1-85.

Plutarch. Moralia II, 291d !Greek Questions ll.

Robert, L. "Vi lies de Carie et d' lonie dans Ia I iste des thearodoques de Delphes." BCH 70 !1946) :506-525.

R. Phi lol. 65 !1939) :154-56.

Salviat, Franc;:ois. "Catalogues des theores de thasos: Objections and Responses." BCH 107 (1983) :181-87.

Stroud, R. S. "An Argive Decree from Nemea Concerning Aspendos." Hesperia 53 (1984) :193-216.

Talbert, Richard, ed. Atlas of Classical History. London: Routledge, 1984.

Tomlinson, R. A. Epidauros. London: Granada, 1983. 57

Vat in, Claude. "Kieolas, thearodoque de Stymphale." BCH 91 (1967): 408-410.

Walbank, F. W. The Hellenistic World. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1982.

Walton, AI ice. Asklepios: The Cult of the Greek God of Medicine. Chicago: Ares Publishers, Inc., 1979.

Wi lcken, Ulrich. Alexander the Great. New York: W. W. Norton and Company, 1967.

Woodhead, A. G. The Study of Greek Inscriptions. Cambridge University Press, 1959, 1981. APPENDIX A

EPIDAURIAN THEARODOKOI IN1CRIPTIONS AND TRANSLATIONS IG IV 1,94 AND 1,95

94

I a ecAPOA6[Ko1]• MirAPA • -- •AeANAI' .6101 -- 8AaAJ• XAPIK[AAe] I 8c - • 8cen1Ai • .t.A -- [KoP]"NCIA • nvt -- ['OPXOJ."cN6e • -- [ACIAA)!(A• - -) (...... ,., ...... ,..,..,...... ,_, Bo..idil ,.n.r ~• ..,.._ ., l'irillonna, n.-,.,_ ...... ).

1 6 ~0.dNI9[N' - -] iiiAPKAA["N' • -] 'AAPAKAC' £i'KPHTHC] ri'PT(I)N' ~PKICit{AC) I AAPICA. ~PICTK.IN IIV 83 "0M6NON' .t.(I)PidC ICAIO 84 ntANA' .t.wTPIOC n cTAAIA • C•[ ~~~~Ni6Hc 7J IS!>Hc[ A)- ~ Mcet:INA. no.-.hANTOC · PXOY · 36 MAKCAONiA' "EPAiKKAC MrNtAAoc N11cAHoPDc 37 t1 £+DP6AiAC 38 10 AiNCIA. £~80YI\OC n+eoto..'. BoinAAroc } 39 .t.iKAJA. NYN.6A(I)P0C "£1C.ANTOC 40 "OTCtAAIA. KAMIICPATHC KMiNAOIA. "AYCANiAe •o,. YN80C • 'APXUN .H ICACCAN6PCiAI' 41 Tt~ocdNHC KPiTw· 42 II ~00,.,1\(I)NtA' •£ninNOC HOC 43 ~Pi80YCA • 861\(I)N tH •op"fNiwl' ii»PYNit• 44 'APKII\OC • 'ONHCAHAPOC ICOC n4ptA, 45 "'"•inoii.IC • "IAPAJ: BiPrA • "NTI.ANHC

58 59

20 TPMII\A. n"dHc.,., _ CTMIPA" __ , ATNOC. O!INOICAAC 46 CIIIAOdNOY 47 •AICANBOC • •£n1KPATHC CT~AOC. AdKWN 0AA61CPITOC 4tl ..A.YTIC • 6t6rNHTOC niiCICTP,(Toy 49 u CKt~NA • C'noNc •£mtbtHe· "1\ICIMiN!YC 50 MIN.a.A • ICN~nwN NdnoNc· nve6AWPOC •AaAHPA • £tPtAOXOC ZHNillc nftiOC 51 1'\AP~NCIA' ?.NATY~IC nve6rONOC nANTA(IC)- &2 10 ATNoC' 91MJCTAr6PAC (11)riC &3 9ACOC • •APTYciMC OOI'ICAAIIIN. nveiiiN M OATOC. TiMNAPOC_, I CriANOY 55 60

