Folke Gernert Fictionalizing Heterodoxy

Home , Fantasy (Mini-Estrella), Giambattista della Porta, Lope de Barrientos, Martin Delrio

Folke Gernert Fictionalizing heterodoxy

Various uses of knowledge in the Spanish world from the Archpriest of Hita to Mateo Alemán ISBN 978-3-11-062872-2 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-062877-7 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-062878-4

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www.degruyter.com Contents

Acknowledgements VII

Introduction 1

The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 7

PhysiognomyinPrintand its Readers 20

The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences, Physiognomyand Chiromancy in the Face of the Inquisition 35

The Precariousness of Knowing the Occult: The Problematic Status of Physiognomy 59

The Physiognomic Knowledge of the Archpriest of Hita 81

The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue: La LozanaAndaluza and La pícara Justina 100

Predictive Astrology: From King Alcaraz to La Lozana Andaluza 112

Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBookofChivalry: the Baldo of 1542 127

The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries of the Baldo and the Guzmán de Alfarache 153

Bibliography 173

Index 198

Acknowledgements

The essays collected in this book are English translations of previouslypub- lished material. Iwould like to thank the following publishers and journals for the kind permission to reprint this material here:

Chapter One: “El Tratado de la adivinanza de Lope de Barrientos en el contexto europeo.” Los reinos peninsulares en el siglo XV:Delovivido alonarrado.En- cuentro de investigadores en Homenaje aMichel García.Ed. Fernando Toro Cebal- los. Andújar:Ayuntamiento, 2015.101-110.

Chapter Two: “La fisiognomía en la imprenta temprana ysus lectores.” Adivinos, médicosyprofesores de secretos en la España áurea.Ed. Folke Gernert.Toulouse: Méridiennes, 2017.21-31.

Chapter Three: “La legitimitaddelas cienciasparcialmenteocultas:fisonomía y quiromancia ante la Inquisición.” Saberes humanísticos.Ed. Christoph Strosetz- ki. Madrid /Frankfurt: Vervuert,2014. 105-128.

Chapter Four: “La precariedad del saber oculto – el estatus problemáticodela fisiognomía.” Saberes inestables: Estudios sobre expurgaciónyCensuraenlaEs- paña de los siglos XVI yXVII.Ed. Víctor Lillo, Dámaris Montes and María José Vega Ramos. Frankfurt /Madrid: Vervuert /Iberoamericana, 2018. 75-100.

Chapter Five: “El saber fisiognómicodel Arcipreste.” Actas del IV Congreso sobre El Arcipreste de Hita yel“Libro de Buen Amor” en Homenaje aAlberto Blecua.Ed. Fernando Toro Ceballos. Alcalá la Real: Ayuntamiento, 2016.https://cvc.cer vantes.es/literatura/arcipreste_hita/04/gernert.htm.

Chapter Six: “Los saberes problemáticos de la pícara: La LozanaAndaluza y La pícaraJustina.” Estrategias picarescas en tiempo de crisis.Ed. AmarantaSagura and Hannah Schlimpen. Trier: Hispanistik Trier,2016.43-51.

Chapter Seven: “La astrología judiciaria. Del reyAlcaraz a La Lozana Andaluza.” Juan Ruiz, Arcipreste de Hita, yel“Libro de buen amor”:Dueñas, cortesanas yal- cahuetas: “Libro de buen amor”, “La Celestina” y “La lozana andaluza.” Home- naje aJoseph T. Snow.Ed. Fernando Toro Ceballos. Alcalá la Real: Ayuntamiento, 2017.111-120.

Chapter Eight: “Saberes misceláneos, buenos ymalos, en el Baldo castellano (1542).” Los malos saberes.Ed. Folke Gernert.Toulouse: LesMéridiennes, 2016. 159-174.

Chapter Nine: “La acumulacióndesaberes (in)útiles en las Moralidades del Baldo yenelGuzmán de Alfarache.” Saberes(in)útiles: El enciclopedismo litera- rio áureo entre acumulación yaplicación.Ed. Mechthild Albert. Frankfurt /Ma- drid: Vervuert /Iberoamericana, 2016.129-144. Introduction

Autor.– […]Toma, tráeme un pocodepapelytinta, que quieronotar aquí una cosa que se me recordóagora.[…]¿En qué pasáis tiempo, mi señora? Lozana.– Cuando vino VuestraMerced, estaba diciendoelmodo que tengo de tenerpara vivir,que quien veza alos papagayos ahablar, me vezaráamí aganar.Yoséensalmar y encomendar ysantiguar cuando alguno está aojado, que una vieja me vezó, que era saludadera ybuena como yo.Séquitar ahitos,sépara lombrices, sé encantar la terciana, sé remedio paralacuartana yparaelmal de la madre. Sé cortarfrenillos de bobos ynobobos, sé hacer que no duelanlos riñones ysanar las renes yséensolversueños,séconocerenla frente la fisionomía ylaquiromancia en la mano, yprenosticar.¹

[AUTHOR.–…Now take this and getmealittle paper and ink. Iwant to jot something down Ijust remembered … How do youspend your time, Madam Lozana? Lozana.– When your lordship arrivedIwas describing how Imakemyliving, and anyone whocan teachparrots to talk can teach me my ways of earningmoney too. Iknow how to curebyspells and by makingthe sign of the cross over someone whohas been bewitched by the evil eye, for an old cronewho was as good apractitioner as Iamnow taught me. I know how to cureacuteindigestion; Ican cure worms; Iknow how to charm tertiary fevers away;Ihave remedies for quartan fever and for ills peculiar to mothers;Iknow how to cure tongue-tied fools and less than fools as well; Iknow how to restore kidneysand takeaway their pain; Ican treat disease of both men and women; Iknow how to curedeafness.and I can interpret dreams; Iknow how to readthe bumps on aforehead and the palm of ahand and predict the futureaswell.]

In Francisco Delicado’s La Lozana Andaluza,the very author is acharacter and an interlocutor of the protagonist.His companionship with the characters of his own making highlights the fictionalityofthe text and its creation by means of metafictional commentaries.Writing Lozana and writing about Lozana entails writing about knowledge.Delicado’sprotagonistisdefined by an array of mostly controversialcompetences that must be read against the backdrop of scientific developments of that time. As the sociologist Thomas F. Gieryn remarks, “science is no single thing:its boundaries are drawnand redrawninflexible, historically changingand sometimes ambiguous ways” (1983, 781). Lozana’sknowledge is dangerouslyclose to heterodoxy with regard to its academic status and with re- gardtoher genderand social rank, and as well as on religious grounds. Speaking about the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,Arielle Saiber observes that “literature and science werealigned in manyquestions and strug- gles” (2010,423), which are – Imay add – particularlyimportant for my research on Delicado’snovel and other earlymodern Spanish texts:

 La Lozana Andaluza XLII(2013,215), translation Damiani (1982, 187–188).

HowdoIdisseminatemywork(or keep it secret,asthe case maybe)? Should Iwritein Latin or the vernacular; should Ifollow the styleand contentofthe “ancients” or the “mod- erns”?Does my work teach properly? How do Ireconcile what Iobserveinthe natural world and in human naturewith Church doctrine?[…]How do Ipresent my work such that it pleases apatron and garners support?Why not saywhatIwant to,how Iwant to?(2010,423)

The essays assembled in this book are concerned with these questions, assuming that “both literature and science are systems dedicated to the production of knowledge” (Marchitello and Tribble 2017,xxv). The editors of the recent Pal- grave HandbookofEarly Modern Literature and Science open theirintroduction with aconsideration regardingthe publication of twomayor works of Western culturein1623: Galileo’s Il Saggiatore and Shakespeare’sComplete Works. This coincidence, both booksbeing published in the sameyear,calls into question classicaldichotomies such as literaryvs. scientific, creative vs. empirical or fac- tual vs.imaginative:

These two trajectories – which by convention we will cometocall disciplines(in the broad- est sense of the term) – and the separation between them have typicallybeen understood to describe afundamental division of the kingdom of human culture and experience: on the one side, the unfetteredworkofthe human imagination and on the other the relentless (and accumulative)production of arigorouslyrational and explicable catalogofsolid truths.(Marchitello and Tribble 2017,xxiii)

Current Literature and ScienceStudies have overcome such abinaryview and are conscious,² especiallywith regard to earlymodern times, that – as Cummins and Burchell argue –, “[l]iterary and rhetorical forms contributed to the development of science as amoderndiscipline so that earlymodern ‘literature’ and ‘science’ cannot always be sharply distinguished” (2007, 2). As ascholar of medieval and earlymodern Spanish literature, Iamcon- cerned especiallywith the aesthetic dimension of knowledge in fiction.³ Apart from identifying scientific contents,⁴ the form and structure of their presentation

 See the articles editedbyFreiburg, Lubkoll and Neumeyer (2017) and the introduction by the editors.  As Friedlein (2014, 15) observed, scholars working on the textualization of knowledge often neglected this aspect.  According to Köppe, thereare different achievements of literatureconcerning knowledge: ‘lit- eratureincreases knowledge;literaturecommunicates knowledge;literatureillustrates knowledge;literaturepopularizes knowledge;literatureproblematizes knowledge, literatureantici- pates knowledge,literatureparticipates in conceptualizing of afield of reality and structures the field of the knowable; literature requires knowledge;literaturecontains knowledge and lit- Introduction 3 are clues to abetter understanding of literature. The endless and intentionally absurdlists of François Rabelais can be read as an answer to the accumulation of knowledge in commonplacebooksand the like.⁵ Concerningthe diffusion and popularization of scientific lore, the role of the printing press as an ‘agent of change’,inthe words of Eisenstein (1980),iscrucial. The methodological approaches of book and reading history (e.g. the studyofmarks in books, inventories of private and publiclibraries) permit the historical categorization of different typesofknowledge bearers.The broader circulation of ideas through printing furthermore involves new strategies of ideological control.⁶

*** Since 2010,the Hispano-German ResearchNetwork Saberes humanísticos yformas de vida en la temprana modernidad [Humanistic Learning and WayofLife in Early Modern Times], foundedbyPedro M. Cátedra and Christoph Strosetzki, has analysed the relationship between knowledge,experience and cultural practices,emphasizing the studyofthe limits and the dialectics in between legiti- mate and illegitimate knowledge of expertsorsubalterns, institutionalized or at the margins (www.saberes.es).From 2012 on, Iworked six years as Principal Researcher in two subsequent projects funded by the Deutsche Forschungsge- meinschaft (Voraussagen zwischen okkultem Wissen und Wissenschaft [Divination in between Occultism and Science]) and the articles collected in this book are some of the results of the investigations carriedout in this period and the fruit of the productive exchangewithin this group.⁷ The first chapter contextualises the Tratado de la divinança [Treatise on Div- ination]byLopedeBarrientos in abroader European context of anti-superstitious literature and propaganda. Thework of the converted Spanish Jewis read through the lens of other fifteenth-century-treatises written by French and German authorsinthe vernacular in order to address asecular audience criticising their adherencetoastrology and the arts of divination. In the late fifteenth century,the printing press gave wide diffusiontothe physiognomic manuals of classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages. In the second

eratureis(aform of)knowledge’ (2011,6). (If not specified otherwise, all translationsand para- phrasis in single quotationmarks arefromCollin Reymann).  In his groundbreakingstudy, Burkeremarks that “the general trend to the accumulation of moreand moreinformationinthe earlymodern period seems fairlyclear,aswell as the tendency to arrange it in tabular or statistical form” (2000,117).  Particularlyinterestingare the recent studies about the censuringofheterodoxy by María José Vega Ramos (2010 and 2012).  See as well Gernert (2018). 4 Introduction chapter,Istudy these works from the viewpoint of the culturalhistory of the book and of reading. The handwritten annotations in manyofthe surviving copies inform about earlyreaders’ concerns as well as about their social statusand profession. These results lead to the question if authors of literary texts likeFer- nando de Rojas wereamong the readers of these booksand in what waythey fictionalized this knowledge. Physiognomyaswell as chiromancyare now regarded as pseudoscience if not as plain humbug. In earlymoderntimes these practices wereconsidered either as scientificallyvaluable or,onreligious grounds,ashighlyproblematic, since their divinatory components are in conflict with the dogma of the free will. In chapters threeand four the legitimacy and the instability of this kind of knowledge are examined by looking at papal bulls, indexes of prohibited books and anti-superstitious treatises. In chapter three, Istudy the true effect that the Inquisition’scondemnations had on the diffusion of physiognomic lore, focussing on the fortune of the works of the Neapolitan physiognomist and magus Giovanni Battista Della Porta and of Jean Taisnierfrom Belgium. An- other methodological approach is the studyofinventories of privateand public libraries, which allows one to obtain the profiles of readersinterested in the occult,often openly disregardful of the authorities’ prohibitions.The fourth chapter goes into asimilar direction concentratingontreatises against superstition from the fifteenth to the seventeenth century and on the censoringofphysiognomic works by Michael Scott,Giovanni Battista della Porta and Jean Taisnier. Asecond group of articles studies the textualization and fictionalization of problematic knowledge in medieval and earlymoderntimes. Chapter five deals with physiognomic lore in the Book of Good Love by Juan Ruiz, Archpriest of Hita, the earliest version of which dates from 1330.Reading the bodilyfeatures in the portraits of beauty and ugliness in this medieval text in comparison with the physiognomic manuals of the time, manypassages gain in significance.One might even go so far as to arguethat the Archpriest dealt with the question of the heuristicvalue of this semiotic practice.Chapter Six scrutinizesthe competences of femalerogues likeFrancisco Delicado’sLozana or López de Úbeda’sJustina. These femalecharacters act as physiognomists who are able to decipher the bodies of the others, doing this often in an ironic or burlesque manner.Chapter Seven concentrates on the fictionalization of astrological knowledge,beginning with aglanceatthe famous episode of the outlandish wayinwhich the son of King Alcaraz dies in the Book of Good Love,interpreting it as evidence of the sceptical attitude of the Archpriest towards this practice of divination. In Portrait of Lozana, the lusty Andalusian woman the contemporary custom of trying to foresee future events is ridiculedbymeans of different textual strategies that are reminiscent of the works of François Rabelais or Pietro Aretino. Works cited 5

The lasttwo chapters examine the use of different formsofknowledge in a rather peculiarchivalric novel, published in 1542inthe printing house of Dome- nico de’ Robertis in Seville. The Spanish Baldo is afree adaptation of Teofilo Fo- lengo’smacaronic epos Baldus. The proto-picaresque character Cíngar is the bearer of heterogeneous competences and forms of knowledge that are integrat- ed in different ways in the narration of the adventures of the knights. Chapter Eight studies the encyclopaedic knowledge accumulated in the extradiegetic moralisticcommentaries in Baldo in comparison with Mateo Alemán’s Guzmán de Alfarache,and theirrespective structural relevance. The emphasis lies on those passages in which Folengo’shypotext parodies problematic forms of knowledge like alchemy, astrology or divination. Chapter Nine appliesthe com- parative approach to the moralistic commentaries of Baldo and GuzmándeAlfar- ache, placing special emphasis on its relationship to the miscellanies and polyantheas in use at the time. In aperiod characterized by an information overload and changingpostures towards knowledge⁸ learning is achallengecomparable to the adventuresof knights and rogues. Threatened by the peril of ignorance, literary characters like Celestina, Lozana, Cíngar or Guzmán de Alfarache make use of wisdom as weapon without ever fearing heterodoxy.

Workscited

Primarysources

Delicado, Francisco. La Lozana Andaluza. Ed. Jacques Joset &Folke Gernert. Madrid: Real Academia Española, 2013. Delicado, Francisco. Portrait of Lozana, the lusty AndalusianWoman. Trans. Bruno M. Damiani. Potomac: Scripta Humanistica, 1987.

 See Blair whostates: “Anew attitude towardseekingout and stockpiling information was the crucial cause of the information explosion,moresignificant than anyparticular new discovery” (2010,12).According to Rosenberg “during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries factors such as an increasingproduction and dissemination of books,developingnetworks of scientific communication, discoveries and innovations in the sciences, and new economic relationships all conspired to produce such quantities of new information that asubstantial reorganization of the intellectual world was required” (2003,6). 6 Introduction

Secondarysources

Blair,Ann. Toomuch to know.Managing scholarly information beforethe modernage.New Haven: Yale UniversityPress, 2010. Burchell, David and Juliet Cummins (ed.). Science, Literatureand Rhetoric in EarlyModern England.Aldershot: Ashgate,2007. Burke,Peter. Asocial historyofknowledge fromGutenbergtoDiderot.Cambridge: Polity Press, 2000. Eisenstein, Elizabeth L., The printing press as an agentofchange: communications and cultural transformations in early-modernEurope.Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity Press, 1980. Freiburg, Rudolf,Christine Lubkoll and Harald Neumeyer (ed.). Zwischen Literatur und Naturwissenschaft. Debatten – Probleme – Visionen 1680–1820.Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017. Friedlein, Roger. Kosmovisionen. Inszenierungen von Wissen und Dichtung im Epos der Renaissance in Frankreich,Portugal und Spanien.Stuttgart: Steiner,2014. Gernert, Folke. Lecturas del cuerpo. Fisiognomía yliteraturaenlaEspaña áurea.Salamanca: EdicionesdelaUniversidad de Salamanca, 2018. Gieryn,Thomas F. “Boundary-work and the demarcation of science from non-science: Strains and interests in professional ideologies of scientists.” American Sociological Review 48 (1983): 781–795. Köppe, Tilmann. “Literatur undWissen: ZurStrukturierung des Forschungsfeldes und seiner Kontroversen.” Literatur und Wissen. Theoretisch-methodische Zugänge.Ed. Tilmann Köppe. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011. 1–28. Marchitello, Howardand EvelynTribble(ed.). The PalgraveHandbook of Early Modern Literatureand Science.London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017. Rosenberg, Daniel. “Early modern information overload.” Journal of the History of Ideas 64 (2003): 1-9. Saiber,Arielle. “Middle Agesand early Renaissance.” The Routledge Companion to Literature and Science.Ed. Bruce Clarkeand Manuela Rossini. London /New York: Routledge, 2010. 423–437. Vega Ramos, María José, Julian Weissand Cesc Esteve (ed.). Reading and censorship in Early Modern Europe. Barcelona: Universitat AutònomadeBarcelona, 2010. Vega Ramos, María José. Disenso ycensuraenelSiglo XVI. Salamanca: SEMYR, 2012. The Tratadodeladivinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context

As we know,the bodyofanti-superstitious treatises from the late Middle Ages is based on classical sources like the De divinatione of Cicero¹ and, aboveall, Chris- tian sources like the De divinatione daemonum and the De civitateDei of Saint Augustine (354–430),² the Etymologiae of Saint Isidore of Seville (560 –636),³ the Decretum of Gratian (completed in 1140)⁴ and, especially, on Thomas Aqui- nas (1225–1274).⁵ Onlyafter the middle of the fourteenth centurydid the first anti-superstitious treatises appear in the vernacular.They made theological sub- tleties and scholastic discussions available to awider audience thatneither read Latin easilynor was well familiar with Patristics or its interpretation. The first treatise against divinationinvernacular languagewas writtenby Nicole Oresme(ca.1320 –1382)⁶ around 1356,bytranslating (and simplifying) his own Latin work Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios (1349)⁷ into the Livre de divinacions.⁸ TheBishopofLisieux explains the intention of his work

 See the Spanish edition by Escobar (1999).  See the bilingual edition of Sobre las prediccionesdelos demonios by León Mescua (2014) and De civitate Dei VIII, 14– 24 in the edition by Santamarta del Río and Fuertes Lanero (2006,315– 333). See Thurston (1930), Götz (1987, 57–84) and Bink (2008, 44–45); for the De divinatione daemonum Schlappbach (2013,132–134) and Tuczay (2012, 53) for its importance for the decreeof Gratian.  Etimologías VIII, 9, 13 (2004,704) and thereto regarding Boudet (2006,15) and Tuczay(2012, 54–55).  Decretum Gratiani,Pars secunda, causa XXVI, quaestio III et IV,C.I.De multiplici generediui- nationis §. 1. (http://geschichte.digitale-sammlungen.de/decretum-gratiani/kapitel/dc_chap- ter_3_3015,28March2015). See Tuczay(2012, 53).  See Summa theologiae II, quaestio 95 about divination, and for Thomas Aquinas’ conceptions about magic Linsenmann(2000).  Forhis life and works, see the acts of congress Autour de Nicole Oresme (1990).  In addition to these two treatises against astrology, Oresme writes athird, the Quaestio contra divinatores horoscopios (1370), editedbyCaroti (1977). Jourdain studied Oresme’sstanceagainst astrology (1875)and, later,sodid Coopland(1952) and Caroti (1979);for the chronologysee Leij- bowicz(1990).  See Rapisarda for the strategies of auto-translation and especiallyits conclusions: “In the case of Nicole Oresme’s Livre de divinacions,wecan thus confirm the ‘traditional’ idea that vul- garization is simplification. It is evident that he did not use vernacular Frenchbecause he was unable to use Latin; he uses it in order to adapt his text to adifferent audience, not ignorant of Latin, but probablyless at ease with, or less interested in, academic sophistication, without the need of extreme precision in quotation and sharpness in meaning” (2012,252); asynopsis of the changesinCaroti (1979,563 – 564).

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-003 8 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext and the reasons for the auto-translation in the Proheme [Prologue]ofthe French text:

Mon entencion al’aide de Dieu est monstrer en ce livretpar experience, par auctoritéset par raison humaine que folle chose, malvaise et perilleuse temporelment est mectreson entente avouloir savoir ou diviner les aventures et les fortunes avenir ou les choses oc- cultes par astrologie, par geomancie, par nigromancie ou par quelconques telx ars,se l’en les doit apeller ars.Maismenttel chose est plusperilleuse apersonnes d’estat come sont princes et seigneurs auxquielx apartient le gouvernement publique. Et pour ce ay je composé ce livretenfrançois afin que gens lays le puissent entendre, des quiex si comme j’ay entendu,plusieurs sont trop enclins atelles fatuités; et autre foys ay je escript en latin de ceste matiere.⁹

[My intention, with the help of God, is to show in this bookletbymeans of experience, authorities and human reasonthat it is acrazy thing,bad and dangerous at the same time, to attempt to gettoknow or to divine the ventures and fortunes to come or to know the hidden things with the help of astrology,geomancy, black magic or others of these arts if we should call them ‘arts’.These things arehowever moredangerous for statesmen likeprinces or lords in charge of public government. And for this reason,Icomposed this booklet in Frenchsothat laymen can understand it,manyofwhom – as Ifound out – aretoo inclined to such fatuities;onother occasions Iwroteabout this subject in Latin.]

Nicole Oresmerewrites his own work in order to address adifferent audience, a secular audience of princesand great lords,¹⁰ whose interest in the occultarts could have dire consequences.The text is, as Rapisarda observes, “built on atyp- icallyscholastic argumentativeprogression, basedonthe alternation of pro and contra” (2012,234). Half acentury later, there appears another treatise against the arts of divination in the French language, this time in the court of Burgundy: Contre les devineurs (1411) is the title of the text written by the Dominican Laurent Pignon (ca.1368–1449),¹¹ confessor to Philip the Good,with no mention at all of Nicole

 Oresme (2009,80). The author returns to the use of Frenchand Latin to speak about the problem of divination in Le quart chapitre: responce aune objection [TheFourth Chapter:Answer to an Objection], Oresme(2009,80).  Rapisarda (2012,233): “As he himself declares, he has alreadywritten about this topic in Latin. In fact,hehad written a Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios chieflyaddressed to a public of scholars and then proceedstoself-translatingitasLivrededivinacions in order to makeitacceptable to an audienceless competent in an autonomous readingofaLatin text. It is not easy to determine exactlytowhom the Livrededivinacions was addressed. Is Oresme tryingtoget aroundthe scholastic writers he was arguing against by aimingfor adifferent audience?”.See also Lefèvre(1990) for this prologueand the use of the Frenchlanguage.  See Vanderjagt (1985, 5 – 34) for his biography. The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 9

Oresme.¹² It is atype of reflection for princes¹³ dedicated to Jean sans Peur (John the Fearless).¹⁴ As Veenstraobserves, Pigon “translates fairlytraditional material and tries to adapt it to the interests and tastes of aFrench-Burgundian court audience” (1997, 15). It is noteworthythat the author would feel, justasOresme did, the need to comment in the prologuenot onlyhis intention, but also the choice of French as the conduit of his reflections:

Je,acuy appartient de mon offise prechier veritéetqui par maintesfois ay publiquement en vostre presencethocié de cestematiere, veul sur ce compose[r] un petit traitiét ad ce que par ignoranceaucun ne pechent encontre nostrefoy.Ouquel traitié je ne veul riens dire de mon seul et propre sentement,ains je veul seulement exposer et translater de latin en françois les raisons et auctoritésdelasainte escriptureetdes sains docteurs de l’Eglise [et] la determinacion de SainteEglise, en tele maniereace que aucun n’aient cause de dire que ce soit oppinion particuliere ou de moi ou d’autre.¹⁵

[Asaperson to whom it pertains by profession to preach the truth and wholectured pub- liclymanyatimes in your presenceabout this matter,Iwant to compose alittle treatise in order to prevent anybodyfromsinning, through ignorance, against our belief. In this treatise Idon’twant to sayanythingabout my own feelings,but Iwant to expose and to trans- latefromLatin into French merelythe reasons and authorities of the Holy Writ and the holy doctors of the Church and the determination of the HolyChurch, so that nobodycould arguethat this is my personal opinion or the opinion of somebodyelse.]