Original Inscription--Translation Lines 1-9; 1-29 2 IG IV 1,94

1 Ia Thearodo[koi]: 2 Megara: 3 Athens: Dio 1 4 Thebes: Charik[Tes] 5 The 6 Thespeia: -Da 7 [Koroneia: Pyth 8 [Orchomenos: 9 [Lebad]ei[a: ]

1 lb Oxynio[n: ] 2 Pharkad[on:-- ] 3 Adrakas: Eukraites] 4 Gyrtone: Arkesi l[as] 5 Larissa: Aristion 6 Homol ion: Dorieus 7 Pydna: Damatrios 8 Methane: Polyphantos 9 Macedonia: Perdikkas

10 Aeneia: Euboulos 11 Dikaia: Nynphodoros 12 Potidaia: Kal I ikrates 13 Kal indoia: Pausanias 14 Olynthos: Ark on

15 Apol Ionia: Epixenos 16 Arethusa: Bolon 17 Arki los (Argi los): Onesandros 18 Amphipol is: Hiarx 19 Berga: Antiphanes 20 Tragi Ia: Peisies 21 Stagiros: (vacant, perhaps erasure)

22 Akanthos: Epikrates 23 Stoles: Leukon 24 Aphytis: Diognetos 25 Ski one: Sapo I is 26 Mende: Knopon 27 Neapolis: Pythodoros 28 Abdera: Eurulochos 29 Maroneia: Anapsuxis 61

Changes and Additions to the Inscription Lines 30-55 2 IG IV 1,94

30 Ainos: Themistagoras 31 Thasos: Art us i I as 32 Datos: Timandros 34 Kleo 35 Petal ia: Si[monides?] son of Kles[a] 36 rchos 37 Menelaos Nikanoros 38 from Euordaias 39 Pythoion: Bouplagos 40 Ekphantos

41 in Kassandreia: 42 Timosthenes Krito­ 43 nos 44 in Ormenion: Phrynis 45 kos Persa

46 Ainos: Deinolkes, son of 47 Phi I oxenos

48 Damokritos, son of 49 Peisistratos

50 Epitherses Alkimeneus

51 Zeneas Pythios 52 Pythogonos Panta[k] 53 [I ]eus 54 Dorkal ion Pythion, son of 55 Skymno 62

95

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40 •HPAKAEiAAC AvctN.xov •1 T AA i" c • AoKPOic • BtTaoc KP6TCMfl• CWNIKOC ncievoc 80YPiOIC' «

Or i gina I Inscription--Trans I at ion Lines 1-31 2 IG IV 1,95

1 Thearokokoi as far as Akarnania 2 Corinth: Lukomedes 3 De I phi: 4 Amphissa: Xenokrates

5 Oeantheia: Thearinos

6 Naupaktos: Neon 7 Kaludon: (thearodokos added later)

8 Akarnania: (thearodokos added later) 9 Oiniadai: Laippos 10 Stratos: Theopropidas 11 Photiai: Sisurnos 12 Koronta i: Axiochos, Pimphis

13 Medeon: Aristion 14 Astakos: (thearodokos added later) 15 Euripos: Koiromachos 16 Thurreion: Tauriskos 17 Echineos: Koson

18 Torubeia: Antandros proxenos 19 Alyzia: !thearodokos added later)

20 Leukas: Timophrades 21 Palairos: Leontios 22 Anaktorion: (thearodokos added later) 23 Epiros: (thearodokos added later) 24 Pandosia: Dioszotos 25 Kassope: Skepas, Aristodamos 26 Thesprotia: Petoas, Simakos