 See Veenstra (1997, 327,footnote348: “Though Pignon was evidentlyawareofthe older lit- eratureonmagic and divination, he made no references to the works of his contemporaries or near-contemporaries.Herefers to leçons, collacions and predicacions but givesnoexamples.Ni- cole Oresme’s Livre de divinacions,Philippe de Mézières’sallegorical denunciation of superstition in Le SongeduVieil Pelerin,Jean Gerson’s De erroribus circaartem magicam,tomention the most important contemporary texts from France, seem to be unknown to Pignon”), Véronèse (2001,114)and Rapisarda (2009,66): “Nicole Oresme non viene mai citato,comed’altronde le altre operecontemporanee che denunzianomagia esuperstizione” [Nicole Oresme is never mentioned, like the other contemporary works that criticise magic and superstition].  See Véronèse (2001,115): “Par bien des aspects,leContreles devineurs appartient au genre des Miroirs auxprinces. Il s’agit de faire prendre conscienceauduc qu’un bon gouvernement ne saurait souffrir la moindrecompromission avecundevineur” [In manyaspects, the Contre les devineurs belongs to the genreofmirrorofprinces. It intends to show to the duke that good government must not suffer even aminor compromise with adiviner].  “Atres excellent et puissant princeJehan ducdeBorgoigne, contedeFlandres, d’Artoisetde Borgogne, son humble et devot subjet et serviteur recommandacion deüe” Pignon (1997, 223) [To the excellent and mighty princeJohn, Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders,Artois and Burgun- dy with all duerespect of his humble and devout subject and servant].  Pignon (1997, 224). 10 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext

Next,Laurent Pignon insists that the treatise be submitted to the judgment “des sages et des clers ou de vostreconseil ou autres”¹⁶ [of the wise men and the clergy or to your council or that of others] so that they would certify the veracity of his thesis. Thisinsistenceisdue, perhaps,tothe fact that the Dominican condemns not onlythe arts of divination in general, but also the recipient of his treatise in particular.Wedon’tknow with completecertainty if the Duke of Burgundy was so much adevotee of these practices as was Charles VofFrance, for whom Oresme writeshis Livrededivinacions,openlycriticising the adherencetoastrol- ogybythose in power.That Pignon wasmorecautious thanthe Bishop of Lisieux is possiblyexplainedbythe type of relationship that he maintainedwith the monarch. In fact,Rapisarda deliberatelypointsout the familiarity between Nico- le Oresme and the French King Charles V, who is “evêque du roieconsigliere regio, uno dei più vicini edei più ascoltati dal suo sovrano” (2009,14) [bishop of the king and royal counsellor,aperson with close relationship to the sovereign and one of the most respectedsubjects]. Returning to Pignon’streatise, it is necessary to emphasise that the Dominican insists that “les coses ychi conte- nues soient veritables,sainnes et catholiques” [the thingscontained are really sound and Catholic] urging the Duke “que les veulliés acepter et approver,croire et tenir” [that he should accept and approve, believeand honour them]. In the second prologue – Quiest la cause et moventdefaire ce traitié? [What are the reason and motive for the making of this treatise?] – Pignon is more explicit:

Et pour tant que pluseurs se porroient aesmervillier qui est la cause et movent de ce traitié faire,m’aesmeü acetraitié cy composer,lacause ad ce moy movent est ce que j’ey veüen mon tem[p]s pluseurs notables et grans segneurs et autresgens de tous estas,lesquels estoient aucunnement enclin aoïr et donner odianceatelz divinateurs, cuidans que leurs ovrages et pronosticationsfussent fondees sur bonne et royale scienche.¹⁷

[And because manyofyou could wonder what the reason and motive arefor the makingof this treatise, whyIwas induced to compose this treatise, the reasonwhich moved me to this is that Isaw in my times manyimportantand great lords and other people of all ranks,who werebynomeans inclined to listen to such diviners, providingthat their works and prog- nostications were founded on good and royal science.]

The spread of divination practices throughout society causes indignation in the Dominican, who from the start provides aseries of interesting facts. Theauthor transcribes adocument from asoothsayerasanexample of this kind of unreli- able composition, thus giving us what is probablythe onlydocument of its

 Pignon (1997, 224).  Pignon (1997, 225). The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 11 kind.¹⁸ After documenting the wide dissemination of this abhorrent practice, Pignon justifies the need to combat them arguing thatprivateindoctrination is insufficient and, even more interestingly,because “predicacion publique n’aau- cunement lieu en telle matiere cy pesant et si perileuse en nostre foy” [public sermons about this important and dangerous subjectconcerning our belief are never held].¹⁹ While the paratexts informusofthe historical reality in Burgundy, the actual treatise distances itself considerablyfrom this reality by wayofits learned and bookish inspiration. In order to completethe fifteenth century panorama it is necessary to mention JohannesHartlieb (ca.1400 –1468),²⁰ author of the first chiromantic manual in German and Das puch aller verpoten kunst [Thebook of all the forbidden arts],²¹ finished circa 1456for the MargraveJohannesvon Brandenburg-Kulmbach, called the alchemist (1403–1464):

Ichwillen hab zu schreiben und melden durch bätt,haissen und geschäfft des durchleüch- tigen, hochgelobten fürsten marggraufen Johannsen zu Branndenburg, ains rechtenliebhabers warer und rechter kunst und ains getriüen mitleiders aller irrgeenden.²²

[I want to writeatthe request and order of the eminent prince, the Margrave Johannes von Brandenburg, agenuine devotee of the true arts with great compassion for those whoare in error.]

After this and otherpraises of the wisdom of the prince,Hartlieb changes his tone somewhat and mulls over the possibilitythat the sovereign, whom he calls ‘brother in law’,could fall into the temptation of devoting himself to the forbidden arts:

Durchleüchtiger, hochgeporner fürst und swager, sun des allercristenlichisten fürsten marg- graven Fridrichs,ains rechtenliebhabers aller gaistlichen diet und werder priesterschaft, seit dein hoche vernunft so begirlichbegert,sucht und erfragtalle kunst und verborgen list und aller vollkommenhait in dir kein mangel noch geprechen ist dann allain mangel

 See Pignon (1997, 225) and footnote14: “This curious pieceofsoothsayer’sadvice is probably one of afew (if not the onlyone) of its kind to survive”.  See Pignon (1997, 228and footnote20).  Forthe biography of Hartlieb see Ulm (1913,1–6), Schmitt (1962, 5–15) and Fürbeth (1992).  The most recent researchers question his authorship of the Buch von der hand,studied by Fürbeth (2007), and they suspect that therewas morethan one author of the same name. This fact would explain the manyincongruences in the biographyofHartlieb, see Fürbeth (1992).Schmitt (1962, 250–281) and (1966) explainsthe apparent change in Hartlieb’sattitude between the chiromantic manual and his anti-superstitious treatise through the influence of Nicholas of Cusa.  Hartlieb (1998, 44). 12 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext

latinischer zungen, so wär ymmer und ymmer zu clagen, soltdein tieffe weißheit in zauber- listen und ungelauben vernüpft,versenckt oder vertiefft werden. Darumbsammel und schreibe ich, doctor Hartlieb, dir,meinem allergnädigsten herren und swager, am erste die siben verbotenkünst […].²³

[Your serene Highness,most noble princeand brother-in-law, and son to the most Christian prince, the Margrave Frederic, agenuine lover of spiritual fareand of the noble clergy,since your fair judgement so jealouslycovets, searches and desires to encounter all secret thruths and now that the command of the Latin languageisall youneed to reachperfection, it would be most lamentable if your deep erudition werelost to sorcery and deceit.Therefore, It is to you, my noble Lord, that I, Doctor Hartlieb, first direct what Ihavegatheredand written about the seven forbidden arts.]

The grandiloquent rhetoric barelycamouflages the author’sconcern for his ad- dressee’ssurelymeasured dedication to magic.²⁴ The risk which the margrave ranresided in his uncommon intellectual curiosity,together with his ignorance of Latin. Unlikethe aforementioned French authors, Hartlieb right from the beginning insists on the role the devil has in this,the devil being the undoing of mankind and the one responsible for its dedication to the forbidden arts:

Sölich zaubrey,ungelauben und tiüffels gespenst laider manigemund hochen und nydern menschen hertzen gewurtzelt und gepflantzt ist.²⁵

[Similar magic, superstition, and demonic illusions unfortunatelyflourish in the hearts of persons highand low.]

As Fürbeth studies (1992, 100 –105),Hartlieb does not base his analysis of demonic influencevia the divination arts and other theological reflections directly on SaintThomas and the holydoctors whom he cites,but rather on the Tractatus de superstitionibus by Nicholas Magni of Jawor,²⁶ awork of Thomist inspiration that was very widespread in the fifteenth century.Hartlieb puts forward the theological material and the scholasticstructure of his model(s), and he enriches his discourse through illustrative examples with views on instructing alaical audience, which he aims to protect against demonic influence;²⁷ in fact,inthe second part of his treatise,which was not completed, Hartlieb intended to explain the influenceofthe devil in each of the seven forbidden arts.

 Hartlieb (1998, 46).  Fürbeth (1992, 120) argues,infact,that Hartlieb did not writethe work by order of the prince, but rather by his own initiative in order to put him on alert.  Hartlieb (1998, 44).  See Moeller (s.a.); the treatise is available online at Archival/Manuscript Material UPenn Ms. Codex 78.Folios 35r–63v.:http://dewey.library.upenn.edu/sceti/(16 September 2017).  See Fürbeth (1992, 117–120). The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 13

This brief review of anti-superstitious treatisesinvernacular languageserves as abasis for me to contextualise the Tratado de la divinança [Treatise on Divi- nation]byLope de Barrientos(1382/1395–1469)within the contemporary bodyof European literature. It is interesting to note that the other authors studied are, like him, figures with theological education who are very close to those in power in their time. LopedeBarrientos was confessor²⁸ to King John II (1405– 1454), whose children he educated.²⁹ Martínez Casado(1995,41) observes in this respect thatthe ‘exercise of the tasks of prince’steacherimplied acloseness that facilitated the personal interaction between John II and Barrientos’.Whatwe are dealing with is thereforethe sametrust and closeness thatcharacterised Ni- cole Oresme’srelationship with the French King Charles Vand that possibly guaranteed to the converted Spanish Jewthe ability to speakwith the same frankness about such delicate topics as the BishopofLisieux. Whatever the case, the king rewards Barrientos’sserviceswith the bishopricofCuenca, apo- sition he assumes in 1445.Aswith the aforementioned French and German authors, LopedeBarrientoswrites his Tratado de la divinança³⁰ afterthis date at the behestofhis prince: “Pormandamiento del muy esclareçido emuy poderoso echristianíssimo rey don Juan, copilado por la su omillfechura. ObispodeCuen- ca”³¹ [By order of the most enlightened and powerful and most Christian King John, compiled through humble workmanship. The Bishop of Cuenca]. There are thosewho explain the scant spreadingofBarrientos’swork with the fact that he was known for two diametricallyopposite enterprises,³² on the one hand as adefenderofconverts³³ and on the other,asaninquisitor and as the man responsible for the purging of the library of Enrique de Villena.³⁴

 See Díez Garretas (1993, 313) and Rábade Obradó (1994,193).  See Martínez Casado (1995,41) for the Dominican’swork as teacher to the futureHenry IV, the futureQueen Isabella of Castile, and her brother Alfonso.  ForJohn II, Barrientos writes threetreatises in total: in addition to De la divinanza, De caso e fortuna and De los sueños that werestudied by Martínez Casado (1994,126–138) and (1995,49), whohighlights the ‘admirablysober prose’ with which ‘he explainswith notable clarity the proposals of Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas’;see also Álvarez López (2000). The Tractado de caso yfortuna was edited by Godinas (2006) and the Tratado del dormir ydespertar by García- Monge Carretero(2001); there is an edition of the three treatises,just as they aretransmitted, in a manuscript in the National Library of Madrid by the aforementionedÁlvarez López (2000).  Barrientos(1992, 166).  See the explanation of Rísquez Madrid (2012,336–337).  See García-Jalón de la Lama (1988), Martínez Casado (1995,46–47)and (1996), CanteraMon- tenegro (1997) and Amran (2013).  Studies on Lope de Barrientos tend to highlightthis episode in the life of the Bishop of Cuen- ca, see Martínez Casado (1994,23) and Álvarez López (2000,23). Forthe burningofthe books of Enrique de Villena see also GascónVera (1979). 14 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context

To the monarch, who considered him “servidor epersona de quien mucho fiaba”³⁵ [servant and person in whom Igreatlytrust], he says at the beginning of the prologue:

Rey christianíssimo, Prínçipe de grant poder.Por quantoenelTractado de los sueños,que por mandamiento de tu Alteza copillé, se faze mençión de la adevinança, enon se pusieron en él las espeçies del divinar eadevinança, por lo qual tu Señoría de nuevomeenbió man- dar que d’ello te copilase otrotractado;enloqual, commo dixeenelprimerodeCasoe Fortuna,semuestra bien tu virtuosa condiçión ereal deseo en querer saber lo que a todo rey eprínçipe pertenesçesaber,ca, non lo sabiendo, non podrías por ty juzgar ede- terminar en los tales casos de artemágica, quando ante tu Alteza fuesen denunçiados.E por esta causa todos los prínçipeseperlados deven saber todas las espeçies emaneras de la artemágica, porque non les acaesca lo que soy çiertoque aotros acaesçió:condenp- nar los inoçentes eabsolverlos reos.³⁶

[Most Christian King, Princeofgreat power. Inasmuch as the Treatise on Dreams,which by order of your Highness Icompiled, makes mention of divination, and does not include the kinds of diviningand divination, because of which your Lordship againissued me an order to compile for youanother treatise; in which,asIsaid in the first treatise on Matter and Fortune,one can see your virtuous condition and true desire in wantingtoknow what falls to every kingand princetoknow,which, not knowingit, youcould not,onyour own, judge and determine in such cases of magical art,whenbeforeyour Highness they werecondemned. And for this reason all princes and noblemen should know all varieties and forms of magical art,soasnot to succumb to that which, Iamcertain, befell others:to condemn the innocent and absolve criminals.]

The reason that the monarch should know about magic is, accordingtoLopede Barrientos,eminentlypragmatic: in his position of authority to judge and sen- tencehis subjects, he must be able to differentiate, in the case of accusations through the use of magical arts, between just and unjust.Inthis brief prologue, Lope de Barrientos does not speak of his decision to draft his treatise in Spanish or the problems that this entails, even though just at the beginning of the first part,when he discusses the question “Si ay adevinança onon” [If thereisdivi- nation or not], we read:

Esta primera parteesmateria muy ardua edealtaespeculaçión, tal que eramejor dezirse por palabrabivaque non por escriptura, por quantoayenella algunos passos que por es-

 See Díez Garretas (1993, 314), whoalso observes: “Yasí vemos aDon Lope siempre al lado del monarca, comomediador ycomoconsejero,enlos conflictos familiares, sociales ybélicos que se suceden en el reino entre1441y1445” (314–315) [And so we see Don Lope forever at the side of his king, as mediator and counsellor,inconflicts familial, social and military, which occur in this kingdom between 1441 and 1445].  Barrientos(1992, 167). The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 15

criptura serían difíçiles de se entender,espeçialmente alos que non saben los prinçipiosde las sçiençias;pero,considerando la excelencia de tu alto juyzio, easimesmo conosçiendo que non faltarán atuAlteza sabios que te aclaren las dubdas que ocurrieren, porné aquí las más palpables razones que podré ecessaré de poner otras de tanta importançia que non sufren escriptura en romançe, porque alos ignorantes non recrescan dende mayores dubdas por las non poder entender,cadetualtojuyzio eentendimiento, çiertosoy que te serán claramentemanifiestasenotorias, d’ellas por ty ed’ellas conpoca ayuda de sabios prin- çipiados.Peroçéssolo por la causa sobredicha, por ser la escriptura en romançe, la qual viniendo verná anotiçia de algunos inorantes podrían errar,comodicho es.³⁷

[This first part is an arduous subject and one of great speculation, such that it was betterto sayitbyspoken word rather than in writing, insofar as thereare sectionsofitthat,inwrit- ing,would be difficulttounderstand, especiallyfor those whodonot know the principles of science; but,consideringthe excellenceofyour sublime judgment,and likewise knowing that your Highness is not in want of wise men to clarify the doubts that will arise, Iwill propound herethe most discernible reasons that Ican, and Iwill cease to offer others of equal importance that do not suffer beingwritten in Romance, so that greaterdoubts do not emerge among the ignorant which they cannot understand, which to your sublime judgment and understanding,Iam certain that they will be clearlymanifest and evident,either by your own judgement or by the assistanceofyour wise counsellors.But Idesist for the aforementionedreason,because of it beingwritten in Romance, which, as Ihavesaid, could be misunderstood it comes to the attention of the unlearned.]

As Martínez Casadoobserves (1994, 146), the ‘primaryvirtue’ of the treatise by Lope de Barrientos ‘is in the linguistic achievementofcapturing, in Spanish, doctrines thatuntil then wereonlyexpressed in Latin’.The researcher is not mis- taken, but it is necessary to add that,around the same dates, Johannes Hartlieb writes his book against the forbidden arts in German, adecision thathad been made in France on multiple occasions since the middle of the previous century. In the Spanish court of John II, we can observethe sameinterest in the arts of divinationasinother European courts of the time. Apart from Enrique de Vi- llena, who is an emblematic example of the great-lord-aficionado of the magical arts as mentioned in the French treatises,weknow of other nobles devoted to astrology,like Lorenzo Suárez de Figueroa, Maestro of Santiago,³⁸ or Ruy López Dávalos,Constable of Castille, of whom Fernán Pérez de Guzmán tells us that “no fue franco eplazíale muchooir aestrólogos, que es un yerro en

 Barrientos(1992, 167).  Pérez de Guzmán (1965, 23): “De su esfuerço nunca oí, salvo que en las guerras eradiligente edebuena ordenança, lo qual non podía ser sin esfuerço. Guiávase mucho por estrólogos”.[I never heard of his effort,except that duringthe wars he was diligent and of good order,which could be the case without effort.Hewas much guided by astrologers]. 16 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext que muchos grandes se engañan”³⁹ [hewas not upright,and it pleased him greatlytohearthe astrologers, which is an error in which manygreat mean are deceived]. ForÁlvarez López, this spreading of the magical arts elicitsthe re- action of John II:

Con este ambiente, en el que incluso los religiosos se dedicaban alas hechicerías yala nigromancia, era lógica la alarma del ínclitopríncipe cristiano para defender la ortodoxia de sus reinos.⁴⁰

[With this atmosphere, in which even the clerics devoted themselvestosorceriesand necromancy, the alarm on the illustrious Christian prince’spart to defend the orthodoxy of his kingdoms was logical.]

From readingthe bodyofanti-superstitious European literature,⁴¹ Iwould dare to propose another interpretation: it is conceivable that Barrientos feared, as did Hartlieb and the French authors, for the salvation of his king,who could fall victim to demonicforces, like other noble devotees of the forbidden arts. Just as it was with royal chroniclers,the Bishop of Cuenca cannot express such asuspi- cion, which makes him save the face by pretending that the very king ordered the treatise.Intruth, he contributed, as afaithful vassal, to defending his king,with such subtletythat even todayresearchers believethat Barrientos himself took interest in the forbidden arts, an inclination thatcould have tarnished the reputation of the Castilian Kingremembered commonlyasaprotector of literature and arts.

Workscited

Primarysources

Augustine of Hippo. La ciudad de Dios. Ed.Santos Santamarta del Río and Miguel Fuertes Lanero. Madrid: Homo legens, 2006.

 Pérez de Guzmán (1965, 13); for this,also see Álvarez López (2000,64).  Álvarez López (2000,64).  The researchers – Cuenca Muñoz(1992and 1994) and Álvarez López (2000) – tend to study Barrientos’ssources in detail, from Aristotle and Cicero to Saint Augustine, Saint Isidore and Saint Thomas,overlookingcontemporary European treatises.Cavallero (2010a and 2010b), whostudies fromaFoucauldian perspective “en qué medida sus tratados anti-mágicosemergen de, eintervienen en, la cruda problemática judeoconversa” (2010a, w/opages) [towhatextent his anti-magical treatises emerge from, and intervene in, the harsh predicament of the Jewish convert] mentionsOresme and Pignon onlyinpassing(2010a, w/opages). Works cited 17

Augustine of Hippo. Sobre las predicciones de los demonios. Edición del texto latino, traducción al castellano, introducción ynotas de PedroE.León Mescua,2014. https:// sites.google.com/site/magisterhumanitatis/escritores-latinos/de-divinatione-daemonum &http://www.augustinus.it/latino/potere_divinatorio/index.htm (16 September 2017). Barrientos, Lope de. El tratado de la divinanca de Fray Lope de Barrientos, edición crítica y estudio. Ed.Paloma CuencaMuñoz. Madrid:Universidad Complutense, 1992. Cicero, Marcus Tullius. Sobrelaadivinación.Sobreeldestino.Timeo. Ed.Ángel Escobar, Madrid: Gredos, 1999. García-MongeCarretero, María Isabel (ed.). Estudio yedición crítica del “Tratado del dormir y despertar” de Lope de Barrientos. Tesisdirigida por Nicasio Salvador Miguel.Madrid: Universidad Complutense, 2001. Hartlieb,Johannes. Das Buch der verbotenen Künste.Aberglauben und Zauberei des Mittelalters. Ed. Falk Eisermann and EckhardGraf. München: Diederichs, 1998. IsidorodeSevilla,San. Etimologías. Ed. José Oroz Reta and Manuel-A. Marcos Casquero. Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 2004. Oresme, Nicole. Controladivinazione: consigli antiastrologici al Re di Francia (1356). Ed. Stefano Rapisarda. Roma:Carocci, 2009. Pérez de Guzmán, Fernán. Generaciones ysemblanzas. Ed.R.Brian Tate.London: Tamesis, 1965. Pignon, Laurent. “Contreles devineurs.” Magic and divination at the courtsofBurgundyand France text and context of Laurens Pignon’s “Contreles devineurs” (1411). Ed.Jan Riepke Veenstra. Leiden: Brill, 1997.

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Álvarez López, Fernando. Arte mágica yhechicería medieval: tres tratados de magia en la corte de Juan II. Valladolid: Diputación Provincial, 2000. Amran, Rica. “La naciónconversa segúnLope de Barrientos ylaproyeccióndesus ideasen el sigloXV.” Construyendo identidades: del protonacionalismo alanación. Ed.José Ignacio Ruiz Rodríguez and Igor SosaMayor.Alcalá de Henares: Universidad, 2013. 225–242. Bink, Tatjana. Als die Teufel fliegen lernten zur Genese des Hexenglaubens bis zur Frühen Neuzeit. Göttingen: Cuvillier,2008. Boudet, Jean-Patrice. Entre scienceetnigromance: astrologie, divination et magie dans l’Occidentmédiéval (XIIe–XVe siècle). Paris: Publications de la Sorbonne, 2006. Cantera Montenegro, Enrique. “El obispo Lope de Barrientos ylasociedad judeoconversa: Su intervención en el debatedoctrinal en torno alaSentencia-Estatuto de PeroSarmiento.” Espacio,Tiempo yForma. Serie III, Historia Medieval 10 (1997): 11–30. Caroti, Stefano. “Nicole Oresme, Quaestio contradivinatores horoscopios.” Archives d’histoires doctrinale et littéraireduMoyen Age 43 (1977): 201–310. Caroti, Stefano. La critica control’astrologiadiNicole Oresme elasua influenza nel medioevo enel Rinascimento. Roma:Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 1979. Cavallero, Constanza. “Supersticiosos ymarranos: el discurso anti-mágicodeLope de Barrientos alaluz de la cuestión conversa.” Cuadernos de historia de España 84 (2010a): w/o pp. 18 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext

Cavallero, Constanza. “Usos yaplicaciones del pensamientodeMichel Foucault en el estudio de los tratados anti-mágicos de Lope de Barrientos.” AParte Rei 69 (2010b): w/o pp. CuencaMuñoz, Paloma. “Preliminares sobre el temadelamagiaenLope de Barrientos.” Actas del III Congreso de la Asociaciónhispánica de literaturamedieval. Ed.María Isabel Toro. Salamanca: Biblioteca españoladel siglo XV,1994. Vol. 1. 289–294. Coopland, George William. Nicole Oresme and the astrologers: astudyofhis “Livrede Divinacions.” Cambridge: HarvardUniversityPress, 1952. Díez Garretas, María Jesús. “Aspectos biográficos yliterarios de Fray Lope de Barrientos.” Proyección histórica de España en sustresculturas, Castilla yLeón, América yel Mediterráneo. Ed. Eufemio Lorenzo Sanz. Valladolid: Consejería de Cultura yTurismo, 1993. Vol. 2. 313–318. Fürbeth, Frank. Johannes Hartlieb Untersuchungen zu Leben und Werk. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1992. Fürbeth, Frank. “Das Johannes Hartlieb zugeschriebene Buch von der hand im Kontext der Chiromantie des Mittelalters.” Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur 136 (2007): 449–479. García-Jalón de la Lama, Santiago. “Interdependencia en el uso de autoridad en la obrade Lope de Barrientos, Alonso de Cartagena yFernán Díaz de Montalvo.” Helmantica 39 (1988): 383–390. GascónVera, Elena. “La quemadelos libros de don Enrique de Villena: unamaniobra políticayantisemítica.” Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 56 (1979): 317–324. Godinas, Laurette. “Fray Lope de Barrientos, Tractado de caso yfortuna.” Revista de LiteraturaMedieval 18 (2006): 9–70. Götz, Roland. “Der Dämonenpakt bei Augustinus.” Teufelsglaube und Hexenprozesse. München: Beck, 1987.57–84. Jourdain, Charles. Nicolas Oresme et les astrologues de la cour de Charles V,Paris:Victor Palmé, 1875. Lefèvre, Sylvie. “Une rude manièredeparler: l’enjeu rhétorique du prologueduLivrede divinacions de NicoleOresme.” Autour de Nicole Oresme. Ed.Jeannine Quillet.Paris: Vrin, 1990.177–194. Leijbowicz, Max. “Chronologie des écrits anti-astrologiques de Nicole Oresme. Étude surun casdescepticisme dans la deuxième moitié du XIVesiécle.” Autour de Nicole Oresme. Ed.Jeannine Quillet. Paris: Vrin, 1990. 119–176. Linsenmann, Thomas. Die Magie bei Thomasvon Aquin. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 2000. Martínez Casado, Ángel. Lope de Barrientos: un intelectual en la corte de Juan II. Salamanca: Editorial San Esteban, 1994. Martínez Casado, Ángel. “Evocación de Lope de Barrientos.” XX Siglos 24 (1995): 41–50. Martínez Casado, Ángel. “La situaciónjurídica de los conversos segúnLope de Barrientos.” Archivo Dominicano:Anuario 17 (1996):25–64. Moeller,Katrin. “Jawor,Nikolaus de.” Lexikon zur Geschichte der Hexenverfolgung. Ed. GudrunGersmann, Katrin Moeller and Jürgen-Michael Schmidt: historicum.net, URL: https://www.historicum.net/purl/b7zrj/ (10 October 2017). Rábade Obradó, María del Pilar. “Unaaproximación alacancillería episcopal de fray Lope de Barrientos, obispo de Cuenca.” Espacio,Tiempo yForma. Serie III, Historia Medieval 7 (1994): 191–204. Works cited 19

Rapisarda, Stefano. “From the Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios (1349) to the Livrede divinacions (1356): Nicole Oresme lost in translation.” El saber iles llengües vernacles a l’època de Llull iEiximenis: estudis ICREA sobre vernacularització. Ed.Anna Alberni, Lola Badia, Lluís Cifuentes and Alexander Fidora. Barcelona:Publicacions de l′Abadia de Montserrat, 2012. 231–255. Rísquez Madrid, Antonia. “El enciclopedismo medieval hispánico: Clauis Sapientiae de Lope de Barrientos.” Estudios de Latín Medieval Hispánico. Ed.José Martínez Gázquez, Oscar de la Cruz Palmaand Cándida FerreroHernández. Firenze: Edizioni del Galluzzo, 2012. 333–342. Salvador Miguel, Nicasio. “Los magisterios de Lope de Barrientos, I: el magisterio docente.” Actas del IX Congreso Internacional de la Asociación Hispánica de LiteraturaMedieval. Ed.Mercedes Pampín and Carmen Parrilla. Noia: Toxosoutos, 2005. Vol. 1. 175–198. Schlappbach, Karin. “De divinationedaemonum.” The Oxfordguide to the historical reception of Augustine. Ed.Karla Pollmann and Willemien Pollmann. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013. 132–134. Schmitt, Wolfram. Hans Hartliebs mantische Schriften und seine Beeinflussung durch Nikolaus von Kues. Heidelberg: Diss., 1962. Schmitt, Wolfram. Magie und Mantik bei Hans Hartlieb. Wien: Notring der wissenschaftlichen Verbände Österreichs, 1966. Thurston, Hernbert. “St. Augustine and Occultism.” Thought 5(1930): 246–260. Tuczay, ChristaAgnes. Kulturgeschichte der mittelalterlichen Wahrsagerei. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2012. Ulm, Dora. Untersuchungen zu Johann Hartliebs Buch aller verbotenen Kunst. Halle: Karras, 1913. Vanderjagt, Arie Johan. Laurens Pignon, OP confessor of Philip the Good. Ideas on jurisdiction and the estates including the textsofhis treatises and Durand of St. Pourçain’s “De origine iurisdictionum.” Venlo: Miélot, 1985. Veenstra, Jan Riepke. Magic and Divination at the CourtsofBurgundyand France: Text and Context of Laurens Pignon’s “Contreles devineurs” (1411). Leiden, Brill, 1997. Véronèse, Julien. “Jean sansPeuretla“fole secte” des devins: enjeux et circonstances de la rédaction du traité Contreles devineurs (1411) de Laurent Pignon.” Médiévales: Langue, Textes, Histoire 40 (2001): 113–132. Physiognomy in Print and itsReaders

Since the 1470s, physiognomic manuals of classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages gain wide distributioninEurope via the printing press.Some of these texts,written in Latin, weretranslated into Spanish before comingtothe printing house.The detailed studyofthe material nature of these printings, and aboveall the copies with handwrittenannotations, provide interesting pieces of information about the transmission of this kind of knowledge in Spain.¹ As atimeframe, Iintend to limit myself to the period of incunables,includingsome bookspub- lished slightlylater,or, put another way, Iwill studythe “treatises on physiognomy in the realm of La Celestina”,² in which these theories holdacertain interest. a) Pseudo-Aristotelian physiognomic manualsinblock letters

The oldest systematic monograph on the interpretation of bodilysigns is the pseudo-Aristotelian Physiognomonica from the third centuryB.C., which com- bines comparisons between men and women with ethnological distinctions and the humoral theory.Much later is the Secretum secretorum,along letter written under the name of the Stagiritetohis disciple Alexander the Great.Thiskind of mirror for princes,which unites all typesofknowledge,among them the brief treatise on physiognomy,³ was compiled in Syria in the tenth century.Both pseu-

 Forthis methodology,see the works of Stoddard(1985), Alston (1994), Alcorn Baron (2001), Barbieri (2002),Barbieri and Frasso (2003), Sherman (2008) and Orgel(2015). Foracategorisa- tion of different types of annotations, see Brayman Hackel (2005,138): “Earlymodern readers’ handwritten marks in books generallyfall into three classes,each of which exposes aset of at- titudes about books and reading(deictics,underlining,summaries,cross-references, queries),to which Ireferlooselyasmarginalia, suggest that the book is to be engaged, digested, and re-read. Marks of ownership (signatures, shelf marks, propriety verses) distinguish abook as aphysical object,tobeprotected, catalogued, inventoried, and valued. Marks of recording (debts,marriages, births,accounts) seem to reside somewhereinbetween: likeownership marks, they suggest that the book has physical value; likereaders’ marks,they conveythat the book is asite of information. Foreach of these threekinds of notes, the book takesonadifferent role: as intellectual process,asvalued object,and as available paper”.  Iamreferringtothe historiographic category coined by Cátedra(2001) in the volume Tratados de amor en el entorno de “Celestina” [Treatises on Loveinthe Realm of “Celestina”].  Williams addresses the Aristotelian spuria in the Middle Ages and questions the supposed in- genuity of medieval scholars towards works likethe Secretum: “It is easy to laughatthe schoolmen’sacceptanceofsuch patentlyspurious works as the widelyread Secretum secretorum,the extended missive supposedlysent by the Stagiritetohis former pupil Alexander the Great.In

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-004 a) Pseudo-Aristotelian physiognomic manuals in block letters 21 do-Aristotelian works arrivedinthe West during the Middle Ages by wayofthe Arab world. There are two Latin translations of the Secretum Secretorum: apar- tial one by John of Sevilleatthe start of the twelfth century,⁴ and amore extensive one at the turn of the thirteenthcentury by one Philippus Tripolitanus,⁵ which was the more popular version throughout the Middle Ages.⁶ The first vernacular translations weredone in Castile in the thirteenthcentury with the titles of Poridat de las poridades and Secreto de los secretos.⁷ The Physiognomonica was translated from Arabic to Latin at the middle of the same century by Bartolomeo da Messina.⁸ This work, incorrectlyattributed to the Stagirite, was not translatedinto anyvernacular in the Middle Ages, but it gainednew life with the printed editions of Aristotle. Unlikeinthe case of the Secretum secretorum,there is aGreek original of the work, which permits aphilological recovery of the text by wayofthe humanists who worked to repair the corruption of Greek scientifictextstransmitted by wayofArabic. Toward the end of the fifteenthcentury (Venice, 1495–1498), Aldo Manuzio publishes the impressive edition in folio format in five volumes of Aristotle in Greek, which in the third volume includes the Physiognomonica.⁹ Unlikeinthe case of the Se- cretum secretorum this work is included in manycompleteworks from the Stag- irite in Latin, starting in 1482.¹⁰ With Charles B. Schmitt we can distinguish be-

this book Aristotle givesAlexander advice on all sorts of useful occult lore[…]How could even the newly licensed arts teacher,let alone the seasoned philosopher-theologian, actuallytake such silliness as coming from Aristotle’spen?” (1995,30); see also the section devoted to the attribution of the Secretum (1995, 45 – 46).  See the second chapter (“John of Seville and the introductionofthe Secret of Secrets to the West”)ofWilliam (2003,31–59).  See also the thirdchapter (“Philip of Tripoli and the complete translation”)ofWilliam (2003, 60 –108) and Bizzarri (2010,16).  See Thorndike (1923,II, 267–278) and Eamon (1994,45–46). In Förster’santhology,three Latin versions of the Secretum Secretorum arepublished (1893, II, 181–222).  Bizzarri,who publishes the twoSpanish versions,observes: “La rama denominada SS/A fue traducidadel árabe al persa, dos vecesalhebreo y, finalmente, al castellano directamentedela versión árabeamediados del siglo XIII, bajo el título Poridat de las poridades” (2010,14–15) [The so-called SS/A branch was translatedfromArabic to Persian, twicetoHebrewand, finally, directlytoSpanish from the Arabic version at the middle of the thirteenth century,under the title Poridat de las poridades]. The Argentine researcher suspectsthat the translation of the Secreto de los secretos is contemporary to the Siete partidas and that the Poridat could be earlier (2010, 19). Forthe translationstothe Romancelanguages in the Middle Ages see Zamuner (2005).  Consultthe text in Förster’santhology (1893, I, 4–92).  See Kraye(1995,201–202).  See Schmitt,who observes that the Secretum “never appeared in aLatin edition of the Opera” (1982, 125). The Physiognomonica is included in the fifteenth century in the followingcomplete 22 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers tween twocategories of spuria: “those comingfrom aGreek original and those for which there was never aGreek text” (1982, 124). The Physiognomonica belongs to the first category,and the Secretum secretorum to the second, which wasmar- ginalised by humanistic philology, accordingtothe aforementioned author:

Thus,infifteenth-century Italy, under the increasingpressuresbroughttobear by humanistic critical methods,those works attributed to Aristotle which could not substantiate their claim to authenticity throughaGreek original, came to be exiled to aperipheral position.¹¹

In spite of this, the Secretum secretorum enjoyed almostthe same success in print as the authentic works of Aristotle. The editio princeps was publishedin the translation of the Tripolitanus¹² around 1472or1475¹³ in Cologne by Arnold ter Hoernen, and more than 16 editions were published before 1500.¹⁴ Some of them tell us, in an eloquent fashion, of how these pseudo-Aristotelian works wereread and studiedinearly moderntimes. In 1484,the printer Johann Velde- ner of Leuven, for example prints the pseudo-Aristotelian text,along with amedieval work, the Physiognomia by Michael Scott,which had circulated in print since 1477,¹⁵ and to which we will return later.The Secretum Secretorum is printed in SpainonlyinaLatin translation, for the first time around 1495 in Salamanca by LeonardoHutz and LopeSanz.¹⁶ An extensive second edition of the translation of the Tripolitanuswas published at the start of the sixteenth century with a title that underscores the usefulnessofthe work: Utilissimus liber Aristotelis de secretis secretorum,Burgos, Andreas de Burgos, 1505.¹⁷ An entire series of copies, some with abundant handwritten annotations, is preserved in Spain.Inthe Na-

Latin works of the Stagirita: Venice,Filippo de’ Petri,4.IV.1482; Venice, Giovanni and Gregorio de Gregori for Ottaviano Scoto, 1495 – 1496 and Venice,Giovanni and Gregorio de Gregori for Bene- dettoFontana, 1496. See Kraye for the 1496 Venetian edition (1995,200 –201).  Schmitt (1982, 125).  Juan of Seville’stranslation enjoyed little success in print – the Gesamtkatalogder Wiegen- drucke (GW)knows two editions:[Leipzig,Martin Landsberg, around 1490/1495] and Venice, [Manfredo Bonelli], 1492.  The GW dates the publication around 1472,while the Incunabula short title catalogue (ISTC) proposes 1475.  See Schmitt (1982, 126) and Kraye (1995,208–209), and for the chronologyofthe Latin editions of the Secretum secretorum Williams (2003,427–430), whocompiles 17 Latin editions.For an updated count, see the network databases of ISTC and of GW which contains the French translations.  See Kraye (1995,208–209) and Williams (2003,294).  Forthis extremelyrareincunabulumofwhich the onlycopyispreserved in Montserrat, see Altés iAguiló (1993).  See the description of the edition by Kasten (1934). a) Pseudo-Aristotelian physiognomic manuals in block letters 23 tional Library alone there are four copies,two withoutany sign of the physiognomic part having been read (R/4946 and R/12746). Athird copy (R/19109[1]) has ahandwritten annotation on the cover that says: “No le compuso Aristóteles. V[éas]e. Murillo, Aprobación de ingenios in Epístola contraAstrologiam iudiciariam,fol. 17” [Not composed by Aristotle. See Murillo, Approval of Geniuses in Epistle Against PredictiveAstrology].¹⁸ Through the reference to the Aprobación de ingenios, ycuración de hipochóndri- cos by Tomás MurilloyVelarde, chamber physician to Philip IV,publishedin Zaragoza by DiegodeOrmer in 1672,wecan date the note to the end of the seventeenth century. On the title pageofthe Madrid copy, with the shelfmarkINC/541(1), one finds aseries of annotations that are very difficult to decipher.Onboth sides of the printed title there is asingle signaturewhich seems to say “Losa.” Below,it reads: “Alia bona [sign] Miguel de Criales.” It is therefore likelythatone of the owners of the book was aman called Miguel, nativeofCriales de Losa, a minor enclave belongingtothe municipality of Medina de Pomar in the province of Burgos. Thisman was probablyresponsible for the composition of the facti- tious volume, in which the Secretum secretorum is bound with the pseudo-Aris- totelian Problemata ([Cologne, Heinrich Quentell], ca.1489) and with the Liber phisionomie by MichaelScott.¹⁹ On the title pageofthe Scotsman’swork, we can read, in the same handwriting, in addition to some bible quotations and some disjointed words, the name of the owner’shometown, “Criales.” Another owner of the same copyofthe Secretum secretorum was possibly one Juan de Herrera oHermida, who writes the following in the bottomportion of the cover: “Presto este libro adon Pedro¿Muñoz? Arziniega /criado del señor Abbad de San Millán /hase de daralillustrísimo Abbad de San Isidro, don Pedro de Zúñiga /oalos herederos del dicho Arziniega en /primero de agosto de 1582” [I lend this book to don Pedro Muñoz (?) Arziniega /servant to the lord Abbot of San Millan /tobegiven to the illustrious Abbot of SaintIsidore, don

 The copyisfilled with underliningsand manicula emphasising parts of the text. Also, the missinginitials have been added by hand. In the physiognomic section of the text thereisan annotation in folio eiiiir that states: “Cojos yotros. Rarenterenim in corporedeforminobilis for- mosusque animus residet. D. Augusti. V[éas]e. §vlti. distinct.41Mascar.dearti. car.226 /lib. cent.3”[Cripples and others.Onlyexceptionallyanoble and beautiful soul is to be found in adeformed body …]; in the folio eiiiir,the reader has noted “tempora =sienes” [tempora=temples].  This concerns an edition with no typographical indications,possiblyfrom1501, with shelfmark I/541(3). In this copythereisanentireseries of underliningsinthe part concerning coitus and creation. 24 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers

Pedro de Zúñiga/or to the heirsofsaid Arziniega on /1st of August,1582]. The aforementioned PedroZúñigayAvellaneda was abbot of Saint Isidore the Royal of León from 1576until his death in 1595.²⁰ It is noteworthythat almostthirty years afterthe final Latin edition of the Secretum Secretorum,the one that Fran- cescoStorella edited in Venice in 1555,someone would have worried so much about the whereabouts of the book. In the text of the same copy there is an abun- dance of underscoring and marginal annotations in Latin. In the physiognomic part,some reader underscored in asystematic manner the different parts of the bodyasdescribed in the text. The studyofafew copies of the surviving pseudo-Aristotelianphysiognomic works in Spaindemonstratesacontinued interest in them on the part of different readers all the waytothe end of the seventeenth century, in spite of the knowledge that the attribution to the Stagiritecould no longer be maintained. b) Medieval Physiognomic Manuals in the Printing Press

Outstandingamong the original physiognomic treatises of the Middle Ages are the Liberphisonomie (post 1228)byMichaelScott and the Compilatio Physiono- mie (1295) by Pietro d’Abano, one of the major representativesofPaduan Aver- roism. While the eruditeScotsman, who writes in the court of Frederick II, links physiognomywith the medicaltheory of complexions,the Paduan doctor, situated in Paris, studies the bodilysigns in relation to astrology. The first medieval physiognomic studythat appeared in printwas the Com- pilatio Physionomie. The editio princeps was printed in Padua by PierreMaufer in 1474; it wasthe typographer’sfirst publication. It wasn’tarandom choice, keep- ing in mind the “profonda conoscenza del mercatolibrario in una città universitaria” [profound knowledge of the book market in aUniversitytown] that his bi- ographer Scapecchi attributes to him (2008, without pages), which thus explains the “produzione di opere filosofiche egiuridiche necessarie all’attività dello Stu- dio, curate da professori dello Studio stesso” [the production of philosophical and juridical works thatwerenecessary for the University and thatwereedited by the professors of the University itself]. Unfortunately, we do not know who the editor responsible for the Pietro d’Abano edition was,²¹ no paratext being available. The small work was not printed again until 1548, whenthe Paduan doctor Michelangelo Biondo,also the author of aphysiognomic manual titled De cogni-

 See Pérez Llamazares (1927,187– 190).  See for the printingpress in Padua Rigoni (1934) and Fattori (1998) and (2010). b) Medieval Physiognomic Manuals in the Printing Press 25 tione hominisper aspectum (1544), reedited it with the title Decisiones Physiogno- miae (Venice, Comino da Trino). There is virtually no trace of this book in Spain.²² The Liber phisonomie of Michael Scott,onthe other hand,enjoyed great success in all of Europe, including the Iberian Peninsula. The editio princeps was publishedin1477inVenice by Jacopo da Fivizzano,²³ and bibliographic resour- ces cite more thantwenty Latin editions from that year until 1500.²⁴ The onlycopy of the princeps, known in Spain is preserved in the library of San Lorenzo de El Escorial (40-V-52[2º]) with underliningsand marginal annotations handwritteninLatin, of which Iwould like to highlight two:Onthe one hand, the anonymous reader is interested in conceptual questions like the definition of physiognomyasanatural science. On the other hand, the reader under- lines some concrete bodilycharacteristics and their explanation, as in chapter LXXIIII “De barba” [Of the beard] wherehenotes “Mulieribus pro barb[am] men- struum” [Women have menstruation instead of abeard] and “Muliersine pilis † eum eisdem” [Women without hair † the same] with astriking curiosity for the feminine condition and its bodilyveil, aconcern that he shares,asweshall see, with other readers of Michael Scott. The copies of the Scott’streatise that survive in Spainare full of erasures²⁵ and handwritten annotations which bear witness to an intense readingofthe text.However,the reach of the Scotsman’smedievalideas into earlymodern times is due to the Spanish translation of the small work as an appendix of the Compendio de la salud humana [Compendium of Human Health], attributed to one Johannes of Ketham, aGermandoctor in the fifteenth century, who very likelydid not compose the vademecum that circulated under his name.²⁶

 The onlycopyofthe 1548 edition without anytraces of beingread is preserved in the Na- tional Library in Madrid (3/24523).  See Veneziani, who characterisesthe edition as “un’operapococonforme alla sua abituale produzione” (2004,without pages) [a work that does not conform with his usual production].  The ISTC compiles 24 editions, of which 22 areprior to 1500 and one adjoiningthe Secreta secretorum;the GW lists 5editions that do not correspond to those of the ISTC,threeofwhich are post-1500.Add to them another incunabulum (Nürnberg, [Conrad Zeninger,] ca.1490), held in London (British Library:IA.11338). See the detailed studyofsome of these incunabula in Thorn- dike(1954).  In Gernert (2018) Istudied the interventions of acensor in acopyofanedition without typographical indications from the National Library.Ialso found another censored copyinanedi- tion published in Paris by Denis Roce, which is found in the Royal Historical AcademyinMadrid (23/6080).  Forthe authorship of the Fasciculusmedicinae see Keil (1977) and DiMaio, Discepola and Del Maestro(2006,188). 26 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers

The editioprinceps of the Fasciculus medicinae was printed in Venice in 1491 by Giovanni and Gregorio de’ Gregori, who published an Italian translation two years later.²⁷ Onlyone year lateraSpanish translation appears (Zaragoza, Pablo Hurus),²⁸ which was to be reprinted twice in 1495: Compendio de la humana salud,Burgos, Juan de Burgos, 15.V.1495and Epílogoenmedicina ycirugía conveniente alasalud [Epilogue on Medicine and SurgeryBeneficial to Health], Pamplona, Arnao Guillén de Brocar,10.X.1495.Inthe threeSpanish editions a Tractado de la arte de phisonomia [Treatise on the Art of Physiognomy]is added with no indication of the author’sname, as it is none other than Michael Scott.Acopyofthe editio princeps,preserved in the National Library of Madrid (INC 51) contains multiple handwritten annotations that tell us, in eloquent fashion, of the interests of the earlyreader.Onthe title pagethere are notes written by two hands – one, in clear brown ink, that states: “Reconocido yaprouado por el Ldo. Pe.fraiXabierri, fraile de Santo Domingoenpredicadores en Çaragoça año 79”²⁹ [Recognised and approved by graduatePe. Friar Xavier,friar of the Dominican Convent in Zaragoza, year 79]. Asecond hand notes,inblack ink: “Estelibro es de Bernabé Martín, cirujano de la ciudad de Daroca. Costó 10 reales” ³⁰ [This book belongstoBarnabas Martin, surgeon of the city of Daroca]. Handwritten pathwayannotations are drafted according to Abad (2010,I,468) in the script of the time. Moreover,two medicalprescriptions are noted on the title page,³¹ as well at the end of the work in letteringofthe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries (Abad 2010,I,468). This focus, from the perspective of reading history,reveals to us that,among the readers of medieval physiognomic texts,weremembers of the medicalprofessionals such as surgeons. As is well known, this profession did not requireacademictraining and, as aresult,surgeons did not normallyunderstand Latin,and they needed manuals translated into Spanish.

 See DiMaio, Discepola and Del Maestro(2006).  The Spanish version was editedbySánchez González de Herrero and Vázquez de Benito (2009).  The censor is possiblyJerónimo Xavierre O.P. (1546–1608), first premier professor of theologyatthe University of Saragossa, stateconfessor to Felipe II, general to his order and cardinal; for his biography, see Echarte(1981).  The book must have been passed to the library of the Countess of Campo Alange.  We read abovethe title: “paracurar la tiña recipecardenillo miel sangre de dragoalmástica /yncenso pez seche acocer todo aforma de inguento/despuésdeaber quitado las costras cocer ase un pocodeoropimente/cardenillo en miel forma medio enve†” [A recipe to curesca- bies:verdigris, honey, croton urucurana,mastic, incense,pitch is boiled in the form of an oint- ment.Aftertakingawaythe crust it has to boil alittle more. From orpiment,verdigris in honey †] and below quiteillegible: “dioscorides /gido yculho /franciscodiaz /dedro dedores”. b) Medieval Physiognomic Manuals in the Printing Press 27

Acopy of the Burgosedition by Juan de Burgos, preserved in the Marquess of Valdecilla HistoricalLibrary (INC M-16),³² alsocontains numerous handwritten annotations, aboveall in the treatise on gynaecological matters.Inthe physiognomic part,asection is marked concerning the “cabeza gorda” (fol. LXr)[big head] with across-out in the right margin. Noted on the front guard sheet³³ is aremedy “Paradeshacerlapiedra” [tobreak up kidneystones]: “Toma una lie- bre, ydegollada quémala en una astilla ysus çeniças muélelas /yda al paciente 3 †ij† que es bueno parahacer quebrar la piedra” [Take ahare, and having slit its throat,burn it on awood chip, and pulverise its ashes /and give to the patient 3 †ij†,which is good for breakingupstones].³⁴ Another remedyisfound in fol. XXXVIIIv of the sixth treatise on “todaslas dolencias yenfermedades” [all ailments and illnesses], whereitspeaksofsciatica: “un pellejo de carnero recien- temente/desollado yaplicado en la parte es gran /remedio ysinobasta uno se ponen dos” [the skin of aram recentlyslaughtered, placed on the area is agreat / remedy, and if one is not enough, use two]. These annotations clearlyidentify the owner of the book as amemberofthe medical professional. The largest number of copies to be preserved are those of the Pamplona edition.³⁵ In the copyinthe National Library in Madrid, with shelfmark INC/1335,is found along,handwritten note following the treatise that concerns the plague that precedesphysiognomyand another one at the beginning.Itaddresses a remedythatdescribes in detail how to preparebread rolls made from the maid- en’stears plant,along with deer’santler,tocure thosesuffering from plague. The transcriber notes that he found the remedyin“un libro del arzobispo de Toledo, don Alonso Carrillo, que santa gloria haya” [a book of the Archbishop of Toledo, don Alonso Carrillo, who be in the gloryofGod]. This allows us to situate the anonymous writer in acircle close to Alfonso Carrillo de Acuña (1410 – 1482), probablyadoctor with access to the archbishop’slibrary.

 Asecond copy is preserved in the Library of Navarra(FAG/224[2])inwhich is found onlyonce a “+” in the margin of the fol. XXXVr.  In the digitalisation, the guard sheets have not been reproduced.  On the last page,one reads afragment, probablywritten by another hand, of aremedy in Latin: “aqua plantaginis et caput /acetumexquisitis” [water of plantain makeswonderful vin- egar].  Thereare threecopies in the National Library in Madrid: INC/1516,INC/1335 and INC/1414 as thereisone in the Royal Historical Academy(Inc. San Román 18) and another in the Complu- tense University of Madrid, Marquess of Valdecilla Historical Library (INC I-271). 28 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers

In the physiognomic part of the copy in the National Library in Madridwith the shelfmark INC/1414,afew paragraphs stand out by wayofamanicula in the margins³⁶ – among them the following:

¶[…]latal mujer se llama barbuda, la cual habésdesaber que es muy luxuriosa por su calientecomplexión […]. (fol. LXIIr)[that woman is called bearded, whom youmust know is very lascivious because of her hot complexion.]