27 Poionos: Admatos 28 Corcyra: Mnasalkidas, Antiredas 29 Chaonia: Doropsos 30 Artichia: Schidas

31 Molossia: Tharyps Korradas 65

Original Inscription--Translation Lines 32-45 2 IG IV 1,95

32 Ambrakia: Timogenes

33 Argos: Leonteus

34 Akripoi: Mustron 35 Uporeia: Teisandros 36 Therminea: Echemenes 37 Phuleia: Phi loitios 38 Proscheos: Andros

39 Syracuse: Dian son of Hipparinos 40 Herakleridas son of Lysimachos 41 Italy: Lokri Butios 42 Kroton: Sonikos Peithuos 43 Thurii: Phrasidas son of Phaul los 44 Tarentum: (thearodokos added later) 45 Terina: Megan son of Agesidamos 66

Changes and Additions to the Inscription Lines 46-89 2 IG IV 1,95

46 Ita I y 47 Rhegion: Alkedamos 48 Hippionos 49 Metapontum: 50 Phi I emenos 51 (erasure) 52 Thur i i: 53 Damon 54 (added to Naupactosl Agemos Lusonos 55 (added to Kaludonl Theon, son of Polemarchos (added to Akarnanial in Limnaia: Thopinas, 56 son of Tolaos 57 Ar i [s] 58 Lukophron 59 Phi II os

60 In Sic i I y: 61 Syracuse: 62 (added to Astakosl Kal I ias [N]ikonos 63 (erasure) 64 Aristomachos 65 Klearchos 66 Leontini: 67 Hiketas 68 Nikanoros 69 (erasure) 70 (added to Alyzial Argeios, son of Gorgas 71 Catane: A[l] 72 kipos, son of Markos 73 (added to Anactorionl Epiros Kasopas Aristion, son of 74 Periandros 76 ZMarathai: Epin( i lkos, 75 son of Nikandros 77 (added to Epirosl Geron, son of Aristodamos 78 Sicily: Messana: 80 Onasimos, son of Olympiodoros

83 from Gela: 84 Herakleidas 85 son of Glaukos, Apol 86 I on[ i ]os, Lukon 87 88 eo as 89 s sTT1ax 67

Changes and Additions to the Inscription I ines 90-93 2 IG IV 1,95

90 Sic i I y: in Akra - 91 kle[us] 92 gant i: Thest i as Pi I [ ] -

93 I added to Tarentum) Hippen, Damoxenos APPENDIX B

ARGIVE THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION

I II

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68 APPENDIX C

DELPHIC THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTION

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~8 APPENDIX D

TABLE 1

THEARODOKOI INSCRIPTIONS PARALLELS

Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C. 2 2 IG IV 1,94 IG IV 1,95 Argos, c. 330 B.C. Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.

Names of Cities

a Bo i ot i o

'Opxo]~e:voc 1.8 'Opxo~EVWl Col. II 1. 23

9EC1'1fltll 1.6 9e:C'IfltllC II 1.27

Meyapa 1.2 [Mq)apo1c II 1.30

'Aeava1 1.3 _ Aegean Islands 'Aenvauc Co I. I 1.31 ·• "' 'Av6pw1 Co I. II 1.13 '"'Av6(p]wl I 1.33

'I aa;;'il I I 1.17 'I aaw1 IC 1.4

Ionia

Ku~a1 II 1.18 Ku~[al] I D 1.2

Epuepal:c r r 1.3 'Epue(pa\c] rD 1.3

~ [KA.]ar;oll[e:val:c] r r 1.1 KA.a(r;Joll[ EVtllC) ID 1.4

CD 0\ TABLE 1--Continued

Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C. 2 2 IG IV 1,94 IG IV 1,95 Argos, c. 330 B.C. De I phi , c. 175-200 B.C. -- Ionian Sea b Macedon and Thrace KE~ClAACXVlCXl Col. I 1. 20 [KE~CXH ]cxvtcx t Col. II 1.134 '.OIJoA.{ov 1.6 "'OIJOAlWt Col. Ill 1.50

IIulSva 1.7 IIulSvat I II 1.55

TpaytXcx 1.20 Spayu>.atc Ill 1. 70 b KaccavlSpEtcxt 1.41 KcxaacxvlS[pEtcxt] Ill 1.77

'Ail~lTIOAtC 1.18 'All~ (noXE[ t] Ill 1. 78

NEano>-tc 1. 27 NECXTIOt Ill 1. 82

'""AKaveoc 1.22 'Axavewt Ill 1.86 eacoc 1.31 eaawt Col. II 1.20 eaawt I II 1.87

MapwvEta 1.29 Mcx pw "" [ v ]E: t ex t I II 1.91

['Ano]XXwv\cx Col. I 1.14 'AnoXXwv\cxt Col. IV 1. 34

Acarnania and Epirus

NCXUTICXK1"0C 1.6 NCXUTIOX1"Wt Col. IV 1. 44

1.7 Ka>.ulSwv Ka>.ulSwvt IV 1. 45 (l) -.J TABLE 1--Continued

Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C. 2 2 IG IV 1,94 IG IV 1,95 Argos, c. 330 B.C. Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.

C-rpa-roc 1.10 1:-rpa-rw1 IV 1.48

'"'Apye:t 1.33 '"'Apyoc Co I. I 1.9 '"'Apye:t IV 1.49

'AI-IBPetKta 1. 32 ['AI-IBP]O)(tet I 1.10 'AI-IBPet)(tett IV 1. 50

Kaccw1ra 1.25 [KacrowlT]a. I 1.13 Ka.crcrwlTat IV 1. 51

otvtarSat 1.9 O{vtarSatc IV 1. 62

[~otv]'ixa. I 1.12 ~OlVl)(Ctl IV 1. 53

~OlTlOl 1.11 ~OlTletlC IV 1.63

otaveeat 1.5 Otav8Eat IV1.72

'A!-I!PtCCCtl (Phokisl1.4 'AudltOOl IV 1. 76

KopKupa 1. 28 [Kopx]upa. I 1.16 Kopxupa IV 1. 81

'Ava.KTOPl0\1 1.22 'AvaK-roptov I 1.3

l1aAetlpOC 1.21 [TiaAa.tp]oc I 1.5

'A).ur,:ea 1.19 [A).ur,:e]a I 1.6

TopuBe:ta. 1.18? [Tup]Be:tov I 1.7

CD CD TABLE 1--Continued

Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C. 2 2 IG IV 1,94 IG IV 1,95 Argos, c. 330 B.C. Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.

AEUKaC 1. 20 [AEU]KaC Co I. I 1.8

'"ATIElPOC 1. 23 ['"AnE]lpOC I 1.11

Italy

TapcnJT 1 1.44 TapcnJT 1 Col. IV 1. 83

AoKpotc 1.41 Aoxpo'lc IV 1. 87

PnylO\} 1.47 Pny\w1 IV 1. 89

80UPlOlC 1.52? ?8up[pElWl] IV 1.135

Sic i I y

Kcnavcn 1. 71 Kcnava 1 IV 1. 98

CupaKoucalc 1.39 L:upaxoucrcral IV 1. 99 1.61 [Kop]t:JvEla 1.7 [Kopwv]Elal Col. v 1. 7

Names of Thearodokoi

'"ApyEl-AEO\JTEUC 1.33 '"ApyEl-AEO\JTEUC Co I. IV 1. 49

()) 10 TABLE 1--Continued

Epidauros, c. 360-355 B.C. 2 2 IG IV 1,94 IG IV 1,95 Argos, c. 330 B.C. Delphi, c. 175-200 B.C.

Possible Connections

'AvaKTOPlOV-AptCT ('AvaK]Toptov-ITEptavopoc ITEptavopov 1.22 Co I. I 1. 3

'AllBPm::ta­ ['AllBP]I';tc::ta­ Koppaoac 1.81 [4>]opBaoac 1.10 Tt)lOYE\)nc 1.82

10 0