It is impossibletoknow whether this anonymousreader was searchingfor the traits of aparticularcharacter type – the man of “grueso nudrimento” [thick nourishment] perhaps – or if he was trying to determine the meaning of certain bodilyfeatures that he observedinpeople close to him. What is reallystriking is that this individual would have heralded, in abook published four years before the ComediadeCalisto yMelibea,what is said of the bearded woman. Also in the copy of the Pamplona edition in the Royal Academy of History,anearlyreader showed interest in feminine hirsutism. c) Physiognomy and Literature

Thanks to Sanz Hermida (1994), we know the significancewhich is to be found in the description of the protagonist of Fernando de Rojas as a “puta vieja barbuda”³⁷ [bearded old slag], atrait that she shares with an entire seriesofmargin- alised women in medieval and Golden Ageliterature. Iamgoing to approach the matter from another angle: what Iaminterest in discovering is how (and why) fiction writers read physiognomic studies. It is well known that in the Libro de buen amor [Book of Good Love], feminine hirsutism is asign of masculinity.Remember how the archpriest of Hita describes the serrana Alda: “Mayores que las mías tiene sus prietas barvas”³⁸ [And blacker than the beard Ihavewas that upon her lip]. Juan Ruiz, acleric, had very likelyread the physiognomic theories of Michael Scott in some Latin manuscript.FernandodeRojas must have encountered them in the Compendio de la humana salud without knowing,quite probably, that they were the ideas of an author from the thirteenth century.Thiscompendium does not appear in the testamentary inventory of the author of La Celestina,transcribed by Valle Lersun- di (1929). This, i.e. its absenceinthe inventory,does not mean however that he

 In other places we find asmall “x” in the margin.  See also Walde Moheno (2007).  Librodebuen amor 1015a (1992, 251) and English translation by Kane (1933 [2005], 186). c) Physiognomy and Literature 29 did not know of it,asInfantes (1997) argues in his important study of “Las au- sencias en los inventarios de libros ydebibliotecas” [Works missing in inventories of books and libraries]. Rojas’sinterest in similar matters is confirmed by the presenceofacopy of the De secretis mulierum,attributed to Albertus Magnus,³⁹ whose influenceinLa Celestina was recentlystudied by FernándezRivera(2015). The researcher explains in aconvincing fashion just how “este manual medieval de sexualidad encajaba en el quehacer profesional de Rojas” (2015,408) [this medievalmanualonsexuality fit into Rojas’sprofessional affairs], since “la vir- ginidad de la mujer al casarse tenía importantes repercusiones legales” (2015, 415) [a woman’svirginityupon marrying carried important legal repercussions]. Although it is obvious that the readersofworks about physiognomywho left traces in theirbooksare for the most part linked to the world of medicine, one should not forgetthe legal applicability of physiognomy, of which we know thanks to jurists likeBaldus de Ubaldis,⁴⁰ present in Rojas’slibrary,⁴¹ and Paris de Puteo,⁴² bothofwhom insisted on the importance of scrutinising

 See Valle Lersundi (1929,383)aswell as Gilman (1978,419). Forthe Rojas’stestamentary in- ventorysee the studies of Infantes (1998), (2007) and (2012) as wellasVelascoRamos (2009).  The Jesuit Martín del Río observes: “Tertio ex iuris interpretibus, quorum communiorecal- culo receptum,quando plures de aliquo crimen sunt accusati &capti, primum quaestioni subiici debereillum, qui facie deformior,quoniam credendussit animo quoque pravior” (1612, 261) [Thirdly(one should proceed)according to the interpreters of the law: if manyindividuals are chargedand getarrested for acertain crime, they unanimouslyrecommend to question first the one with the ugliest face, as they assume he will also have the most despicable soul], citing in the marginal gloss Baldus de Ubaldis,Paris de Puteo, Hippolitus and Masilius (“Bal. in l.2.n.5. C. quorum appella. non recip.Paris de Syndicatu, Hippolytus,Marsil. &alii”). Forthe legal use of physiognomysee Schneider (1996,165 – 166); in note 40 he quotes the commentary of the Codex Iustiniani VV,65ofBaldus: “… bis sese fecisse indicia ex physiognomia, unum habentem faciem decoram &apertam, deficientibus indiciis fortioribus absolutum, alterumpravam &des- pectam physiognomiam prae se ferentem, condemnatum fuisse […]” [… one has to take intocon- sideration physiognomic hints: aman with anoble and open facehad been acquittedinthe ab- senceofstronger evidence, whileanother one with aperverse and despicable physiognomyhad been found guilty …].  Valle Lersundi (1929,382): “Yten Baldo sobrelos feudos” [Moreover Baldus on fiefdoms] and “Yten Baldo sobreelEsforçado” [Moreover Baldus on Dedication], that is to saythe commentary from the Infortiatum,the second part of the Digesta.  See assertions like “Vultus est liber et litera mentis” (1560,114v) [The faceisbook and letter of the mind] or “Oquam difficile est crimen non prodere vultu” (1560,478vy440v) [Alas,how difficultitistonot reveal acrime in the face], which is aquotation fromOvid (Met.II, 447). Ho- rozco yCovarrubias scolds: “tengo por peligroso negocio el quererhacer caso de señales ni del buen rostroomalo, para la averiguación de los delitos por más que París de Puteo diga que acertó muchas veces, pues no dice las que se engañó que sería mucho más” (1588, 94r–v) [I have as adangerousbusiness the desiretoheed signals in neither the good nor the bad face, 30 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers the face in order to identify one guilty of acrime.⁴³ If bodily signs have significance of evidentiary value in the legal process, it is not surprising thatthey would have the sameinaliterary work written by alaw student.For example: Upon describingMelibea’sbeauty in the first play, Calisto highlights – as does don Amor in the Libro de buen amor –⁴⁴ the “redondeza yforma de las pequeñas tetas”⁴⁵ [roundness and form of her small breasts]. Michael Scott describes the sexuallyactive woman (“Signa mulieris calide natureetque coit libenter” [Signs of women of hot nature and who likes to have sexual intercourse]) with “mammas […]parvas et illas convenienter plenasetduras” (1477, IV,without pages) [small breasts that are convenientlyfull and hard]. To the reader familiar with these theories, it should not be surprising that awoman with such characteristics could be so easilycorrupted, givenher innate inclination to lust.Weare confronting,therefore, arealistic form of writing,with an authenticity that is conceptuallybased on scientific proposals.⁴⁶ The archpriest of Hita, together

for the inquiry of crimes,evenifParis de Puteosaysthat he was correctmanytimes,hedoes not mention those in which he was wrong,asits number would be far greater].  Anthroposcopo (1784, 364): “Der Nutzen, den sich die Juristen vonder Physiognomonik ver- sprechen, kann nicht verborgenbleiben, weil die mehresten Ausleger der Rechte, worunterich nur den Baldus in L. II. n.5. C. quorum appell. non recip. und Paris de syndicatu anführe, die Regel festgesetzt hatten, daß im Fall wegen eines Verbrechens mehrere angeklagt und gefänglich eingezogen worden wären, so solltederjenige vorallen anderenindie Inquisitionkommen, des- sen Ansehen nichts Guteszuerkennen gäbe, weil man vondem Aeußerlichenauf das Innerliche einen untrüglichen Schluß machen könne” [The benefit jurists hope to gain from physiognomy cannot remain secret, because most of the interpreters of the laws, amongwhom Ionlymention Baldus II. n.5. C. quorum appell. non recip. and Paris de syndicatu,had established the rule that if in case of acrime therewere several persons accused and imprisoned, the most hideous of them should be come to the Inquisitionfirst,because it is possible to proceed in an unmistakableway from the outerappearance to the inward].  In the portrait of the ideal lady, don Amor advises lookingfor awoman with small breasts: “si ha los pechos chicos;sidize ‘sí’,demandes” Librodebuen amor (1992, 115) [Do ask her if her breast aresmall, and if they are, whyglory], translation Kane (1933 [2005], 88).  Rojas (2000,45).  See an analogous reflection on the significanceofMelibea’sfury and her choleric temperament in Lacarra (1997, 118): “Es por ello comprensible que los autores de Celestina consideraran que entrelos cuatrotemperamentos el colérico eraquizás el más apropiado para caracterizar a una mujer libidinosa que claudica rápidamentealos avances amorosos del caballero yque está dispuesta atodo parasatisfacer su placer,incluso sacrificando asus propios padres yasí misma. La elección de este temperamentoysu manifestación en la primera escena proporcionaba sin duda alos lectores coetáneos las clavesque permiten comprender yexplicar su rápida corrupción” [For this reason it is understandable that the authors of La Celestina would consider that,amongthe four temperaments,the choleric was perhaps the most appropriatefor charac- terisingalecherous woman whoquicklygives in to the amorous advancesofthe gentleman,and Works cited 31 with Fernando de Rojas (and laterMiguel de Cervantes), combine literary clichés and aesthetic norms with scientific ideas about the human body, and onlythe studyoftheir readings permits to appreciatethe complexity and beauty of their characters.

Workscited

Primarysources

Bizzarri, HugoOscar(ed.). Secreto de los secretos. Poridat de las poridades. versiones castellanas del Pseudo-Aristóteles Secretum Secretorum.Valencia: Universitat, 2010. Horozco yCovarrubias, Juan de. Tratado de la verdaderayfalsa profecía.Segovia: Juan de la Cuesta, 1588. Paris de Puteo. Tractatus de sindicatu.Lyon: Heirs of Jacques Giunta, 1560. Río, Martín Antonio del. Disquisitionum magicarum libri sex. Leuven: Gerard Rivius, 1599– 1601; reedition Lyon:JeanPillehotte, 1612. Ruiz, Juan, ArciprestedeHita. Libro de Buen Amor.Ed. Alberto Blecua. Madrid:Cátedra, 1992. Ruiz, Juan, ArciprestedeHita. The book of good love.Trans. Elisha K. Kane. New York: Printing house of William EdwinRudge, 1933. Reprint Newark: Juan de la Cuesta,2005. Rojas, Fernando de (y “antiguo autor”). La Celestina. Tragicomedia de Calisto yMelibea.Ed. FranciscoJ.Lobrera,Guillermo Serés,Paloma Díaz-Mas, Carlos MotaeÍñigoRuiz ArzálluzyFranciscoRico. Barcelona: Crítica, 2000. Sánchez González de Herrero, María de las Nieves, and María de la Concepción Vázquez de Benito (ed.). “Tratado de fisonomía. Tratado de la forma de la generación de la criatura.” Repositorio documental en línea DHMMC: Artículos del Departamentode Historia Medieval, Moderna yContemporánea de la Universidad de Salamanca,2009. http:// hdl.handle.net/10366/21662 (7 October 2016). Singer,Charles Joseph (ed.). The Fasciculo di medicina. Venice 1493.2vol.Firenze: Lier, 1925.

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whoisopen to anythingtosatisfy her pleasure, even sacrificingher parents and herself. The choiceofthis temperament and its manifestation in the first sceneundoubtedlygavecontempo- rary readers the keys to understandingand explainingher rapid corruption]. 32 Physiognomy in Print and its Readers

Alston, Robin Carfrae. Books with manuscript.Ashort title catalogue of books with manuscript notes in the BritishLibrary.London: The BritishLibrary,1994. AltésiAguiló,Francesc Xavier. “Un nuevoincunable salmantino.” Trabajos de la Asociación Española de Bibliografía 1(1993): 33–38. Anthroposcopo, Orbilio (i.e.Johann GeorgFriedrich Franz). Versuch einerGeschichte der Physiognomikund der damit verbundenen Wissenschaften.Wien /Leipzig: Friedrich August Hartmann, 1784. Barbieri, Edoardo (ed.). Nel mondo delle postille.Ilibri astampa con note manoscritte. Milano: CUSL,2002. Barbieri, Edoardo, and Giuseppe Frasso(ed.). Libri astampa postillati.Milano: CUSL, 2003. Brayman Hackel, Heidi. Reading material in early modernEngland. Print, gender,and literacy.Cambridge: CambridgeUniversityPress, 2005. Cátedra,Pedro M. (ed.). Tratados de amor en el entorno de Celestina, siglos XV–XVI.Madrid: Sociedad Estatal EspañaNuevoMilenio, 2001. DiMaio, Salvatore, FedericoDiscepola and Rolando F. Del Maestro. “Il Fasciculo di Medicina of 1493: medical culturethrough the eyes of the artist.” Neurosurgery 58 (2006): 187– 196. Eamon, William. Scienceand the secretsofnature: books of secretsinmedieval and early modernculture.Princeton: PrincetonUniversityPress, 1994. Echarte, Tomás. “El Cardenal Fray Jerónimo Xavierre(1546–1608).” Cuadernos de Historia Jerónimo Zurita 39–40 (1981): 151–173. Fattori, Daniela. “Nuovidocumenti per la storia della tipografia padovanadel ‘400.” Bibliofilia 100 (1998): 3–25. Fattori, Daniela. “La bottegadiunlibraio padovano nel 1477.” Bibliofilia 112 (2010): 229– 243. Fernández Rivera, Enrique. “El De secretis mulierum en La Celestina yenlabiblioteca de Fernando de Rojas.” Neophilologus 99 (2015): 407–418. Förster,Richard(ed.). Scriptores physiognomonici Graeci et Latini.2vol.Leipzig: Teubner, 1893. Gernert, Folke. “La precariedad del saber oculto – el estatus problemáticodela fisiognomía.” Saberes inestables: Estudios sobreexpurgación yCensuraenlaEspaña de los siglos XVIyXVII.Ed. Víctor Lillo, Dámaris Montes and María José Vega Ramos. Frankfurt /Madrid: Vervuert/Iberoamericana, 2018. 75–100. Gilman, Stephen. La España de Fernando de Rojas: panorama intelectual ysocial de “La Celestina.” Madrid: Taurus, 1978. Infantes, Víctor. “Lasausencias en los inventariosdelibros ydebibliotecas.” Bulletin hispanique 99 (1997): 281–292. Infantes, Víctor. “Los libros traydosyviejos yalgunos rotos que tuvo el Bachiller Fernando de Rojas, nombrado autor de la obra llamada Celestina.” Bulletin hispanique 100 (1998): 7–52. Infantes, Víctor. “Fernando de Rojas:ellector desvelado (en su caligrafía). De nuevosobre el Inventario de sus libros.” Celestinesca 31 (2007): 103–118. Infantes, Víctor. “La sombra escrita de los libros: Sobreelestudio de los inventariosde bibliotecas, conelejemplo de laslecturas ylaletradeFernando de Rojas.” Literatura medieval yrenacentista en España: líneas ypautas.Ed. Natalia Fernández and María Fernández. Salamanca: SEMYR, 2012. 67–96. Works cited 33

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Zamuner,Ilaria. “La tradizione romanzadel Secretum secretorum pseudo-aristotelico.” Studi Medievali 46 (2005): 31–116. The Legitimacy of the PartiallyOccult Sciences, Physiognomy and Chiromancy in the Face of the Inquisition

Among the books that in August of 1992werefound immured in the town of Bar- carrota in Extremadura, two chiromantic works by Patrizio TricassodaCerasari werediscovered, one in Latin and the other in Italian.¹ This discovery of hetero- doxbooks, whether their owner was abookseller² or aconverted Jewish doctor,³ tells us eloquentlyabout their dissemination and popularity among the contemporaries, as well as about the problematic status of this pseudoscience, whose texts are hiddenasaprecaution even before the publication of the Quiroga index in 1583⁴ and before the papal bulls⁵ that,starting in 1586,graduallypro-

 “Nº 1: [1525]: Tricassi Cerasariensis Mantuani. Super Chyromantiam Coclytis Dillucidationes Praeclarissimae. Ad illustrissimi Dominum D. Federicum Gonzagha. Mantuae Marchionem. M.D.XXV” and “Nº 10:[1543]: Chyromantiadel Tricasso da Ceresari Mantuano ingeniosamente es- tratta da ilibri de Aristotile et altri Philosophinaturali”.See the webpagethat offers digitalisa- tions of the works found at: http://www.bibliotecadeextremadura.com/ (13 October 2010). Also consult the works of Lama (2007) and Sánchez Salor (1999) and (2007).  As proposed by Rico(2000), whoobserves: “El caso es que esa docena de piezas no dibujael perfil consecuentedeningún lector,sino los dúctiles rasgos de un librero. Cuesta figurarse aun admirador españoldeErasmo que se interesasepor la Oración de la emparedada,alavez que compaginaba la piedad erudita de las Predicationes,laquerencia hugonotede“aucuns nou- veaulx poètes” ylapornografíaitaliana de La Cazzaria. Por el contrario, la desemejanza de temas yorientaciones,lapluralidad de lenguas yprocedencias (conventaja para los grandes centros comerciales de Lyon yVenecia),lapresentación material yotros indicios hacenpensar decididamente en la parteproblemática de un fondo de librería” [The matter at hand is that these dozen pieces do not depict the consequent profile of anyreader, rather the ductile traits of abookseller.Itisdifficulttoimagine aSpanish admirer of Erasmus whowould be interested in the Prayerofthe Immured,atthe same time it reconciled the eruditepiety of the Predications, the Huguenot fondnessof“some new poets” and the Italian pornography of TheBookofthe Prick. On the contrary,the dissimilarity of topics and orientations,the plurality of languages and origins (with advantagetothe great commercialcentres of Lyon and Venice), the material presentation and other signsmakeone think deeplyabout the problematic part of abookseller’s collection].  See Serrano Mangas (2004) and (2007).  See the ninth rule that posits ageneralised sentence for all kinds of writingonthe invocation of demons by wayofall sorts of practices, explicitlyincluding chiromancy: “Otrosí se prohiben todos los libros, tratados, cédulas,memoriales, receptas ynóminas para invocar demonios por cualquier vía ymanera, orasea por nigromancia, hidromancia, piromancia, aeromancia, onomancia, quiromancia ygeomancia, orapor escriptos ypapeles de artemágica, hechicerías,bru- jerías,agüeros,encantamentos, conjuros,cercos,caracteres,sellos,sortijas yfiguras” (apud

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-005 36 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences hibited predictive astrology and related disciplines because they were not com- patible with Tridentine dogma. In this article Iwillbepresenting, more than results, some methodological approachesinorder to analyse – for the period of the GoldenAge – the legitimacy of what Ihavedesignated in the title as partiallyoccultsciences.⁶ Iamrefer- ring to aseries of pseudosciences like the aforementioned chiromancy, physiog- nomyormetoposcopy,which strive to unravel supposedsymbols of unclear psychological or physiological realities registered in the human body:⁷ birth- marks, the lines of the hand and forehead, or simplyall the particularities of aperson’sanatomy. The legitimacy of the interpretive practice of physiognomy, as every author of this kind of text in the prologues of these works tends to assert,has been de- velopedindifferent ways.Inhis Commentarius de praecipuis generibus divinita- tionem,published in 1553 in Wittenberg, Caspar Peucer answers the question “¿Quod sint aliqua divinationumgeneranon impia, nec superstitiosa, et Chris- tianis concessa?”⁸ [Which are the genres of divinationthat are neither godless nor superstitious and are permittedtoChristians?] with regard to physiognomy, chiromancy, and astrology,stating thatitconcerns the interpretation of signs that man can read with divine authority.Evidentlyinhis case, something must have contributed to its prohibition such thatthe works of this Protestant humanist weremore problematic in Spainthan the knowledge that he tried to defend.⁹ The interpretationofthese bodilysigns became athorny issue that clashed with the theological discourse of the time whenever it expressedits heuristic interest in the future, giventhat physiognomic predetermination collided head-on

Martínez de Bujanda 1993, 884) [Also prohibited areall books,treatises,certificates, memorials, prescriptions,and lists to invoke demons by anymeans,either by necromancy, hydromancy, pyromancy, aeromancy, onomancy, chiromancyand geomancy, or by writings and papers on the magical arts,spells,witchcraft,omens,incantations, conjuring,magical circles, characters, seals,rings,and figures].  See the papal bulls Coeli et Terrae Creator (5.1.1586) of Sixtus Vand Inscrutabilis iudiciorum (1.4.1631) by Urban VIII, and for Gregory XIII’sfight against necromancyand predictive astrology, see Piccari (2007, 25).  See MuñozCalvo (1977), Kamen (1980), PintoCrespoand Pérez Villanueva(1983), Márquez (1986), PardoTomás (1991) and (2003), Alcalá Galve (2001), also Peña Díaz (2002).Tobetterun- derstand the functionalityofthe authorities of the HolyOffice, see the classic by Lea(1983).  In additiontothe writings about the signaturesofParacelsusand of his student Oswald Crol- lius, see Kühlmann (1992) and Winkler (1996).  Peucer(1591, 1r).  See entry 641inthe Spanish index of 1583, published in Martínez de Bujanda(1993, 329). The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 37 with the dogma of free will, amatter long discussed in Western philosophical/ theological and literary debates.One could always resort to trying to reduce the problem of inherent determinism in physiognomy, noting that the bodilydis- position of men was nothing more than an inclinatio that could be conquered thanks to moral virtue and excellence. With all of this, in the concrete case of physiologicalanalysis, it wouldn’t have been anypanacea, as the ninth rule of the Quiroga index explains in detail which illegal practices are linked to the divination arts and judiciary astrology, placing particularemphasis on the function that, for its determination, man’s free will had:

También se prohiben todos los libros, tractados yescritos, en la parteque tratan ydan reglas,yhacenarte, ociencia para conocerpor las estrellas ysus aspectos,opor las rayas de las manos,loporvenir que está en la libertad del hombre, ylos casos fortuitos que han de acontescer; oque enseñan aresponder lo hecho, oacontescido, en las cosas pasadas,libres yocultas, oloque sucederáenloque dependedenuestra libertad, que son las partesdela judiciaria que llaman de nascimientos,interrogaciones yelecciones.¹⁰

[Also prohibited areall books,treatises,and writings as they concern and give rules, and makeart or sciencemeant to know,byway of the stars and their aspects,orbythe lines of the hands,the future,which is within man’sfreedom, and the fortuitous cases that must occur; or that teachhow to respond to whatisdone, or has come to be, in things past, free and hidden, or what will happenwith things that depends on our freedom, as are the parts of astrological prediction that herald births, divinations and choices.]

Thanks to astudybyPinto Crespo¹¹ we know that in the case of predictive astrol- ogyinquisitors did not condemn ab initio all texts on this practice, but rather dif- ferentiated very subtlybetween the permitted and the prohibited. The forbidden territory is limited to all that questions free will. Apologists for astrology,for example doctor Gachapayinhis Astronómica defensión [Astronomic Defence], quoted by Pinto Crespo, conveythe same arguments as those of physiognomy’sde- fenders:¹² the influenceofthe stars – justaswith certain bodilytraits among men – is not determinant but rather informative.Returning to the ninth rule of the quoted index, we see that, in this case in particular, this condition of an empirical path of accesstoknowledge constitutes the basis of acertain per- missiveness:

 Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 884).  PintoCrespo (1983, 288–289).  PintoCrespo (1983, 291). 38 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences

Peronopor esto se prohiben las partes de la Astrología que tocan al conocimientodelos tiempos ysucesos generales del mundo ni las que enseñan por el nacimiento de cada uno a conoscer sus inclinaciones, condiciones ycualidades corporales […].¹³

[But this is not whythose parts of Astrology areprohibited that touch on knowledge of the times and general occurrencesinthe world, or those that teachhow,through aperson’s birth, one can know his inclinations, conditions and bodilyqualities …]

This section suggeststhat the studyofthe bodily signs,asproposed by physiognomy, was not condemned to irrevocable and categorical sanction, as is shown in the caseofthe Neapolitan natural philosopher Giovanni Battista Della Porta, famousinall of Europe.We have ample documentationand recent studies on the fluctuatingrelationship between the Neapolitan philosopher and the Inquisi- tion. Withoutfullyenteringinto the complicated history of his relations with the HolyOffice,¹⁴ Iwant to brieflysummarise the preserved data on the vicissi- tudes in the legal process that followed his physiognomic works.When, in 1586, he publishes the Latin text of De humana physiognomonia,¹⁵ after awaitingthe imprimatur for three years, he adds at the lastminute, after the dedication to Luigid’Este, adisquisition in which he explains that physiognomyisapractice that does not question human free will:¹⁶

 Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 884–885).  Concerningthis topic, Idefer to the studies of Aquilecchia (1968), Lopez (1974), Valente (1999) as well as, recently, Piccari, in particular chapter3“Irapporti conl’Inquisizione” [The relations to the Inquisition] (2007, 24–29), and Tarrant (2012).  Della Porta, De humana physiognomonia libri IIII;acopyisavailable online: http://fermi. imss.fi.it/rd/bd?lng=en# (31 October 2011).  Regarding this,see Aquilecchia (1968, 27,note 79): “Della Porta prevenne l’accusa di deter- minismo già con l’edizione latina della Physiognomonia,premettendovi una dichiarazione secondo cui l’aspettodelle persone indica solo tendenze del carattere, ferma restando la libertà delle coscienze nel seguireomeno le inclinazioni naturali […]Lafisionomia elachiromanzia erano, del resto, già statecondannatecon l’Index pubblicatodaPaolo IV nel 1559, che può essere consideratocome una anticipazionesintetica della bolla sistina del 1586”)[Della Porta an- ticipates the accusation of determinism with the Latin edition of the Physiognomonia by adding as aprefix adeclaration accordingtowhich the aspect of aperson indicates onlytendencies of character,while the freedomofconscience to follow the natural inclinations or not remains un- touched … Physiognomyand chiromancyhad been condemned, in anycase, by the index published by Paul IV in 1559,that can be considered asynthetic anticipation of the Sixtine bull from 1586] and Piccari (2007, 99): “Consapevole dell’incerto statutodella fisiognomica, Della Porta sapeva che l’Inquisizione avrebbe potutosottoporrel’operaacensura, tantoèvero che egli feceaggiungere,astampa già ultimata, alcune scarne righe in cui dichiara trattarsi di materia congetturale, che non recava pregiudizio al liberoarbitrio largito da Dio agli uomini” [Awareof the uncertain status of physiognomy, Della Porta knew that the Inquisition could have censured the work, but it is true that he added, when the printingwas alreadycompleted, some meagre The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 39

Haec scientia coniecturalis est,nec semper optatum assequitur finem: cuius signanatu- rales tantum propensiones indicarepossunt,non autem actiones nostrae liberae volunta- tis,vel que es vitioso, velstudioso habitu dependent: nam in bonis,malisque actionibus, quae in nostra potestatesunt,virtus &vitium consistunt,non auteminpropensionibus, quae in nostra voluntatenon sunt.¹⁷

[This is aconjectural science, and it does not always come to the desiredend, because the natural signs can onlyindicatesomebody’sinclination, not the actions of our free will, whether somebodyisdepravedorindustrious depends on habit,for good and bad actions depend on ourselves, virtue and vice stand, but not because of inclinations that do not depend on our will.]

On the 9th of April, 1592,the VenetianInquisition prohibitsthe publication of the Italian translationofDe humanaphysiognomonia with thetitle La fisonomia dell’uomo,and anyother of hisworks that would make predictions aboutthe future,alsorulingthatthe Neapolitanauthor must requestauthorisation fromthe Holy Office in Rome to publishany of his works,under penalty of ex- communication andafine of 500goldducats.¹⁸ Two days later, thesameexhor- tationisdirectedatthe Italian bookseller Barezzo Barezzi:¹⁹

De mandatodel Santo Tribunale della Santissima Inquisizione di Venezia in essecuzione delle litteredell’Ill.mo et Rev.mo Cardinale Santa Severina date in Roma li 21 marzo prossimo passatoseintima avoi, M. Barezzo Barezzi libraroche ad instanzia de Gio. Battista Porta napolitano non dobbiatenéstampar,néfar stampareinquesta città, né altrove il librode fisionomia in lingua volgare, né altro librodisua composizionesenza espressa licenzia del supremo Tribunale del Sant’Offizio di Roma.²⁰

lines in which he declaredthat it was about aconjectural subject that did not undermine the free will givenbyGod to mankind]. Also see the works of Trabucco (2002) and (2005).  In that regard, see also Aquilecchia (1990,222) with atranscription of the text in note 38, whoobserves: “[…]un’inserzionepreventiva nei confronti dell’Inquisizione potéessereeffettua- ta solo ac.xxijv, in calce all’epistola dedicatoria al Card.Luigi d’Este,nel mezzo della pagina con caratteri tipografici diversi (in tondo, mentrel’epistola èincorsivo)inchiostrati di fresco,su cinque righe che risultano impresse in quel luogofacendo torto all’economia eall’estetica della pagina” [… apreventive insertion with regardtothe Inquisition could onlybemade in folio XXIIv, at the bottom of the dedication to cardinal Luigid’Este,inthe middle of the page with adifferent type of letter(in roundletters, not in italics likethe epistle), with fresh ink, in five lines printed in that place, injuringthe aesthetics of the page].  The decree is preserved in the Archive of the StateofVenice (Fondo SantoUffizio, busta 69) and was published by Fiorentino (1911,265), likewise later transcribed by Amabile (1892) and Aquilecchia (1968, 23–24).Regarding this, see also Piccari (2007, 26 and notes).  See the chapter “Barezzi editore, traduttore, scrittore” [Barezzi,editor,translator, writer] in Masala (2004,21–38).  Icitethe transcription of Aquilecchia (1968, 25). 40 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences

[By commandmentofthe Holy Officeofthe Sacred Inquisition of Venice in execution of the letters of the most Distinguished and Reverend cardinal Santa Severina datedinRome the 21st of last March, it is ordered to you, Barezzo Barezzi, librarian, that,byrequest of Givanni Battista Porta from Naples,you must neither print,nor give the task of printinginthis city nor in anyother place, his book about physiognomyinthe vernacular,nor anyother of his works without the license of the supreme Tribunal of the HolyOfficeinRome.]

Subsequently,Annibale di Capua, the Archbishop of Naples, warns the author on repeated occasions not to print Fisonomia.²¹ However,in1598 Della Porta published his Fisonomia dell’huomo in Naples, naming as translator his friend, Gio- vanni de Rosa.²² Thanks to his friendship with the influential Roman noble Fe- derico Cesi, afounding member of the Accademia dei Lincei, Della Porta receivedpermission from the Roman Inquisition to print, in 1610,the Italian translation of the new version of De humanaphysiognomia.²³ His other study, the Coelestis physiognomoniae,was publishedinLatin in 1601²⁴ and in an Italian translation in 1614,²⁵ but it seems thatDella Porta had written it some time earlier,accordingtowhat is seen in aletter,ofgreat interesttoour purposes, that the Paduan Giovanni Antonio Magini (1555–1617), professor of mathematics in Bologna, writestohim on 27 July,1594:

Ritrovandomi dal MoltoIllustre Signor Nostro et parlandosiabuon propositodiVostra Si- gnoria, quel Signore mi fece sapere cometrall’altreopere ch’ultimamente da lei composte ha compita una fisionomiaceleste il che mi fu d’estremo contento per la curiosità et nocità di quella sperando di vederla un giorno fuori al mondo, benché mi nascesse qualche dub- bio intorno alla licenza di stamparla,nella quale occasione […]lasupplicoper partemia a farne capoper stamparlainAlemagna, che non haverà alcuna difficultà, né gli sarà levata cosa alcuna, vedendosichiaramente,quantosiano ambitiosi coloridistamparelecose sue, essendo horamai in Francfort ristampate tuttelesue opere, et ultimamentelasua fisiono- mía.²⁶

 Fordetails see Lopez (1974,333 – 334) and Piccari (2007, 28).  Della fisonomia dell’huomo di Gio. Battista della Porta napolitano.Libri quattro. Tradotti da latino in lingua volgare per Giovanni Di Rosa professoredil’una el’altralegge. Conl’aggiunta di cento ritratti di rame di più di quelli della prima impression. Napoli: Tarquinio Longo,1598.  See Piccari (2007, 43 – 44); for the relations between Della Porta and Cesi and with the Acca- demia dei Lincei see Gabrieli (1927).  Coelestis Physiognomoniae. Napoli: Giovanni Battista Sottile, 1601.  Della celeste fisonomia libri sei. Napoli: LazaroScoriggio, 1614.  The letter is preserved in the Ambrosian Library with shelfmark S94sup., page 225r–v. Icite from Aquilecchia (1985, 311). The first edition of On Human Physiognomy in Germanywas published in 1593 in Hannover by P. Fischer (“Nunc ab innumeris mendis,quibus passim Neapoli- tana scatebat editio, emendati,primumque in Germania in lucem editi” [Atthis time amended from the countless errors which sprang up from the edition from Naples;now for the first time published in Germany]). The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 41

[When Iwas with our Most Illustrious Lordship and talkingwith him in this regardabout you, his Lordship let me know that,among the works youcomposed latelythere is acel- estial physiognomy.This was of great pleasuretomebecause of the curiosity Ihaveabout it,hopingtosee it out in the world someday, although Ifelt some doubt about the license to print it,and thereforeonthis occasion … Ibeg youfor my part to print it in Germany, where youwon’thaveany difficulties and wherenothingwill be removed from it.Itisvery clear how much desire they have theretopublish your works, and in Frankfurt they actuallyre- printedall your books and latelyyour physiognomy.]

He never obtained license, however,topublish his Chiromantia,which came to light with the title Chirofisonomia by wayofPompeo Sarnelliin1677. Norwas he able to publish his Metoposcopia,which has come to us handwritten and was discovered and published by Aquilecchia (1990). In spite of the difficulties described, the works of Della Porta circulated throughout Europe and werewidespread in Spain. Remember thatCalderón de la Barca quotesthe Neapolitan as an authority in his El astrólogo fingido [TheFake Astrologer].²⁷ As for the Spanish Indiceslibrorum prohibitorum,only the Quiroga index of 1583mentions the Neapolitan philosopher,exclusively for his Magia naturalis.²⁸ Those thatare indeed present,asone can appreciate in ex- amining the Spanish indexes, are onlyafew of the texts thatinterest us, specif- icallythe Spanish index of 1559that prohibits the works of Bartolomeo della Rocca, called Cocles,²⁹ of Girolamo Cardano³⁰ and of Ioannis ab Indagine;³¹ in the index of 1583isadded,inadditiontothe aforementioned work by Giovanni

 See the recent edition by Rodríguez-Gallego(2011), and SchizzanoMandel (1990).  In addition to the classic work by Reusch (1883–1885), the most recent publication of the indexes of Martínez de Bujanda is fundamental,particularlythe volumes dedicated to the Span- ish Inquisition (1984) and (1993). In the long run, very interestingresults areexpected from a research project locatedatthe University of Münster,presented by Wolf and Arning (2010).  Martínez de Bujanda (1984,316–318): “30. Bartholomei Coclitis,physiognomiae et chiromantiae compendium”.Itconcerns, accordingtoMartínez de Bujanda, a “condamnation originale” (1984,316) [original prohibition], as the index of Rome, 1559,96prohibits another work by the same author (“Anastasis Chiromantiae ac Physionomiae”)and that of Venice,1554,59prohib- itedall the works of said author.The condemnation is repeated in the index of 1583, Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 185–186).  See Martínez de Bujanda (1984,368–372);particularlyinteresting for our context is the prohibition of De subtilitate,which contains achapter on “De subiectophysionomiae &chiromantiae”,and which was previouslycondemned in the index of Paris, 1551,71, which refers to the Lyon edition: Guillaume Rouillet,1550.The condemnation is repeated in the index of 1583, Mar- tínez de Bujanda (1993, 354).  Martínez de Bujanda (1984,394): “279Ioannis Indaginis,chiromantia”.Itconcerns a “con- damnationunique” of a “auteur condamné dans Roma, 1559,517”.Inthe index of 1583all works by the German author areprohibited, see Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 404). 42 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences

Battista della Porta,³² the Examendeingenios [Examination of Men’sWits]by Juan HuartedeSan Juan “no se emendandoycorrigiendo”³³ [with no need to be amended or corrected]. This brief list posits an entire series of questions on its own, and also for some of the absences – of texts and authors not compiled –,which will bring me to examine the true effect that the Inquisition’scondemnations had. The Spanish indexes did not explicitlyprohibit all the physiognomic works that circulatedaround the country,starting,asithappens, with the chiromantic studies of Patrizio Tricasso da Cerasari, hiddeninBarcarrota, which nonetheless werecondemnedbythe Romanindexes of 1559and 1596.³⁴ Another author,ab- sent from the Spanish indexes, one who deservesour attention, is Alessandro Achillini, masterofthe condemned Cocles, and amuch-read author in academic circles of the sixteenth century,whose works are onlycondemned in the Roman index of 1590.³⁵ Manycopies of the specificallyphysiognomic works of Achillini are now preserved in the library of the University of Salamanca, some originating either in the colleges or in the Jesuitlibrary,³⁶ which was, until 1767,the libraryofthe Royal Collegeofthe HolySpirit.Itisbeyond well-known that the Society of Jesus, in accordancewith its commitment to education,³⁷ had established important libraries throughout Europe,³⁸ and Salamanca is no exception,³⁹ nor with regardtothe works in which we are interested: acopyofthe Operaomnia by Achil-

 Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 393–394 and 456).  See Martínez de Bujanda(1993, 593) and for the index of 1584 (1993, 817–819).  See Martínez de Bujanda (1996,387), whocompiles the condemnation of the Chyromantia in the Roman indexes of 1559and 1596 as wellasthat of the Dilucidationes super chyromantiam Coclytis in the Roman index of 1596.  See Martínez de Bujanda(1996,50) for the condemnation of his De chyromantiae principiiset physionomiae in the Roman index of 1590.  Regarding this, see Eguía Ruiz (1944) and for the Salmantinian case, Becedas González (1999).  Forthe Frenchcase, see Mech (1988).  Forthe Jesuit teachingofsciencessee chapter 4 “Natura, arte, chimica emagia” [Nature, art, chemistry and magic] in Baroncini(1981,185 – 192).  See Becedas González (1999,519): “Como todas las bibliotecas de la Compañía de Jesús, el Colegio de Salamanca creóuna biblioteca de ámbitocomúnenlaque pretendía hacer compat- ibles las necesidades religiosas yapostólicas con la dedicación docentedesus miembros,obli- gándose, por tanto, aadquirir obras de disciplinas diversas yactualizar continuamentesus co- lecciones” [Like all the libraries of the SocietyofJesus, the CollegeofSalamanca created a library of common studyinwhich it sought to establish compatibility between religious and apostolic needs and the instructionaldedication of its members,beingobliged, therefore, to ac- quire works of diverse disciplinesand continuallyupdateits collections]. The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 43 lini (1551) was in the possession of the Colegio Real de la Compañía de Jesús (Royal Collegeofthe Society of Jesus),⁴⁰ another copy from 1545belonged to the Irish College, founded in 1592, which was alsounder the direction of the Jes- uits. This samecopy was laterpassed to the graduateAntonio de Zamora, who noted in the cover page: “Este libro es el máscurioso que tengo” ⁴¹ [this book is the most curious one that Ihave]. Another copy of the Operaomnia of the professor of Bologna, printed in 1545, was held in the library of one of Salamanca’s colleges, that of Oviedo.⁴² Onecan see the massive presenceofphysiognomic works in the university environment,which is explainedbythe fact that these divination techniques were considered scientific. Thus Achillini shows great interest in highlighting the validity of the material that deals with and givespartic- ular importance to the proof that “physionomia et chyromantia sunt scientiae” ⁴³ [physiognomyand chiromancy are sciences]. The curricular legitimisation of physiognomyisbased in most cases on the authority of Aristotle, as Zambelli as- certained.⁴⁴ Later on, at the start of the seventeenth century,eventhe protective

 It is the copywith shelfmark BG/13204(1) of Alexandri Achillini Bononiensis philosophi cele- berrimi Operaomnia in unum collecta:Deintelligentiis. De orbibus.DeUniuersalibus.Dephysico auditu. De elementis. De subiecto physionomiae &chiromantiae. De subiecto medicinae.Deprima potestate syllogismi. De distinctionibus.Deproportione motuum. Cum annotationibus excellentissimi doctoris Pamphili Montii Bononiensis,scholae Patauinae publici professoris. Venezia: Girola- mo Scoto, 1551.  It concerns acopywith shelfmarkBG/38004 de Alexandri Achillini Bononiensis philosophi celeberrimiOperaomnia in unum collecta. Venezia: Girolamo Scoto, 1545. Compareaccordingly the Proyecto Exlibris in Salamanca’sUniversity Library.Another copyamongthose that are now preserved in the university library of Salamanca (shelfmark BG/I. 35[4])came fromthe convent of San Esteban: Habes accuratissime lector Alexanndri Achillini Bononiensis philosophorum nostreetatis decoris operalima eiusce actoris repollita et extersa ac denuo maxima curaacdili- gentia impressa. De intelligentijs.Deorbibus.Deuniuersalibus.Deelementis; De principijs chyro- mantie et physionomie. De potestate syllogismi. De subiecto medicine. Venezia: Boneto Locatello, 1508. This convent library also possessed acopyofJéronimo Cortés. Librodephisonomia natural. Madrid: Pedro de Madrigal, 1601 (shelfmark:BG/36432[1]). Forthe books of the Colegio de San Patricio see Becedas González (1999,513–514).  See the copywith shelfmark BG/135814(1) of Alexandri Achillini Bononiensisphilosophicele- berrimi Operaomnia in unum collecta. Venezia: Girolamo Scoto,1545.  Achillini (1545, 152).  Zambelli (1978,65–66): “Eraevidentementepiù arduoeimpegnativo legittimarescientifica- mentelafisionomiaela chiromanzia, le quali per venir annoveratenel curriculum universitario, avevano bisogno di una ‘resurrezione’ che proprio in quegli anni avverràper la prima contrab- bandata dai commenti all’opuscolo pseudoaristotelicodei Parvanaturalia,che faranno appunto della fisionomia la scienza occulta più legata […]alla tradizione aristotelica”.[It was certainly very arduous and demandingtolegitimise physiognomyand chiromancyinascientific way, which needed, for beingincluded in the academic curriculum, aresurrection, that exactlyin 44 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences umbrella of the Stagiritedid not prevent the rise of problems: in the note of Lo stampatore ai lettori [The printer to his readers] from the 1629 edition of the Ar- istotelian Libro intitolato il perchè by Girolamo Manfredi we can read:

Et essendo operacomposta da un Gentile privo della lumedella vera fede, l’ho data ari- purgare apersone dottissime ecatolichissime le quali hanno restituita veramente(per dir così)lasanità.⁴⁵

[Sinceitisawork composed by aPagan without the light of faith, Igaveittosome erudite and very Catholic persons whopurgeditand (so to speak)gaveitback its sanity.]

It seems thatthis prior self-censorship was what protected the work from being condemned by Inquisitors. Another noteworthyabsencefrom all the indexesisthat of the Belgian Jean Taisnier,author of an ample manualonchiromancy and physiognomytitled Opus mathematicum octo libros complectens,mentioned by Lope de Vega in Ser- vir aseñordiscreto [To Serve aDiscrete Lord](1618).⁴⁶ Taisnier’sbook circulated in Spain, wheretwo copies of the first edition, printed in Cologne by Birckmann &Richwin in 1562, are preserved: one in the National Library and the other in the

those years arose throughthe first outbreak of the comments of the pseudo-Aristotelianwork of the Parvanaturalia,which made out of physiognomythe occult sciencemost firmlylinked to the Aristotelian tradition]. See also Caputo (1990,77–78): “Sin dal basso Medioevosicerca di legit- timarescientificamentelafisiognomica (ma anche le altrepratiche divinatorie come la chiromanzia), tentando, fra l’altro, di inserirle nel curriculum universitario. Un ruolo importante in questa operazione culturale lo ebbe l’Achillini che cercòdidefinirel’oggetto della fisiognomica legandola metodologicamentealla tradizione aristotelica. Su questa linea […]sicollocailDella Porta”.[From the High Middle Ages onwards there were attempts to legitimise physiognomy(but also other practices of divination like chiromancy) in ascientific way, tryingtointroduceitinto the academic curriculum. Playinganimportant roleinthis operation was Achillini, whoattempt- ed to define the object of physiognomybylinkingitmethodologicallytothe Aristotelian tradition. In this line … Della Porta is placed].  See also Lo stampatoreailettori: “Havendo io inteso, benigni lettori,damolti possessori di lettere, di quanta auttorità egravità sia il presente libretto, equalmenteèuscitodaquell’inge- gno del nobilissimo Principe de’ Filosofi, Aristotele Stagirita, edalui intitolati Problemi nei quali si scuoprono le cause di molte cose”.[Ihaveheard, benevolent readers, through manyeru- ditepersons,how much authority and seriousness this booklethas,and it comesevenfrom the ingenious princeofphilosophers,Aristotle the Stagirite, and it was titled Problems, in which are discoveredthe causes of manythings].  Lope de Vega, Servir aseñor discreto (1975,219–220, vv.1665–1670): “En Juan Tisnerio he leído /loque de aquestoescribió, /para que sepáis que yo /también estudiantehesido, / mas no he tenido por cierta /ninguna adivinación” [In John Tisnerio Ihaveread /whaton this he wrote/may youall know that I/also astudent have been /but Inever had for certain /any divination]. The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 45

Marquess of Valdecilla Historical Library of Complutense University (BH FLL 14738). This copy is distinguished by ‘some lines that are crossed out with black ink’⁴⁷ and two handwritten notes,one on the guard sheet that states: “Estelibro es de los duplicados de la librería de S. Lor[enzo] el R[ea]l esta vendido con lic.a de su mg.ydel convento. Fr.Lucas de Alaejos” [This book is from the duplicatesofthe library of the Royal Site of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, and is sold with the licensureofhis Majesty and of the convent.Friar Lucas of Alae- jos], and another on the title pagethat says: “mirar el índice de loslibros vedaes [sic]” [see the index of the prohibitedbooks]. Thanks to these directions, we can reconstruct the history of this book fairlywell. The Hieronymitefriar Lucas de Alaejos was head librarian of the Library of the Escorial, as successor to his master,Father Sigüenza⁴⁸ and as such, he obtained permission to sell the duplicated books from the library of Philip II.⁴⁹ As librarian of the Escorial, our friar was also authorised to read prohibitedbooks from the indexofBernardo de Sando- val, published in 1612.⁵⁰ Even if the work of Jean Taisnier was not included in any index,the Hieronymite friar doubted the orthodoxy of the content,astudyof hand-reading,and purgedthe book before wanting to sell it.The erasures allow us to see which ideas were thoseconsidered to be heterodox:

 Catálogo del patrimoniobibliográfico. This copyhas been digitalised by Google and is available at the followingpagehttp://books.google.com/books?hl=es&lr=&id=APQiuPBcKwIC&oi= fnd&pg=PA9&dq=Opus+mathematicum+octo+libros+&ots=63PHYlTk4R&sig=xX4BvXGbs6 LOVR3b0F5XEXUiECg#v=onepage&q&f=false (5 October 2011).  ForLucas de Alaejos († 1631), librarian of the Escorial of the order of Hieronymites and disciple of Arias Montano, see Antolín Pajares (1921).  “Para todo lo cual valiómucho su diligencia, alentadacon el favordesuMgd., de quien tam- bién obtuvo licencia para vender muchos libros que había doblados,con que compro otros muchos nuevos yacrecentólalibrería componiéndola de nuevoyhaciéndoles atodos nuevo índice” (Pastor Gómez-Cornejo 2001,294) [For all of which he greatlyvalued his diligence, en- couragedwith the favour of his Majesty,fromwhom he also obtainedlicense to sell manybooks of which he had copies,with which he boughtmanyother new ones and grewhis book collection, creating it anew and givingthem all anew index].  “Salió por este tiempo el nuevoexpurgatorio de la inquisición, obtúvose licencia para tener aquí los libros vedados,yque los pudiesen leer el prior,elbibliotecario ylos catedráticosdel colegio, ypara justificar más la acción hízose archivo de la inquisición en la librería alta, adonde se trujeron cantidad de libros de rabinos,mahometanos,herejes,yheresiarcas yotros prohibidos” (PastorGómez-Cornejo 2001,294) [The new expurgatory index of the Inquisition was re- leased at this time, he was givenlicense to hold ontoprohibited books,that the prior,the librarian, and the professors of the college mayread, and to further justify the action, he made an archive of the Inquisition in the upper section of the bookstore,towhich they brought anumber of books by rabbis,Muslims,heretics, and heresiarchs, and other prohibited books]. Forthe San- doval Index see Reusch (1883–1885, 42– 4) and for the indexes after the seventeenth century see Martínez de Bujanda and Richter (2002). 46 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences

De quo vniversali diluuio Moses Propheta loquet praemisit causam quae Mathematicis rationibus etiam facillime calculari potest ex stellarum influxu,aspectu, coniunctionibus diuersis (teste Albumasare) praesertim ex maxima coniunctione Saturni &Iouis, in Cancro, signo aqueo, in imo caeli constitutorum, quae contigit annis Romanis 279. Diebus 248. Horis 9anteipsum diluvium ex qua &praesenti figura &coeli themate, &syderum constel- latione facile licuit calculi ratione siue Arithmetica supputatione, et thema coeli principij mundi erigere cuius ignorantes, non facile fidem adhibebunt, ideo libuit hic vtrumque thema Mathematico &Arithmetico calculo supputata ad maiorem elucidationem apponere. Sed vnde effluxit redeat oratio, ad Noam patrem illum multarum gentium qui caldeos & Aegyptios aeque doctos fecit,nec minus et nos per hanc quam Theologiam natu[ralem].⁵¹

[The cause of the Deluge was anticipated by the prophet Moses. It can be calculated as well very easilyfromthe influenceofthe stars, their aspect and the different conjunctions (as Albumasar testifies), very speciallyfromthe great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Can- cer, awatersign, constituted in the highest part of heaven, that happened 279Roman years, 248 days and 9hours beforethe very Deluge. From this, by means of the present figure,the horoscopeand the constellation of the stars,itwas possible without difficulty to stipulate through the reasoning of calculation and arithmeticcomputation the horoscopeofthe origin of the world. This is not believed by those who ignore it; and, therefore, we decided for elucidation to include both horoscopes, calculated by means of arithmetic and mathematical calculation. But fromhere the discourse went astrayand we have to comeback to our purpose, that is to Noah, father of manypeople, who made eruditethe Chaldeans and the Egyptians,and not least ourselvesbymeans of natural theology.]

As we can appreciate, crossed out on the pagebefore us is the paragraph that explainedhow,through mathematical calculations, it is possibletodrawconclu- sions about the future, focusing on the stars and on planetary conjunctions, quoting,ontop of that,the PersianastrologerAlbumasar as an authority in these matters.

*** If, as we have seen, the catalogue of compiled authors isn’tentirelylogical, it also stands out for its absencewhen consideringthe true reach of Inquisitional condemnations. Letusthink,for example, about the great success of the Examen de ingenios⁵² which we can document,starting from the studyofinventories,in manyprivatelibraries in Spain.⁵³ But other,far more problematic texts ranked

 Taisnier (1562, 1).  We find the Examen de ingenios by Huarte de San Juan, which enjoyed great success among Spanish readers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,e.g., in the library of PedroFajardo yCórdoba (1530/31– 1579), thirdmarquess of the Vélez, studied by Bouza (1987). The work of Huarte de San Juan is under Nº 375ofthe inventory.  In relation to the studyofprivatelibraries,the pioneering article by Huarte Mortón(1955) is still of greatinterest.Tothis day, the number of Hispanic inventories published between the fif- The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 47 among the collections of institutions likethe Colegio MayordeCuenca in Sala- manca,⁵⁴ which possessed prohibited books likethe Introductiones apotelesmaticae in physiognomiam by Ioannis ab Indagine.⁵⁵ Another copy of the physiognomic and chiromantic manualbythis Germanauthor was kept in the Colegio MayordeSan Bartolomé,,⁵⁶ inheritor of all books “tocantes alaprofesión yciencia de astrología ecosmografía”⁵⁷ [touchingonthe profession and science of as-

teenth and seventeenth centuries is enormous.Tocomplete the bibliographyonthe transcribed inventories, one must consult the lists in Laspéras (1980) and Dadson (1998, 516–529). Forbetter understanding of the absenceofsome kinds of books in testamentary inventories, the article of Infantes (1997) is fundamental.  It concerns one of the four Colegios mayores of Salamanca that was founded in 1500 by DiegoRamírez de Fuenleal or de Villaescusa (1459 – 1537); see the monograph of Carabias Torres, whoobserves about the Collegelibrary: “De ahí que tuvieran un especial cuidado con la orga- nización yconservación de la biblioteca; yello, porque los consideraban comouneficaz medio de adquirirconocimientos.[…]Loprimeroque llama la atención es la gran cantidad de libros que hayensubiblioteca […]Las características que la diferencian de la de San Bartolomé es la ausencia de las grandes obras de la ciencia escolástica, un ciertonúmerodeobras de astron- omía yotrotantodetextosmédicos,predominando los tratados en lengua vulgar” (1983, 145 – 146) [For this reason they had special carewith the organisation and preservation of the library; and this, because they consideredthem to be an efficacious wayofacquiringknowledge … The characteristics that distinguish it from the library of Saint Bartholomew is the absenceofgreat works of scholastic science, acertain number of works on astronomy, and another quantity of medical texts,treatises predominantlyinthe vernacular]. See also the conclusions: “En la prác- tica, su espíritu conservador ytradicionalista en relación conelmantenimientodel orden esta- blecido, hacía inútil paraelprogreso científicoytécnicodel mismo, la existencia dentrodesu biblioteca de la últimas obras científicas que en Europa ya levantaban polémica” (1983, 177– 178) [In practice, his conservative and traditionalist spirit in relation to the maintainenceofthe established order,made, in his library,the existenceofthe latestscientific works,alreadycontro- versial in Europe, useless for scientific and technical progress].  Ioannis ab Indagine. Introductiones apotelesmaticae in physiognomiam, complexiones hominum, astrologiam naturalem, naturas planetarumcum periaxiomatibus de faciebus signorum et canonibus de aegritudinibus hominum omnia nusquam fere ejusmodi tractata compendio. Stras- bourg: Heirs of Lazarus Zetzner,1630. BG/38388.  See the copy with shelfmarkBG/36593(2) of Chiromantia: 1Physiognomia ex aspectu membrorum hominis.2Periaxiomata de faciebus signorum. 3Canones astrologici de judiciis aegritudinum. 4Astrologianaturalis.5Complexionum noticia juxta dominium planetarum. Strasbourg:Johann Schott,1534.  Iquotethe transcription of the will and testament preserved in the Diocesan Archive of Cuenca (Manuscript collection L32b,fol. 52r) by Castrillo González (2007, 151).For Eustaquio Muñozand his interest in books,see also Castrillo González, whocompiles aseries of interesting facts,for example that the canon of Cuenca receives “libros del extranjero: en 1508 y1509 le traen de Roma ‘el Bartholomeo Clochites’ yel‘equatorio de Camillo’” (2004,686) [books from abroad:in1508 and 1509 they bring him fromRome “el Bartholomeo Clochites” and “equatorio de Camillo”]. 48 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences trology and cosmography] of Eustaquio Muñoz (1469–1546). This priestfrom Cuenca was,accordingtoCastrillo González, a “lector que no firma pero deja ta- jantes huellas en sus libros que los hacen inconfundibles, por la cantidad yel tipo de anotaciones ypor otras intervenciones relacionadas con sus hábitos de lectura, alos que debemos frecuentes sorpresas”⁵⁸ [a reader who does not sign, but does leave considerable vestigesinhis books which make them unmis- takable, because of the number and type of annotations and other interventions related to his readinghabits,and to which we owe frequent surprises]. This may be duetothe condemnation of the book in the Valdésindex,thanks to which nearlyall the pages of the book weredestroyed with aknife, removingitthis wayfrom the factitiousvolume in which it was bound.⁵⁹ Because of this, only the final pageand part of the interior margin are stillpreserved. On said page and on the title pageofthe book bound below,wefind valuable information on the circulation of this kind of work. The first owner,Eustaquio Muñoz, noted that he had bought three printed books in different German cities from one Wilhelm, nativeofGermany: “Conpluti die 16 marcij anno 1535aGuillermo alemano p[re]cio 102”.Weare possiblydealingwith one of these traveling,and perhaps even ‘ignorant’,booksellers, likethe one who – according to Francisco Rico – could have been the owner of the bookstoreofBarcarrota. Apparently, there was no difficulty in buyingbooksofproblematic content since they appear in manyprivate libraries in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, whose owners disregardthe Inquisition’sprohibition of books, even though they knew very well which works were condemned.⁶⁰ Of notable signifi-

 Castrillo González (2007, 151).  The work of Indagine was bound with the works of Petrus Apianus: Instrumentum primi mobilis. Nürnberg: Johann Petreius,1534and the Horoscopion. Ingolstadt: s.t.,1533. See also Castri- llo González (2004).  Rojo Vega (1989,40): “El problema es que un índice no es otra cosa que una relación de tí- tulos ynombres, que simplemente muestra las intenciones concretasdelos censores en un mo- mentodado. La interrogante es hasta qué puntolapublicación de los índices anuló de forma efectiva la circulación de las obras, autores eideas más omenos perseguidos.Larespuesta no puede hallarse sino en fuentes documentales de la vida cotidiana española del siglo XVI, comoson los protocolos oescrituras notariales,con su carga de inventarios de depósitos de li- brería, de bibliotecas particulares yderelaciones de libros importados,enelcaso de Medina del Campo. El examen de una serie de bibliotecas particulares vallisoletanas nos muestra rápida- mentelapresencia de libros vedados” [The problem is that an index is nothingmorethan a list of titles and names,which simplyshows the specific intentions of the censors at agiven moment.The question is the extent to which the publication of the indexes effectively annulled the circulation of the works, authors and ideas moreorless persecuted. The response can onlybe found in document sourcesofdailySpanish life in the sixteenth century,asnotarial protocols or writings are, with their load of inventories of bookstores,ofprivate libraries and of lists of im- The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 49 cance is the case of one Sebastián de Salinas, in whose inventory of goods in 1572, transcribed by Anastasio Rojo Vega,⁶¹ are compiled some books that are flaggedasprohibited works,e.g., the Castigationes plurimorum ex Terentio Loco- rum by Johannes Rivius and awork by the German humanist Hieronymus Wolf:

243. Castigationes jo Rivi in Terentium (está prohibido, ojo) [attention, it is prohibited].⁶² 409.Gnomologie Hiernonimi Buolphi (ojo) [pay attention].⁶³

This practice of annotation is not applied, for example, to the works of Eras- mus,⁶⁴ to the effect that we alsocannot know if the onlyphysiognomic work in the library was considered problematic:

383. Phisyognomia Scoli in 8.

This probablyinvolvesabad transcription of the name of Michael Scott,author of the LiberPhysiognomiae (1235), which enjoyed great success in print in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries starting from the Venetian princeps of 1477, printed by Jacopo da Fivizzano. As the example of Sebastián de Salinas shows, the studyofinventories and testaments allows us to determine the circulation of physiognomic and chiro- manticworks,condemned or not by the indexes, in Golden AgeSpain, and to

ported books,inthe case of Medina del Campo. The examination of aseries of privatelibraries in Valladolid quicklyshows us the presenceofforbidden books].  The inventory is found in the A.H.P.V.protocols,leg.296,page625 and was transcribed by Anastasio Rojo Vega, “Humanistas del Siglo de Oro: Sebastián de Salinas” [Humanists of the Gold Age: Sebastian of Salinas],accessible online on the author’spage:http://anastasior ojovega.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=241:humanistas-del-siglo-de- oro-sebastian-de-salinas-&catid=6:siglo-de-oro&Itemid=9(1February 2014).  See Martínez de Bujanda (1984,385): “251Ioannis Rivii, omnes libri”;JohannesRivius (1500 –1553) is an “auteurcondamné: Venezia, 1554,329; Roma, 1559,556”.The completetitle of the work is: Johannes Rivius. Castigationes plurimorum ex TerentioLocorum. Lyon: Sébastien Gryphe, 1534.  This concerns awork by the German humanist Hieronymus Wolf (1516–1580), whose opera omnia were in the Spanish index of 1583. See Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 362),who also recalls the condemnation of the author in the Roman index of 1564 and his inclusion in the “list of heresiarchs”.  In the inventory thereappear the followingworks by the Dutch author: “12. Epistole aliquot Erasmi”, “73.AdagiaErasmimi qgrype”, “79.Adagia Erasmi qfrovens”, “288. Catalogusopera Herasmi”, “298. Epinition leoncali et sintaxis Erasmi”, “352. Annotationes Erasmi on novum tes- tamentum”“380.Sintaxis Erasmi in 8” and “449.Antibarbarorum Erasmi in 8”. 50 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences know also what kind of reader wasdedicated to readingphysiognomic and chiromantic works.Iwill discuss afew examples in chronologicalorder: 1556:Accordingtohis testament of 1556,the Jesuit Bishop of Calahorra, Juan Bernal Díaz de Luco (1495–1556), possessed acopy of the aforementioned chiro- manticmanualbyIoannis ab Indagine.⁶⁵ 1573[A] /1593[B] Alonso Perálvarez Osorio, the bibliophile Marquess of As- torga (diedin1592),preserved in his extensive library acopy of the French translation of the chiromantic manual of Tricassio⁶⁶ as well as aSpanish translation of Il libro del perché⁶⁷ by Girolamo Manfredi. 1576: Bartolomé Barrientos (ca.1520 –1576), professor of liberal arts in Sala- manca, had agood number of books about astrology and alsoworks by the Bel- gian Jean Taisnier.⁶⁸ The Salamancan professor had areputation as achiroman-

 Forthe library of the canon, see Marín Martínez (1952) and (1954, 67): “Indagine, Juan de Chiromantia (n. 159). No he podido identificar la obra” [I was unable to identify the work].  Cátedra(2002,390): “[A669] La quiromanciadePatricio en francés. ¿B588?Patricio Tricasso, La chiromancie de Patrice Tricasse des Ceresars… París:P.Drouart,1546.In-8º (Brunet, V, col. 945. Hayediciones posteriores yseguramenteanteriores” [Thereare later editions and probably prior ones]. See also Cátedra (2002, 491): “[B588] Otro intitulado la quiromancia del Tircaso. Aunque podría ser el mismo ejemplar de la versión francesa de este tratado, el título recuerda el de las versiones italianas: Chyromantiadel Tricasso… Venecia. PieroRomano della Serena. 1535. In-8º. Haytambién edición del textoencastellano, impresa en Lyon por los Junta, s.i.t.,dela que preparaediciónyestudio M.a IsabelHernández González” [(B588) Another titled Chyroman- tia del Tricasso. Although it could be the same copyofthe Frenchversion of this treatise, the title is reminiscent of the Italian versions: Chyromantiadel Tricasso … Venice.PieroRomano della Serena. 1535.In-8º.There is also an edition in Spanish, printedinLyonbythe Giunta, s.i.t., of which M.a Isabel Hernández Gonzálezpreparesanedition and study]. The known details sur- rounding the “biografíamás innecesaria que imposible” (2002, 15) [moreunnecessary than impossible biography]ofthe Marquess contains the monographofCátedra.  Cátedra(2002,268–269): “[A119] El porqué, traducido de toscano en castellano. […]Girola- mo Manfredi (trad. PedrodeRibas), Librollamado el porque, provechosísimo paralaconserva- ción de la salud, yparaconocer la fisionomía, ylas virtudesdelas yerbas. Traducido de toscano en lengua castellana… Zaragoza: Juan Millán, 1567”.[(A119) El porqué,translatedfromTuscan to Spanish … Girolamo Manfredi (trans.Peter of Ribas), Book Called the Reason, Beneficial for the Preservation of Health, and to Understand Physiognomy,and the Merits of Herbs. Translated from Tuscan to the SpanishLanguage… Saragossa, John Millán, 1567]. The marquess of Astorga also had in his library the Reprobación de la astrologíajudiciaria odivinatoria, sacada de toscano en lengua castellana (Reproof of PredictiveorDivinatoryAstrology,inthe Spanishlanguage taken from Tuscan)byGirolamo Savonarola, see Cátedra (2002, 285): “[A189] Reprobación de la astrología judiciaria odivinatoria, sacada de toscano en lengua castellana”.  See Nº 210, “Joannis Taisnier” in the inventory transcribed by Gagliardi (2007, 33)who comments: “Cualquier obradel eruditobelga Jean Taisnier,por ejemplo De mathematicae quattuor quantitatum utilitate libellus” [Any work by the eruditeBelgian Jean Taisnier,for example De mathematicae quattuor quantitatum utilitate libellus]. In light of the Salamantinianprofessor’s The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 51 tic,⁶⁹ accordingtothe testimonyofthe sorcerer of Toledo Amador de Velasco, who was prosecuted by the Inquisition in 1576. On this occasion he maintained that “había en España más de diez mil conocedores de la quiromancia” [there weremore than tenthousand connoisseurs of chiromancyinSpain] and among them “el maestroBarrientos,que tenía aguas, licores ylibros de todas partes,del cual se decía que mirabalos hurtos en un espejo oenuncaldero de agua yque había hecho unos sigilos paraque los aguadores no pasasen por su calle, apesar de todo lo cual nuncafue penitenciado por la Inquisición, ni en público ni en secreto” ⁷⁰ [Master Barrientos,who had waters,liqueurs, and books everywhere, of whom it was said that he looked at stolen goods in amirror or acauldron and who had written some magical symbols so thatwater carriers would not turndown his street,despite all of which he was never forced to pen- itencebythe Inquisition, either in public or in secret]. 1595: The poet Luis Barahona de Soto (1548–1595) possessed, in addition to the aforementioned works of Taisnier,⁷¹ “Otro libro de quiromancia del mantuano”⁷² [Another book of chiromancy by the Mantuan],which we can easilyiden- tify with the Chyromantia of Tricasso da Ceresari from Mantua.

inclinationsIpropose to identify the workofTaisnier in his possession with the Opus mathematicum octo libros complectens: innumeris propemodum figuris idealibus manuum et physiognomiae (Köln: Johann Birckmann, 1562).Itispossible that PedroJuan de Lastanosa also kept works by the Belgian in his library,see Álvarand Bouza (1983, 169): “otrolibro pequeno de a cuar-/to de papelenlatín que tiene /por título taysmyer de manete/encuadernadoenparga- mino” [another small book in quartomade of paper in Latin that has /asatitle taysmyer de manete /bound in parchment], and (1983, 153): “otrocuadernodel mismo tama- /no que tiene por título joanys /tasnyes” [another bookletofthe same si /zethat has as atitle joanys / tasnyes].  Forthe biography of this humanist,born in 1520 in Granada, and died in February of 1576, see the introduction to the article by Gagliardi (2007, 1 – 9). Imust emphasise that he was arrest- ed by the Inquisition in 1572, afact which Gagliardiexplains with ‘his magical-astrological hob- bies’ (2007, 9).  See Cirac Estopañán (1942),the chapter “El licenciado Velascoysu recetario mágico” [The Graduate Velascoand His Magic SpellBook]inCaro Baroja (1990,287– 333), Gagliardi(2007, 9) as wellasthe chapter “Amador de Velasco – El maestrodebrujos” [Amador of Velasco – the Master of Sorcerers], in Rey Bueno (2007, 9 – 34).  The transcription of the inventorywas carried out by Rodríguez Marín (1903), whoalso iden- tifies the work with the entry Nº 19 “Otrolibro de matemáticas de Juan Tahenerio (Almargen: lo lleuo ju.odeherr.a)” [Another book of mathematicsbyJohn Tahenerio (in the margin: it was broughtbyju.odeherr.a)] as: “Es Taisnerio (Jean Taisnier), Opus mathematicum (Colonia 1562)-enfol.”.Recent studies likethat of Ganelin (2000) show how the author of Las lágrimas de Ángelica was helped by scientific books,present in his library,for literary creation.  Compiled by Rodríguez Marín (1903,542)with Nº 293ofthe inventory. The researcher,who at the time did not have the tools that we have today, could not identify the book and asks: “¿lade 52 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences

1598:Inthe testamentary inventory of Benito AriasMontano (1527–1598) we find the entry,transcribed by Rodriguez-Moñino: “La fisonomía de Cocles (Cortes?) con la quiromancia de Diondro”⁷³ [The physiognomyofCocles (Cortes?) with the chiromancyofDiondro]. It does not refer to, as the eminent bibliophile suspects, the physiognomic work of Jerónimo Cortés, Libro de fisonomía natural of 1598, but rather the work of Bartolomeo della Rocca, called Cocles, which was publishedthroughout the sixteenth century in Latinand in French and German translations along with the chiromantic writingsofAndrea Corvo(Diondro?). Co- cles is an author who was condemned not onlybythe Spanish indexes of 1559 and 1583, but alsobythe indexes of Rome,1559,and Venice, 1554. 1618:Another very interesting casefor our purposes, in the seventeenth century is that of Francisco Martínez Polo, died in 1618, professor of medicine in Va- lladolid,poet and owner of an impressive library whose inventory forms part of his will and testament,drafted on 15th of June, 1618 and transcribed by Rojo Vega in the Provincial Historical Archive of Valladolid.⁷⁴ In additiontonumerous works by Erasmus, as apoint interpreted by RojoVega as asign of the little attention thatthe bibliophile doctor paid to the restrictions of the Inquisition, Francisco Martínez Polo possessed an entire series of physiognomic works,⁷⁵

Juan Taisnier (Taisnerus),que fue maestrodelos pajes del emperador Carlos V?” [the one of Taisnerus,who was the master of the pages of Emperor Charles V?].  Rodríguez Moñino (1928,570).  A.H.P.V.protocols,leg.1.629,s.f. 1318. Anastasio Rojo Vega, “FranciscoMartínez Polo (†1618): médico-poeta. Poesías ybiblioteca de FranciscoMartínez Polo, catedráticodePrima de Medici- na en Valladolid” [FranciscoMartínez Polo (†1618): physician and poet.Poetries and library of FranciscoMartínez Polo,First professor of medicineinValladolid], accessible online on the author’spage:http://anastasiorojovega.com/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id= 195:francisco-martinez-polo-1618-medico-poeta&catid=3:historia-de-la-medicina&Itemid=6(2 October 2011). This inventorydistinguishes books with regardtotheir topic, the majority being ‘books of medicine’,but thereare also books on different subjects,and regarding their format (folio, quarto, etc.), with which it provides abasis for researchers to be able to identify the editions that the doctor of Valladolid probablypossessed.  Amongthe “Libros de medicina de acuarto” [Books of medicine, in quarto] under Nº 400 we find the entry “secretosdecortes”,which remits to JeromeCortés, Book of Natural Physiognomy, and Various Secrets of Nature. The editions of this text wereusuallyprintedinanoctavo format: e.g.,Valencia: Crysostomo Garrez, 1598;Tarragona: [s.t.], 1609 and Perpignan: B. Mas,1610. A copyofthis book was also found in the library of Hernando de Cangas,see the inventory in Rojo Vega (1998, 247, Nº 48): “Cortés, Jerónimo, Phisionomía yvarios secretos de naturaleza (dos libros)”.Inthe section of the “Libros de variaerudicion de a4º”[Books about different subjects,inquarto] under Nº 889 we find another “phisionomia” with no other indications.Al- though it seems impossible to identify this book, it could have been the Liber phisionomie […] magister MichaelScotus of which there exist manyeditions spanning the fifteenth to the eighteenth century,ofwhich manyare in quartoformat. The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences 53 some of which were condemned, like the Examendeingenios of Huarte de San Juan,⁷⁶ of which he had twodifferent editions, or the works of the Italian physician Girolamo Cardano.⁷⁷ Furthermore, Martínez Polo possessed an ample collection of works by Giovanni Battista Della Porta, all inventoried as “Libros de medicina de acuarto” [Books of Medicine in quarto format]:

278. porta phisognª. 279. phisionomia del mesmo. 456. secretos del porta.

The indication of the format allows us to identify the physiognomic works either with the Italian translation Della fisonomia dell’huomo,orwith the Coelestis physiognomoniae libri sex, which was published just as much in the original Latin as in the Italian translation in the quarto format.⁷⁸ The third entry can be identifiedwith the Italian translation of the chastised edition by the same author of the Magia naturalis,⁷⁹ which was published after 1611 with the title Della Magia naturale […]con la gionta d’infiniti altri secreti.⁸⁰ The studyofthe inventories of private libraries demonstrates that there was agood deal of interest in the occultsciencesamong readers of different social backgrounds and different levels of education. Even prior to reviewing more inventories and consulting more copies of chiromantic and physiognomic manuals, Iventure to conclude that this conflictive knowledge,which occupied an importantplace in the scientific and cultural system of the Renaissance,has

 It is noteworthythat acopywould be created among the “Libros de medicina de acuarto” [Books of medicine, in quarto] (“326.examen de ingenios”)and the other with Nº 926amongthe “Libros de variaerudición de a8º”[Books about different subjects,inoctavo].  This concerns entries with the numbers 215(“cardano de sapiençoa [i.e. De sapientia]”), 364 (“métododecardano”)and 484 (“contradict.esdecardano [i.ed. Contradicentium medicorum]”).  Manyeditions of the physiognomic works of Della Porta are published in folio (Phytogno- monica octo libris contenta. Napoli: Orazio Salviani, 1583; De humana physiognomia libri IIII. Vico Equense: 1584; De humana physiognomonia libri IIII. Vico Equense: Giuseppe Cacchi, 1586; De humana physiognomia libri VI. Napoli: Tarquinio Longo, 1599). After1588, the editions of Phytognomonica octo libris (Napoli: OrazioSalviani) areprintedinoctavo format,aswellas some German editions (De humana physiognomonia libri IIII. Hannover: Petrus Fischer,1593; De humana physiognomia. Oberursel: Rosa, 1601). The Italian translations comemostlyinfolio format (Della fisonomia dell’huomo. Napoli: Tarquinio Longo,1598). Editions that employ the quarto format arethe following: Coelestis physiognomoniae libri sex. Napoli: Giovanni Sottili, 1603; Della fisonomia dell’ huomo. Padova: PietroPaolo Tozzi, 1613; Della fisonomia dell’huomo.Vicenza: Pie- troPaolo Tozzi, 1515 [i.e. 1615]; Della celeste Fisonomia libri sei. Padova: PietroPaolo Tozzi, 1616.  Magiae naturalis libri XX. Napoli: Orazio Salviani, 1589.  Della Magia natural. Napoli: Giovanni Giacomo Carlino, 1611. 54 The Legitimacy of the Partially Occult Sciences been disapproved by the Inquisition with acertain amount of tolerance, in a quite incoherent manner. When the Tridentine spirits extended, these practices wereconsigned more and more to acertain marginality and the increasinglyper- ceptible circumspection among authors and readers givesproveofthis evolution.

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Anti-superstitious discourse against the divination arts occupied arecurrent line of argumentation, from earlyChristian times up to the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,which is reflected not onlyintheir approach, but also in the lists of forbidden practices.Inaddition to necromancy,the four elemental “mancies” are customarilycondemned: geomancy,hydromancy,aeromancy, and pyromancy.¹ Nevertheless, Saint Thomas,² who in the Summa Theologiae (thirteenth century) collects enumerations going back to SaintIsidore,³ added spatulomancy and chiromancy,⁴ which did not appear either in Etymologies (seventh century) or in the Decree of Gratian (twelfth century), but still continue to be some of the most consistentlyprohibited arts. Unlikethe problematic reading of hands, the interpretation of the other bodilysigns,which is carried out by physiognomy, is mentioned onlyoccasionally. In the Summula confessorum,also titled De eru- ditione, directione, instructionesimplicium confessorum,bythe Dominican Anto- nino Pierozzo (1389–1459), is included alist of superstitions which requireinter- rogation of the penitent: “Item si credidit ex visionomia autexfatovel constellacione autcomplexione hominem cogi ad bonum veladmalum quod eciam heresis est” ⁵ [Itisheresy to believethatmen are forced to do good or

 Their presenceinthe public imagination is such that these practices will still come to characterise the evil sorceresses in Calderón, whotrulyappreciates the quaternary structuringofdra- matic discourse in reference to the four elements;see Gernert (2017).  ForSt. Thomas’sconception of magic, see Linsenmann (2000).  See, among others,Harmening, (1979,189).  See Aquinas, Summa Theologica,ii, q. 95,art.3,concerningthe varieties of divination: “Si autemconsiderentur aliquae dispositiones figurarumin aliquibus corporibus visui ocurrentes, erit alia divinationis species,nam es lineamentis manus consideratis divinatio sumpta, chiromantia vocatur,quasi divinatio manus.” [If, however,the observation regards the dispositions, that occur to the eye, of figuresincertain bodies, there will be another species of divination: for the divination that is taken from observingthe lines of the hand is called “chiromancy,” i.e. divination of the hand (because {cheir} is the Greek for hand): while the divination which is taken from signs appearinginthe shoulder-blades of an animal is called “spatulamancy”,translation by Fathers of the English DominicanProvince(dhspriory.org)].  Klapper (1919,65), whotranscribes from amanuscript in university library of Wrocław with the signatureI/F/264, from circa 1467– 1471,observes: “Hast du geglaubt,daß ein Mensch durch den Bauseines Gesichtes, durch die Stellung der Gestirne oder durch den Zustand seines Körpers mit Notwendigkeit zum Guten oder zum Bösen getrieben wird. Das ist ebenfalls Ketzer-

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-006 60 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy bad thingsbyphysiognomyorbyfateorconstellation or complexion]. This manual of the Bishop of Florence, canonised in 1523, was widelyspread through printing.From the princeps,written in Latin, which came off the presses of Mainz in 1468⁶ and afterwards in translations in the vernacular.Another Domi- nican, Laurent Pignon (circa 1368–1449), confessor to the Duke of Burgundy, Philip the Good, writes the treatise Contre les devineurs (1411), which condemns chiromancyjust as much as physiognomy, brandingbad Christians and idolaters who desire foreknowledge of what God arranges and has ordained for each person:

En ceste erreur sont ceuxqui jugent determineement des affaires des hommes par le regart qu’il ont es mains des personnes,enleur filosomie et disposicions de leur membres, disans que pour che on puet savoir au certain quele vie, quel estat les gens aront et de mort quele il morront.⁷

[In this error are those whojudge the business of men by lookingattheir hands,attheir physiognomyand the dispositions of their limbs and sayingthat in this wayone can know for certain what kind of life and statethese people will have and of whatkind of death they aregoingtodie.]

However,around this sametime there appear classifications of physiognomyas alegitimate science. In an annotation to the “Prohemio” of his Spanish version of the Aeneid (1427– 1434) Enrique de Villena proposes,inrelation to the term “sçibilidades”,⁸ aclassification of the sciences which differentiates between “las lícitas elicenciadas de usar,que son sesenta, elas cuarenta que son veda- das esupersticiosas”⁹ [the permittedand licensedfor use, of which there are sixty,and the forty that are forbidden and superstitious]. Don Enrique classifies physiognomyasthe first of the sixteen sciences that come out of physics,which,

ei.” [Did youbelievethat aman is drivenbythe form of his face,bythe constellation of the stars or by the stateofhis bodytodogood or evil?This is also heresy].  Klapper (1919,63) counts morethan twenty Latin editionsand six Italian ones.Aseries of studies on St.Antoninus was recentlypublished; see the conference proceedingspublished by Cinelli and Paoli (2012)and especiallyIzbicki (2012,347– 361).  Pignon (1997, 243); see also the editor’sintroduction with respect to this, Veenstra (1997, 13–14)and Véronèse (2001); and for Pignon, see Vanderjagt (1985).  The writer of the prologuespeaks of Virgil’seducation, saying: “fue bien enseñado complida- menteefecho universal en todas sçibilidades” (Villena 1989,17) [hereceivedaperfect education and had universal knowledge in all sciences].  Villena (1989,39); see, for the classification of the sciences and the magical arts of Villena, De Nigris (1978 – 1979) and (1979 – 1980). a) Physiognomy in Treatises against Superstition 61 accordingtohim, “es filosofía natural”¹⁰ [is natural philosophy]. As Boudet observes, “le statutdelaphysiognomonie aconnu une nette évolution àcet égard entre le XIIIe et le XVe siècle, mais elle n’ajamaisété considérée tout àfait comme un art divinatoire”¹¹ [the status of physiognomyunderwent an evolution in this regard from the thirteenth to the fifteenth century,but in fact it never was considered adivinatory praxis]. This absenceofcondemnation of the physiognomyofthe fifteenth century¹² continues in the sixteenthand seventeenth centuries. The first anti-superstitious – although not widelycirculated – treatise printed in Spain is the Tratado muy sotil ybienfundado de las supersticiones yhechicerías yvanos conjuros yabusiones [Most Subtle and Well Founded Treatise on Superstitions and Sorceries and Conceited Conjurings and Beliefs](1529), by the theologian Martín de Cas- tañega,¹³ in which thereisnot even mention of chiromancyorphysiognomy.¹⁴ Neither are they prohibited in the Reprobación de las supersticionesyhechicerías [Reprobation of Superstition and Witchcraft], by PedroCiruelo, which was first publishedin1538 and continued to be areference guide in the seventeenth century;inthis work, which employs the typical medieval listings,the master from Daroca ignores physiognomy, but explains in great detail the punishment for chiromancy.¹⁵ Awork thatisnot normallyincluded in the canon of anti-superstitious treatises of the sixteenth century is the Christianae paraenesis sive de rectainDeum fide [Christianadmonition or about the correct belief in God](1565) by Miguel de

 Villena (1989,40); the other fifteen are “meteora, gramática, lógica, dialéctica,rectórica, ge- ometría, arismética, música, prespectiva, astronomía, astrología, pensaria, mutatoria, dispusito- ria, estratagémata” (Villena 1989,40) [meteorology, grammar,logic, dialectics,rhetoric, geome- try,arithmetic, music, perspective,astronomy, astrology,thought, transformation, disposition, ruse of war].  Boudet (2006,28, note 60).  Lope de Barrientos does not talk about physiognomy, but he forbids chiromancyand other kinds of divination: “Quinta parteprinçipal d’este tractado. De las diversas espeçies emaneras del divinar” (Barrientos 1992, 215) [Fifth Principal Part of this Treatise. On the Diverse Varieties and Forms of Divination]; see Gernert (2015).  See, for the scant information on his life, ZamoraCalvo (2014b, 186–187); for the sources of Castañega, see Granjel (1953,16).  See, for the scant influence of his treatise alongside Ciruelo’s, Tausiet Carlés (1992, 140).  Regarding this,see also Ebersole (1962, 433), whosuspects “que Ciruelo creenecesario describir yreprobar [laquiromancia] con mayordetalle,porque la gentetenía[…]más fe en esta artedeleer las rayas de la mano” [that Ciruelo thinks it necessary to describe and condemn (chiromancy) with great detail, because people had … morefaith in this art of reading the lines of the hands]. 62 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy

Medina¹⁶,awork “dedicada ycompuesta apetición de Felipe II paradefender la fe católica contra los ataques de infieles yherejes”¹⁷ [dedicatedtoand composed at the request of Philip II to defend the Catholic faith against attacks from infi- dels and heretics]. Robert S. Westmancharacterises the piece as “an expression of Tridentine positions”.¹⁸ The second book (“Nouem considerationes proponun- tur,quibus fidei assensus in animo roboratur et augescit” [Nine considerations about how faith in the soul is strengthened and augmented]) dedicatesthe first chapter to prophecies (“De propheticoeuentuumuaticinio”¹⁹ [About the prophetic prediction of an event]).While this is not an anti-superstitious treatise per se,the Franciscan dealsindepth with the legality of the occultarts. In his reflections,Medina does not distinguish between physiognomyand chiromancy, and he ties them in with metoposcopy and pedomancy,which for him are con- ceptuallyidentical. From the start,hedescribes as reckless anyone who dares to draw conclusions about the future by wayofthe practicesmentioned:

Ergo illi, qui ex physionomica, chiromantica, metoposcopica &podomantica inspectione uaticinium profert,cum non ex nouo humorum accidenti, autsymptomate, autexnoui lan- guoris inuadentisincursu, autaccesione, sed ex antiqua uultus,corporis, manuum, frontis autpedum lineatione et naturali pictura praesagiat,tantummodo in communi et in genere, autfaltem in specie uaticinari licebit et quidquidinindiuiduo signauerit,temerarium cen- sebitur.²⁰

[Therefore, who prophesies through physiognomy,chiromancy, metoposcopy,and podo- mancy, sincehis conjectureisnot based on arecent disturbance of humour or symptom, nor on the onslaught or stir of afledgling discouragement,but on the usual features and the ordinary imageofface, body, hands,forehead, or feet,hemay onlyprophesy about the universal and the genus, at most about the species,and what he would state about an individual should be criticised as unwise.]

Next,heexplains in marvellous detail how these arts function and which are the conclusions that can be drawnfrom bodily signs,for example, complexion and temperament,orinclinations or predispositions. In this wayhespeaks of the

 ForMiguel de Medina,see Vázquez Janeiro(2001,491),who studies the inquisitorial process of the Franciscan;and recently, Westman (2011,199): “The purpose of Medina’sdense and ex- haustive tome[…]was nothingless than to define the grounds of orthodoxfaith. It covers all forms of divination, prophecy, and magic, with prolific citation of both modern and ancient authorities”.  Díaz Díaz (1995,378).  Westman (2011,199).  Medina (1565, 9v–36v).  Medina (1565, 12v). a) PhysiognomyinTreatises against Superstition 63

“naturales diuinatrices artes” ²¹ [natural divinationarts], which he later distin- guishesfrom astrological physiognomy, saying that it is reproachable and even ridiculous.²² Afteralong dissertation on how these studiesrelatethe human bodytocelestial ones and interpret the microcosm as areflection of the macrocosm, he makes it quite clear how laughable it is to believeinthe possibility of foreseeing concrete future events such as marriages or military victo- ries:

Irridendi igitur physiognomici et chiromantici uates, qui eum, qui hunc, autillum uultum, hanc autillam lineam fuerit anatura sortitus,hoc autillo anno ducturum uxorem diuitem, nobilem, ac pulchram, hac autilla dignitatedonandum,foelicem futurum, et aquodam principe diligendum et honoribus cumulandum in lite uictorem, et caeteras huiusmodi nae- nias, quibus suorum stultorum librorum aceruos resperserunt,beatissime garriunt.²³

[So let us dismiss the physiognomic and chiromantic prophets, whose pleasant and confus- ing speech states that aperson whohas this particular face or featurewill sooner or later marry arich, noble and beautiful woman, will receive aparticular position, will be blessed, that his victory in combat will earn him respect fromacertain princewho will shower him with honours,and other nonsense with which their numerous and foolish books come to be filled.]

Furthermore, the dogma of man’sfreewill is crucial to his argument,²⁴ as it con- ceptuallyinvalidates all possibility of prophesy,towhich he adds man’sincapac- ity to reach and comprehenddivine intentions.²⁵ Miguel de Medina’sworkisparticularlyinteresting becausehearguesinde- pendentlyofthe anti-superstitious tradition of theMiddleAges, andhedemon- strates more clearlythe predicamentthatbefalls thedivinationartsinthe Triden- tine era. It is curiousthatthe Quiroga Index(1583)demonstrates,conversely, a notablecontinuityofthe medieval tradition,not only in supposing that these arts by defaultinvolve apactwiththe devil, butalsowithconcern to punishable divination practices:

Otrosí se prohíben todos los libros, tratados, cédulas,memoriales, receptas ynóminas para invocar demonios por cualquier vía ymanera, orasea por nigromancia, hidromancia, piromancia, aeromancia, onomancia, quiromancia ygeomancia […]También se prohíben

 Medina (1565, 13v).  Medina (1565, 13v).  Medina (1565, 13v–14r).  He participated as arepresentative of the University of Alcalá in the final sessions of the Council of Trent; see Díaz Díaz (1995, 377).  “Intellectus humanus diuina uoluntatis futura non assequitur” (Medina 1565, 14r) [The will of God is out of reachofhuman discernment]. 64 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy

todos los libros, tratados yescriptos en la parteque tratan ydan reglas yhacenarteosci- encia para conocer por las estrellas ysus aspectos opor las rayas de las manos lo por venir que está en la libertad del hombre.²⁶

[Furthermore, all books,treatises,documents,memorials,receipts and lists of names to invoke demons by whatever ways and means,beitbynecromancy, hydromancy,pyromancy, aeromancy, onomancy, chiromancyand geomancyare forbidden … Also forbidden areall books,treatises and scripts anyofwhose parts address and offer rules and makeeither art or sciencetodiscover,byway of the stars and their shapes,orthroughthe creases of the hands,the very futurewhich is in man’sfreewill.]

Afew years after the aforementioned Index of Forbidden Books, in 1586,Pope Sixtus Vforbade the exercise of judiciary astrology and other forms of divination in the papal bull Coeli et Terrae Creator Deus.²⁷ This sentence, drafted in Latin, was widelyspread throughout Spain, in atranslation to Spanish thatwas published as an appendix of different anti-superstitious treatises,the Tratado de la verdaderayfalsa profecía [Treatise on True and False Prophecy]byJuan de Ho- rozco yCovarrubias (1540 –1608),²⁸ published in 1588, as well as later in the re- printing of the Reprobación by Pedro Ciruelo in 1628.The text goes back through the aforementioned Index to the medieval discourse against superstition and thereforeomits physiognomy.²⁹

 Quiroga, Index et Catalogus librorum prohibitorum,citedinMartínez de Bujanda (1993, 884).  See the papal bull Coeli et Terraje Creator Deus in the Bullarum diplomatum et privilegiorum sanctorum Romanorum pontificum (1883, 646–650).  Forhis life and work, see Zafra(2011).  See the text of the papal bull in Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 161r–169v) and in Ciruelo (2003,213–220): “Yesasí que por las reglas del Índicedelos libros prohibidos,hecho por de- creto del sagrado Concilio general de Trento ... se les encarga alos obispos provean con diligencia que no se lean ni se tengan semejantes librosdeastrología judiciaria, tratados oíndices que, de los futuroscontingentes, sucesos, casos fortuitos oaquellas acciones que dependen de la voluntad del hombre, osan afirmar que alguna cosa ha de ser cierta, permitiéndose los juicios yobservaciones naturales que para ayudar alanavegación, agricultura oelartedemedicinase han escrito. Mas los libros todos de geomancia, hidromancia, quiromancia, nicromancia o aquellos en que se contienen sortilegios,hechicerías,agüeros, auspicios,encantaciones del artemágica procurasen quitarlos del todo ydeshacerlos” [And so it is by the rules of the Index of prohibited books,made by order of the general Council of Trent… the bishops arere- sponsible for diligentlyensuringthat no one read or own such books on predictive astrology, treatises or indexes that daretoaffirm havingcertainty about the contingent future,events,ac- cidental cases or those actions that depend on man’swill, but they maypermit judgments and natural observations that,tohelp in navigation, agriculture, or the art of medicine, have been written. Furthermore, all books on geomancy, hydromancy, chiromancy, necromancy, or those that containspells, sorcery,omens,portents,orincantations of magical art,must be taken out of circulation completelyand shall be destroyed]. a) Physiognomy in Treatises against Superstition 65

Nevertheless,the brother of the famed lexicographer,who notes in an epilogue “Al lector” [Tothe reader], that he had written his treatise to illustrate said papal bull,³⁰ does not limit himself to criticising chiromancy,³¹ but rather devotes two long chapters to physiognomy. In the first –“Capítulo IX. De la fisio- nomía ydeloque se puedealcanzar por ella” [Chapter IX. On physiognomyand what can be achieved by it] –,³² he insistsonthe power of man’sfree will, which, just as with Socrates in the famous anecdoteofthe trial of Zopyrus, can defeat his inclinations:

[…]noson tan ciertas estas reglas que lo hayandeser siempreymás en las cosas que se suelen traer por señal de vicios,estando en la elección de cada uno seguir el bien yapar- tarse del mal, ydeotra manera mal pudiera decir el antiguofilósofo aquien las señales del rostrolecondenaban por deshonestoque de aquella enfermedad la filosofía le había libra- do.³³

[… these rules arenot so certain that they must always be, and moresointhose things that areusuallyinterpreted as asignofvice,beinginthe choiceofeach to follow good and moveawayfromevil, the old philosopher,inwhom the signs of the face condemned him for dishonesty,could hardly saythat philosophyhad savedhim from this debility.]

Further down, he illustrates his proposition with agreat number of biblical and classicalquotations, placing particularemphasis on how one can interpret the shape and size of anose.The following chapter addresses “De lo que se puede juzgarpor las señales de la fisionomía”³⁴ [what can be judgedfrom the signs of physiognomy], beginning with an explanation which aims to be scientific and basedonrespectable sources:

En cuantoelhombretiene un cuerpo formado de la masa elemental en que se hallan tan diferentesnaturales, no es mucho que de esos mismos haya querido naturaleza dar señales de que se venalgunas ysin hacermás fuerza de la que habemos dicho se han conocido yse

 “Por haber sido la presenteobracomodeclaración de la constitución de nuestrosantísimo padreSixtoVcontra los que profesan la astrología judiciaria en lo que no es lícita ycontra los demás que tratan de diferentesgéneros de divinación ysupersticiones” (Horozco yCovarrubias 1588, 154v) [For the present work havingbeen adeclaration of the constitution of our most holy father Sixtus Vagainst those whopractice judiciary astrology in that which is not lawful, and against the other works that concern different varieties of divination and superstitions].  See chapter8,“De la divinación por las rayasdelas manos dicha quiromancía” [On divination via the lines of the hands,said chiromancy], of Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 90v–91r), in which the history of said scienceissummarised.  Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 91v–93v).  Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 91v).  Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 93v). 66 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy

conocen, en los que no saben usar de razón ysitienen señales de viciosos tienen también las obras comootros las tienen de bien acondicionados,afables yliberales yloson. Ydelo que pudo enseñarlaexperiencia en esto hubo en los siglos pasadosquien escribiese reglas, comofueron Aristóteles yPolemón, el retórico, yantes de ellos un médicodicho Loxo.³⁵

[Insofar as man has abodyformed from the elemental clayinwhich arefound such diverse temperaments, it is not surprisingthat,inthese, nature wanted to give signs, some of which arevisible, and without agreater effort than we have mentioned,they were detected and aredetected, in those whodonot know how to use reason, and if they show signs of the depraved, they also act as such, as others whoshow signsofgood condition, affability and generosity,and they behave this way. And about what experiencecould teachinthis, therewere in prior centuries those whowroterules, such as Aristotle and Polemon of Ath- ens, the rhetorician, and beforethem adoctor named Loxus.]

It must be emphasised thatHorozco yCovarrubias differentiates, just like Miguel de Medina, but without using the same terminology, between twowaysofread- ing the body, although onlythe one that others call natural physiognomyisle- gitimate and scientificallyvalid.³⁶ Obviously, this review of the treatises regardingphysiognomycannot be concluded without acloser look at the Spanish Jesuit Martín Antonio del Río, born in the Netherlands,³⁷ one of the most eminent scholars in this realm.³⁸ Between 1599 and 1601,³⁹ the theologian and Doctor of Lawatthe University of Salamanca publishedthe six books of his Disquisitionum magicarum,which appeared ten years laterinthe French translation by André Du Chesne with the title Les con-

 Horozco yCovarrubias (1588, 93v–94r).  “Ysea la conclusión de esto que, en las reglas que se dicen de fisionomía, si no las extien- den amás de lo que es la compostura del hombreensucomplixión natural, aque suele seguir la condición yconformarse las costumbres, se puede tenerpor cierta en muchas cosas, lo que no es la divinación de los lunaresdeque hayunlibrillo en griegoy,siendo yo muchacho, le tras- ladé en latín, con otros versos que andan esparcidos de los sueños” (Horozco yCovarrubias 1588, 95r)[And mayitbethe conclusionofthis that,inthe rules stated on physiognomy,if they do not extend farther than man’scomposureinhis natural complexion, to which his condition follows in accordancewith customs, it maybeheld as true in manythings,that it is not the divination of moles that thereisabooklet in Greek that Itranslated intoLatin when Iwas a boy,together with other scattered verses about dreams].  Forthe life and work of Martín del Río, see Laurenti (1986), and Machielsen(2015); and for his Disquisitionum magicarum libri sex the introductiontothe English translation by Maxwell- Stuart (2000); the interspersed stories have been studied by Fischer (1975), and ZamoraCalvo (2014b).  Forthe editions of his work, see CaroBaroja (1968 [1997], 210and 270, note 61), and Morgado García (1999,14); and for his fame in Spain and in Europe, CaroBaroja (1968 [1997], 210–218).  The Adversus fallaces &superstitiosas artes by BenitoPereira, which is published shortly after,inLyonbyHoraceCardon in 1603,does not speak of the semiotic practices that interest us. a) Physiognomy in Treatises against Superstition 67 troverses et recherches magiques (1611). It is amonumental work thatcompiles an endless list of the strangest “mancies”.The fourth of the six booksofthe Jesuit’s work deals with divination,and we find two long chapters dedicated to physiognomy(“De la prénotion physiognomique. Question 4”⁴⁰ [About physiognomic prediction. Question 4]), also to metoscopy⁴¹ and chiromancy (“De la chiromantie ou divination par les lignes de la main. Question 5”⁴² [About chiromancyo divination from the lines in the palms of the hands. Question 5]). The Jesuitclear- ly differentiates between the work of ancient doctors,like Hippocratesand Galen, which, like Aristotle and Polemon of Athens, wereinterested in a “recher- che de la nature”⁴³ [investigation of nature], and his contemporaries, like Cocles, Luca Gaurico, and nearlyall the others, who “ont meslé beaucoup de chosessu- perstitieuses”⁴⁴ [mixed this with manysuperstitious things]. Further down he details the different approaches of physiognomyinstudying man in comparison to animals, provincial and nationalcustoms,questions of sex and gender,and movement as it relates to aperson’sbeing.Heconcludes that this practice is le- gitimate as long as it is maintained within the sphere of natural philosophy: “Soit arrestépour conclusion que la physionomie qui ne passe point les termes et limites de la philosophie naturelle est licite et contient en soi quelque vraisem- blance et probabilité”⁴⁵ [Asaconclusion Imay saythat physiognomyislicit if it does not surpass the borders of naturalphilosophyand if it contains some ver- isimilitude and probability]. The chapter ends with three conclusions: 1) the application of this “mancy” to animalsproduces more accurate results thanwhen used on man, whose propensities are corrected with freewill; 2) the physiogno-

 Río (1611, 626 – 630).  Martín del Río circumscribes the field of workofmetoposcopy to the analysisofthe face and he distinguishes it from physiognomy, which is readinthe whole body: “Il considère principale- ment le front et la face,d’autant que cestepartie semble estre le miroir ordinairedes vertus in- tellectuelles.Etlors telle prénotion est appelée métoposcopie,c’est àdireinspection ou consi- dération du visage. Aristote et Polémon la confondent avecques la chiromantie, laquelle proprement s’arresteàconsidérer les linéaments des mains,comme certains miroirs des vertus actuelles et s’elle considère aussi le restedes membres et l’habitude de tout le corps, elle est nommée physiognomie.” (Río 1611, 626) [Itconsiderers mainlythe front and the face,asmuch as this part seems to be the ordinary mirrorofintellectual virtues.And such divination is called metoposcopy,and this means inspection or consideration of the face.Aristotle and Polemon mistakeitfor palmistry,that properlyconsiders the lines of the hand as acertain mirror of virtues; and if it looks as wellonthe rest of the limbs and on the habitofthe bodyitiscalled physiognomy].  Río (1611, 630 – 638).  Río (1611, 626).  Río (1611, 627).  Río (1611, 628). 68 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy mist must judge exclusively the inclinations of man toward immoral habits like, for example, greed or lust; 3) he is not allowed to speak of the “dons divins et gratuits, pour ce que Dieu les distribue àchacun comme il lui plaist” [divine and gratuitous gifts since God distributes them to everybodyashewants to] nor of “ce qui est du tout extrinsèque àl’homme”⁴⁶ [what is extrinsic to mankind], which is to say, of unpredictable future events, such as aviolent death. b) The censoring of physiognomic works

As amatteroffact,itisclear that from the Middle Ages until the seventeenth century,physiognomyhas acurious status, which prevents it from being patently classified as asuspicious practice. The studyofsurviving copies in Spainofsome physiognomic studies shows us to what extent some readers distrusted the orthodoxy of the manuals thatthey had in theirlibraries and which werethe strategies to eliminate dissent.⁴⁷ c) Michael Scott and medieval medicine

The Scottish scholarMichael Scott wroteinthe court of Frederick II of Hohen- staufen atreatise thatlinks physiognomywith the theory of complexions.⁴⁸ His Liber physiognomiae (after 1228)was published on repeated occasions starting from the editio princeps (Venice: Jacopo da Fivizzano, 1477).⁴⁹ The Spanish translation⁵⁰ of the treatise was circulatedinprint shortlyafter the Latin original: it was published as part of the Compendiodelasalud humana [Compendium of

 Río (1611, 629).  See the collective volumeonLecturayculpa en el siglo xvi [Reading and guilt in the sixteenth century], editedbyVega Ramos and Nakládalová(2012), as wellasVegaRamos (2016).  See Ziegler(2004).  The onlyknown copy of the princeps in Spain is held in the RoyalLibrary of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, with the cataloguenumber 40–v–52 (2.º), with handwritten notes in the margins;adigital copyisavailable for researchers thanks to the Münchener Digitalisierungs- zentrum (http://daten.digitale-sammlungen.de/bsb00056672/image_1) (7 March2019). Thereare manyreprints in different European cities,aboveall in Germanyand Italy, for example in 1478, 1483,1485, 1486,1487, 1489,1490,1500,1503,1505,1508, 1519,1537and 1547, nearlyall available in digital format.Thereisnomodern edition of the Latin text, but one can find an entireseries of studies,like those of Jacquart (1994); Agrimi (2002, 5and 22–29); and Ziegler(2008).  The Spanish version has been editedbySánchez GonzálezdeHerrero and Vázquez de Benito (2009). c) Michael Scott and medieval medicine 69 human health]byJohannes of Ketham in 1494.Another indication of the vast spreadingofhis theories in Spainisthe fact thatJerónimo Cortés,author of the Libro de fisonomía natural yvarios secretos de naturaleza (1599), based his exposition of the readingofbodilysigns on the Scotsman’sbook. One copy of the editio princeps of the Spanish translation, preserved in the Spanish National Library,⁵¹ contains multiple handwrittenannotations, scripted by multiple hands. In the upperportion of the title pageitreads (the brown colour is typical of the oxidation of iron gall ink): “Reconocido yaprouado por el Ldo. Pe.fraiXabierri, fraile de Santo Domingoenpredicadores en Çaragoça año 79” [Recognised and approved by Grad. Pe.FraiXabierri, friar of the monastery of Santo DomingodePredicadores in Saragossa, year 97]. Asecond hand notes: “Este libro es de Bernabé Martín, cirujano de la ciudad de Daroca. Costó 10 reales”⁵² [This book is by Bernabé Martín, surgeon of the city of Daroca. It cost 10 reales]. The censor is none other than Jerónimo Xavierre, O. P. (1546–1608), first professor of theologyatthe University of Saragossa, official Confessor to Philip II, general of his order and cardinal. Accordingtothe documentation gathered by Echarte, around 1576 “aparecesunombre en las listas de predica- dores de Zaragoza como lector” [his name appears in the lists of preachers of Saragossa as areader], and this teachingexperience must have qualified him so that the “Capítulo Provincial de Tarragona de 1579 le conceda el grado de pre- sentado en Teología”⁵³ [Provincial Chapter of Tarragona of 1579 bestows on him the degree of bachelor of theology]. One can imagine thatthis young and certainly ambitious Dominican would not take lightlythe task of reviewing potentially dangerous books, especiallywhen he signed the approval with his full name. As usual,the changingcriteria of censorship forbade abook of medicine and physiognomythat our Dominican had authorised, but it is alsoprohibited in the Su- plemento al Índice expurgatorio del año de 1790 [Supplementtothe Expurgatory Index of the year 1790](1805): “PhysiognomiaMichaelis Scoti: librito así titulado. Edicto 6deabril de 1799”⁵⁴ [PhysiognomiaofMichael Scott: booklet thus titled. Edict of the 6th of April 1799].

 [Michael Scott]. “Síguese el tractado VIII de la phisonomía: en breuesumma contenida.” In: John of Ketham, Compendio de la salud humana. Zaragoza: Pablo Hurus, 15 VIII, 1494.48v–63v. This copy, with the catalogue number INC/51,isavailable in the BibliotecaDigital Hispánica (http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000052266) (7 March2019).  Furthermore, two medical prescriptions arenoted on the title page,and another at the end of the work ‘in writingfromthe sixteenth-seventeenth centuries’ (Martín Abad 2010,I,468).  Echarte(1981,155).  Suplemento al Índice expurgatorio del año de 1790 (1805,43). 70 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy

In the National LibraryofMadrid is preserved another copy of the Liber physiognomiae,⁵⁵ in whose title pageisnoted: “Proh.º en ed.ºdeabril /de 1799,n.º 13” [Prohibited in edict of April, 1799,no. 13]. This copy shows interesting interventions from acensor who might be identical with the one who noted in the flyleaf that the Scotsman’sbook was prohibited by the edict of the Inqui- sition on 6April 1799.The last lines of chapter XVIII are crossed out (“Signa pro- balia quibus ad oculum et intellectus scitur an mulier sit grauida masculo vel femella” [probable signs that show to the eyes and the mind if awoman is pregnant with aboy or agirl]), which speaks of the possibility of discovering in a pregnant woman’shand the sexofthe fruit of her womb:

In chiromantia est istud experimentum factibi ostende vnam manum agrauida quam vol- ueris et tu consideramanum et eius monstrum,quae si fuerit dextra, est signum maris,etsi sinistra, est signumfoemella concepta. (fol. B[VI]–V)

[Chiromancyconsiders the followingexperience: take one hand of the pregnant woman in question, then studythe hand and its unusual size: should the right hand be swollen, then it will be asign that she is expectingaboy;should the left one be, then she is expectinga girl.]

Additionally, chapter XLVwas censored (“De notitia nimie abundantie humorum per somnia”,fol. C[VI]r–v[Notice on the excessive abundanceofhumours through dreams]), and in the right margin, it reads: “Doctrina omnino superstit[i]osa ideoque contem[ne]nda” [Entirelysuperstitious doctrineand thereforetobecondemned]. Because it was “doc[t]rina similiter superstitiosa” [doctrine resemblingsuperstition], accordingtothe handwrittenannotation, chapter XLVI was alsoeliminated(“De notitia augurorum”,fol. C[VII]r–v[Notice on diviners]), as was chapter XLVII (“De notitia sternutationis”,fol. C[VII]v– C[VIII]v [Notice on sneezing]), explaining the motive of the sanction: “Supersti- tiosa sunt quaeque haec omnia” [Superstitious are all of them here]. The anon-

 This concerns acopy, with the shelfmark 2/61784, of afairlyrareedition, without typographical signs of anykind, probablypublished at the beginningofthe sixteenth century,with a woodcut on the title page that shows an astrologerlookingatthe stars fromhis work table and with the large title Phisionomia Michaelis Scoti. Excellentissimi rerum naturalium perscruta- toris magistri Michaelis Scoti Phisionomia multa continens capitula:inquibus membrorum signa continentur que vt varia et multipliciasunt: ita variam et multiplicem hominum naturam et com- plexionem demonstrant [The book of physiognomyofMichael Scott.Asavery excellent and thor- ough investigation of natural things the book of physiognomyofMichael Scott contains many chapters, in which arecontained the signs of the limbs,that arevarious and manifold; in this manner they demonstrate the various and manifold natureand complexion of mankind]. Google has digitalised the copyfromthe British Library:(https://goo.gl/9KD6Kw) (7 March2019). d) Giovanni BattistaDella Portaand the control of images 71 ymous passageispurgedinaccordancewith rule IX of the Índice último de los libros prohibidos ymandadosexpurgar [Final Index of ForbiddenBooks Under Order of Expurgation](1790), by Agustín Rubín de Cevallos, which prohibits all books on the different divination arts.⁵⁶ The annoyanceofeighteenth-century censors with the medieval doctor’sbooklet is an indication of the lasting success of the Scotsman’sideas. d) Giovanni BattistaDella Portaand the controlofimages

The natural philosopher Giovanni Battista Della Porta (1535–1615) is the author of two physiognomic studies, publishedinLatinand in Italian: De humana physiognomonia (1586,Italian translation of 1598) and Coelestis physiognomoniae (1603,Italian translation of 1614). Despite having serious problems with the In- quisition in Italy,⁵⁷ his onlywork to be sanctioned in Spainisthe Magia naturalis (1558), mentioned in the Quiroga Index of 1583⁵⁸ and in the expurgatory of Sar- miento yValladares (1707).⁵⁹ In Spain agreat number of copies of these manuals are preserved, documented in various privatelibraries.⁶⁰ From the Italian translation Dellafisonomia dell’huomo,acopyofanedition “accresciuta di figure&diluoghi” [augmented with illustrations and content], which Giovanni Giacomo Carlino and Costantino Vitalepublished in Naples in 1610,iskept in Salamanca (shelfmarkBG/37019). The provenance note on the title pagesays: “Es de la librería del Coll.º Rl. de la Comp.ª de IHJ de Salam[an]ca ex dono fr.Gasp. Antonij orap[ro] eo” [Itisfrom the library of the Royal Collegeofthe Company of IHJ of Salamanca; gifted by Brother Gasp. Antonij,prayfor him].Inthis copy,someone went to the trouble of system- aticallycrossing out the private parts of the human figures in the new illustrations, without going on to censor anyofthe text.Itisnoteworthythat,for exam-

 Rubín de Cevallos (1790,XX–XXI).  Forthe complicated history of his relations with the Holy Office,Irefer to the studies of Aqui- lecchia (1968), Lopez (1974), and Valente(1999) and (2016); as wellasPiccari (2007), in particular chapter 3, “Irapporti con l’Inquisizione” (2007, 24–29) [The relationship with the Inquisi- tion]; and Tarrant (2013).  Quiroga, Index et Catalogus librorumprohibitorum,cited in Martínez de Bujanda (1993, 393– 394). Apart fromthe classic workbyReusch (1883–1885), the most recent publicationofthe indexes of Martínez de Bujanda is fundamental, particularlythe volumes dedicated to the Spanish Inquisition(1984), and (1993, 393–394 and 456).  Sarmiento yValladares (1707, I, 717).  Gernert (2014). 72 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy ple, in chapter XXXIV of the second book, it is perfectly permissible to speak about the breast (“Delle mammelle”),⁶¹ but they hide Venus’sbreasts. e) Jean Taisnier and Free Will

In his Christianae paraenesis sive de recta in Deum fide (1564), Miguel de Medina includes alist of specialists in the physiognomic field,which he closes with the mention of “et omnium diligentissimus IoannesTaisnerius”⁶² [and aboveall the industrious Jean Taisnier],author of alarge manualonchiromancyand physiognomytitled Opus mathematicum octo libros complectens [Opus about mathematics comprehended in eightbooks], whose editio princeps was published in 1562. There weretwo copies of this book in the Libraryofthe Escorial,⁶³ thus within reach of our Franciscan. Even if it wasn’tincluded in the index, the work awak- ened the suspicionofthe friar of the Hieronymites Lucas de Alaejos, the librarian who worked to transfer duplicatecopies from the library.Henoted on the title page: “Mirar el índice de los libros vedaes [sic]” [See index of the prohibited books] and expunged the book before selling it.⁶⁴ In the dedication to the merchant and patron JohannJakob Fugger (1516– 1575), the author shows off his talents as asoothsayer. Neither this imagenor the praises of judiciary astrology called the attentionofthe censoringfriar:

Quae igitur experientiamultoties didici, in lucem prodere non taeduit,naque me (salvo ar- rogantiae scrupulo) unquam in iudiciis fefellit hactenus opinio, nec alio iudiciario Libro, quam Ptolemaei aliquibus dictis usus sum, quibus (prohdolor)vuolentammortem cuius- dam Serenissimi Regis prima fronte ante decennio praevideram, et quod nun infestationis in eodem Regno hoc anno et sequentibus duobus futuris superest,praevidi, sed Deus Op- timus Maximus reiteratis saepe precibus invocandusest,utsua clementia et bonitateid avertere dignetur.⁶⁵

[Itdoes not bother me to bringtolight what Ihavelearned with repeated experienceand till now (I saythis without arrogance)myopinion never disappointed me in my judgments;

 Della Porta(1610,162).  Medina (1564,11r).  One of them is preserved in the Historic Library Marqués de Valdecilla of Complutense Uni- versity,Madrid (BH FLL 14738), and it has ahandwritten note on the title page that states: “Este libro es de los duplicados de la Librería de S. Lor[enzo] el R[ea]l está vendido con lic.ª de su mg. ydel convento. Fr.Lucas de Alaejos” [This book is from the duplicatesofthe Library of St.Lo- renzo el Real, it is sold with the license of his majesty and the convent Fr.Lucas of Alaejos]. This copyhas been digitalised by Google and is available at: (https://goo.gl/x9kX7u) (7 March 2019).  As Ibegan to studyinGernert (2014).  Taisnier (1562, XXX). e) JeanTaisnier and Free Will 73

and Iused no other book of judgments than some sayings of Ptolemy, thanks to which (oh, what apain!) Iclearlysaw tenyears in advance the violent death of avery Serene King. And Ihaveseen the cases of annoyancethat in this realm aregoing to takeplacethis year and during the two followingyears. But Ipraytothe greatestand best God with repeated pleas so that with his mercy and kindnesshewill decide to avoid it.]

The first interventions from the friar are found in the first pageofthe text,after the paratexts (the dedication and laudatory poetry), whereweread:

De quo universale diluvioMoses Propheta loquens praemisit causam, quae Mathematicis rationibus etiam facillime calculari potest ex stellarum influxu,aspectu, coniunctionibus diversis (teste Albumasare) praesertim ex maxima coniunctione Saturni et Iovis in Cancro, signo aqueo, in imo caeli constitutorum, quae contigit annis Romanis 279, diebus 248, horis 9ante ipsum diluvium, ex qua et praesenti figura, et caeli themateetsyderum constella- tione facile licuit calculi ratione sive Arithmetica supputatione, et thema caeli principii mundi erigere,cuius ignorantesnon facile fidem adhibebunt, ideo libuit hic utrumque thema Mathematico et Arithmetico calculo supputata ad maiorem elucidationem apponere. Sed unde effluxit redeatoratio, ad Noam patrem illum multarum gentium, qui Caldeos et Aegyptios aeque doctos fecit,nec minus et nos.⁶⁶

[The cause of the Deluge was anticipated by the prophet Moses. It can be calculated as well very easilyfromthe influence of the stars,their shape and the different conjunctions (as Albumasar testifies), very speciallyfromthe great conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in Can- cer, asignofwater,constituted in the highestpart of heaven, that happened 279Roman years, 248 days and 9hours beforethe very Deluge.From this,bymeans of the present figure,the horoscopeand the constellation of the stars it was possible without difficulty to stipulatethrough the reasoning of the calculation and the arithmeticcomputation the horoscopeofthe origin of the world. This is not believed by those whoignore it; and, therefore, we decided for elucidation to include both horoscopes, calculated by means of arithmetic and mathematical calculation. But from herethe discourse droveawayand we have to comeback to our purpose, that is to Noah, father of manypeople, whomade eruditethe Chaldeans and the Egyptians,and not least ourselves.]

As we can see, therewerenoproblems with foreseeingthe Great Flood, with only the mathematical calculations “starting from the influenceofthe stars, theiras- pect,and different conjunctions” that go back to the PersianastrologerAlbuma- sar (787– 886) as an authority in these disputes.⁶⁷ The description of the calculations, which have been carried to theirlimit starting with the birth chart,was removed. Nonetheless, their illustration, as evidencedonthe following page,

 Taisnier (1562, 1).  Forthe reception of Albumasar in the Renaissance, see the chapter “Astrology and History: Albumasar and the Great Conjunctions”,inGarin (1983, 1– 28). 74 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic Status of Physiognomy was not,⁶⁸ nor werethe author’sotherreflections on the various possibilities for seeing the future, although in the papal bull Coeli et Terrae Creator Deus human curiosity is punished:

Et in NovoTestamentoChristus Dominus descipulorumsuorum de futuris eventibus paullo cupidus inquirentium interrogationem graviilla responsione retudit,qua etiam omnium fi- delium suorum curiositatem coercuit: “Non est vestrum sciretemporavel momenta, quae Paterposuit in sua potestate.”⁶⁹

[And in the New Testament Jesus Christ our Lordrejected the question of his disciples,de- sirousofinquiring intothings to come with this solemn answer,which also proscribes such curiosity on the part of all believers: It is not for youtoknow times or seasons that the Fa- ther has fixed by his own authority.]

It is also true that Taisnierinsists on showing the compatibility between judiciary astrology and dogma: Afterrelatingananecdote about the horoscope of Soc- rates that characterises him as depraved, the Belgian author insists that power of will and lifestyle had allowed the philosopher to overcome his tendencies.⁷⁰ And he concludes: “Astra etenim non cogunt,nec necessitant,sed fortiter inclinant, quorum inclinationibus fortis (ut dictum est) potestatedivinatutus et libero ar- bitrio resistere potest”⁷¹ [And so the starsdonot forcenor oblige, but they incline intensely, but the strong man can resist these inclinations, as we said, imbued with the divine power of his free will]. The second erasure impactsthe reflections on the birth of Christ,⁷² whose humanitymade him – accordingtoTaisnier – par-

 Taisnier (1562, 2).  See the papal bull Coeli et Terrae Creator Deus in the Bullarum diplomatumetprivilegiorum sanctorum Romanorum pontificum (1883, 646), which citesthe Acts of the Apostles 1, 7.  Taisnier (1562, 2–3) adapts the famous anecdoteofthe physiognomist Zópirowho reads the bodilysigns of Socrates,asrelates Cicero in the Tusculanae disputationes,IV, 80,and in De fato, V,10: “Quid?Socraten nonne legimus quem ad modum notarit Zopyrus physiognomon, qui se profitebatur hominummores naturasque ex corpore, oculis,vultu,fronte pernoscere?stupidum esse Socraten dixit et bardum, quod iugula concavanon haberet –obstructas eas partes et ob- turatas esse dicebat; addidit etiam mulierosum; in quo Alcibiades cachinnum dicitur sustu- lisse.” [Again, do we not read how Socrateswas stigmatized by the ’physiognomist’ Zopyrus, whoprofessed to discover men’sentirecharacters and naturesfromtheir body, eyes, faceand brow?hesaid that Socrates was stupid and thick-witted because he had not gothollows in the neck abovethe collarbone – he used to saythat these portions of his anatomywere blocked and stopped up;healso added that he was addicted to women – at which Alcibiades is said to have givenaloud guffaw! TranslationRackham (1942) (http://www.informationphilosopher. com/solutions/philosophers/cicero/de_fato_english.html#V)(7March2019).  Taisnier (1562, 3).  See García Avilés (1992–1993, 196) whoverifies that “el espaldarazo definitivo alafama ba- jomedieval de Albumasar como profeta del NacimientodeCristo se debe al Speculum astrono- e) Jean Taisnier and Free Will 75 ticipate entirelyinthe human condition with regardtothe possibility of having read his destinyinthe book of nature and the configuration of heaven:

Noluit quoque et filius Dei unigenitus Iesus Christus tanquam verus homo libri aeternitatis eiusdem literisdeesse, ut ea quae hominissunt,velut nativitas, mortis aculeus,etalia plu- rima per figuram caeli significarentur,quae tamen vim naturae humanae minime excedunt. Non ea quae soli potestati divinae mereacliberesubsunt, non quod figuracaeli causa esset,quod Christus nasceretur,sicut nec oracula Prophetarum causa fueren quod Christus pateretur, sed potius (ut inquit Albertus in speculo) significatio fuerat,etveroverius ipse erat causa quaremodus admirandae suae nativitatis per caelum significaretur,cuius thema caeli hic etiam libuit apponere. Hactenus cum praecedentibus duobus non visum, cuius as- cendens fuit octavus gradus virginis, prout testatur Albumasar differentia 1, tractato 6in capite de ascensionibus imaginum.⁷³

[And neither wanted Jesus Christ,onlychild of God, as areal man to stopparticipatingin the letters of this same book of eternity and in all that is characteristic of mankind, like birth, the sting of death and manyother thingsthat are reflectedinthe configuration of heavenand does not exceed the power of the human natureand not those that were onlyunder divine control, pureand free.And not because the configuration of the sky was the reason for the birth of Christ likeneither the oracles of the prophets werethe reason for his suffering, but,likeAlbert says in the ‘Mirror’ they were asignand in truth more certainlyhewas the cause by which the right measureofhis marvellous birth was signified by heaven. We decided to include his horoscopehere. Somethingsofar not seen with the two precedinghoroscopes: his ascendant was the eighth degree of Virgo, as Albumasar testifies in the first differentia of the sixth tractinthe chapterabout the ascension of pictures.]

Curiously, the censor is not concernedwith what Taisniertakes from Albumasar about the zodiacsign under which Jesus would be born.Another sanction in the introductory section again affectsChrist,whom the author presents as aphysi- ognomistwho would judge man from the eyes:

Nam omnes Philosophi expertissimi, sanctique viri, immo et ipse Christus Physiognomiae non parum attribuit.Nam Saluator noster Christus ex oculis totum hominemdiiudicat. Etiam vulgusexfronte pudoris impudentiaeque certasignaconiicereaudet.⁷⁴

miae de AlbertoMagno” [the definitive accolade to the late-medieval fame of Albumasar as a prophet of the birth of Christ comesfrom Speculumastronomiae by Albert the Great].  Taisnier (1562, 3).  Taisnier (1562, 8). There is yetanother erasureinthis introductory part,when Taisnier speaks of what is beyond the reachofastronomers: “Cumenim caelum ad hoc veladillud humanum corpusalteret atque disponat,bonam quoque fortunam velmalam homini inspiret,non poterit propria voluntatecorpusproprium de insano sanum facere (de his dicta sunt haec, quae ana- turasunt), nec poterit similiter bonam fortunam sibi in negotiis humanis,acdignitatibus,et honoribusappropriare” (Taisnier 1562, 4–5) [So, sinceheavenalters and disposes the human bodytothis or that,inspires to mankind good or bad fortune, he cannot transform his own 76 The PrecariousnessofKnowing the Occult: The Problematic StatusofPhysiognomy

[For all expert philosophers,holymen and Christ himself thought highlyofphysiognomy. ForChrist our Lordjudgesaman from his eyes and also normal people daretospeculate about certain signs of imprudenceand shyness from the forehead.]

Regardless of very few erasures in the chiromantic part of the book,⁷⁵ Lucas de Alaejos did not have serious problems with the hermetic explanations of the Bel- gian author. f) Conclusion

The studyofphysiognomic works censored in Spain showsdifferent sensibilities when judging this semiotic practice, which wavers between condemningthem as one more among the divination arts in general, going through the collateral cen- sure based on the indecencyofthe woodcuts that show nude figures, and on to dogmatic questions. Physiognomyhabitually continued to inspire fascination among Europeans of the Modern Age, in spite of the constant fear of entering into indefinablyunorthodoxterrain through the absence of an established concept of its lawfulness or unlawfulness.

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Physiognomyisadiscipline that analyses the exterior aspect of human beingsin order to draw conclusions about their character,disposition, and destiny. In the Libro de buen amor [Book of Good Love], thereare threevery detailed descriptions of bodilyrealities that lend themselvestoaphysiognomic reading: Don Amor paints aportrait of the ideal woman,¹ the archpriest drawsthe monstrous² ugliness³ of the serrana Alda, and Trotaconventos describes the protagonist of the seduction of the nun, doña Garoça.⁴ As Alberto Blecua correctlyobserves with regard to this last one: “se van dando los rasgosfísicos del arcipreste que, de acuerdo con la tradición de las fisiognomías, denotaban su psicología”⁵

 Librodebuen amor 430d (1992, 114); comparealso (1990,236–237) and the article by Alonso (1952).  See Kirby (1986,159: “Distortion is basic to this description of the grotesquemountain woman, whoiscompared to animals,tomonsters, and in general to items that arehugein size”), Cano Ballesta (1994,7:“fealdad monstruosa de los vicios carnales” [monstrous ugliness of the carnal vices]),Del Vecchio (2005,208) and recentlyGarcía-Rubio (2013). Di Stefano (2001, 471) mentions “los ojos horrorizados del viajero por el cuerpo monstruoso de la serrana [the hor- rified eyes of the traveller seeingthe monstrous bodyofthe highland woman]”.For her animalisation see Del Vecchio (2005,208: “La forcedémesurée de la montagnarde […]orientent vers un processusd’animalisation du personnage” [The enormous force of the mountain dweller turns towardananimalisation of the figure]),Rubiales Roldán (2008, 334) and López Rodríguez (2009, 75 – 77). The animals with which the highlandwoman is compared –crow,she-bear, donkey,cur- lew,bulldog, thrush, heifer – do not correspond to those used by physiognomists,which are, in the case of the Anonymous Latin, horse, ass, ox,dear,lion, dog, ape, goose, wolf, tortoise, serpent,peacock, and rooster.  Regarding the ugliness of the highland woman, see Scarborough (2007, 101: “The poet gives full rein to his poetic powers of description givingusall the gruesome details of her appearance: she is huge and hairy with ears likeadonkey,amouth likeabig,ferocious dog,ankles the size of year-old cow,with ahoarse and unpleasant voice, and breasts so large and pendulous that she can sling them over her shoulder”). As critics observed – Marmo (1982, 84) and Di Stefano (2001,452) –,the ugliness described in the cuaderna vía contrasts with the description in the lyrical part.Morros Mestres(2004) proposes the Alda by Guglielmo de Blois and the Geta by Vi- talis de Blois as models of the description.  See Kane (1930).  Librodebuen amor (1992, 380). See also Lida de Malkiel (1973,117– 118: “La semblanza no es individual: reúnesimplementelos rasgos con que los numerosos tratados medievales sobreel artedelafisonomía ysobreelestudio de los temperamentos caracteriza al hombre ‘doñeador’. Por lo demás,elorden de enumeración de los rasgos obedecealcanon retórico ya mencionado” [The similarity is not individual: it simplyunitesthe traits with which manymedieval treatises

[the physical traits of the archpriest are shown, which, in accordancewith the tradition of physiognomy, denoted his psychology]. It was mainlyBritishand Americanscholars likePeter N. Dunn and André S. Michalski, who, echoing investigations on physiognomyinGeoffrey Chaucer,⁶ have applied this methodol- ogytothe studyofthe work by Juan Ruiz.⁷ Dunn explained the “discordant features” of the portrait of the archpriest as “traits having an erotic significance” (1970,79–80). Michalski likewise confirms: “At least,itisevidentthat Ruiz’s concern in drawingthe portrait discussed is physiognomical much more than it is aesthetic” (1964,68). And, in fact,heputs forth some physiognomic manuals to explain some of the features of the ideal woman, wide hips, for example, being asign of avoluptous person accordingtoPolemon.⁸ Scholars use, in an

on the art of physiognomyand the studyoftemperaments characterise the ‘womanizer’.Asfor the rest,the order of enumeration of traits conforms with the aforementionedrhetorical canon] and López Castro(2011, 270): “De acuerdo con la tradición fisignómica, los rasgos físicosrevelan la psicología del personaje. El hecho de que Juan Ruiz se detenga más aquí en las cualidades físicas (cuatrocoplas) que en las morales (una copla), tal vezporqueelretrato del cuerpo des- pierta el deseo de la personaamada, pone de relieve el temperamentodel hombre ‘doñeador’ o cortejador,que debe comportase conlas cualidades del amantecortés” [In accordance with the physiognomic tradition, physical traits reveal the psychology of the person. The fact that Juan Ruiz is moreconcerned with physical qualities (four couplets) than with morals (one couplet), perhaps because the portrait of the bodyawakens the desire for the person loved, highlights the temperament of the seducer or ‘womanizer’,who must behave with the qualities of the courtly lover].  See the works of Curry (1920,1922and 1926), Clark (1930), Horton (1933), Pace(1962),Hanson (1970), Friedman (1981), Brasswell-Means (1991) and Wurtele (1999).  López Rodríguez (2009) investigates in this direction by recalling the parallels with Chaucer, but she is mainlyoccupied, as is Lida de Malkiel (1940), with humoral theory.Haywood (2004): proposes fromher reading of Chaucer,asomewhat audaciousinterpretation: “[…]laWife of Bath afirma que la portadora del sello omarca de nacimientodeVenus disfruta de una naturaleza lasciva ytiene genitales que proporcionan alapareja un placer especialmente intenso. Si a ustedes no les convencetal interpretación astrológica, quedan en apoyo de mi interpretación las asociaciones folklóricas ycarnavalescas entre la boca superior einferior de la mujer. Desde esta óptica los dientes mellados significarían la accesibilidad ylanaturaleza abierta del orificio vaginal; ylarelación entrelaboca ylos genitales también hace alusión al apetito” [the Wife of Bath affirms that the carrier of the seal or birthmark of Venus enjoysalascivious nature and has genitals that give to apartner especiallyintense pleasure. If youare not convinced by such an astrological interpretation, my interpretation is also supported by carnivalesque and folkloric as- sociationsbetween the upper and lower mouth of the woman. From this view,the jaggedteeth would indicatethe accessibility and open natureofthe vaginal orifice; and the relationship between the mouth and the genitals also alludes to the appetite].  Michalski (1968, 71): “It moreover appears that,indrawingthis ideal portrait,Juan Ruiz was not content with picturingawoman whoismerely very feminine and has an agreeable physique, The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita 83 indiscriminate way, the anthology Scriptores physiognomonici Graeci et Latini by Richard Förster,publishedatthe end of the nineteenth century,without taking into account that the majority of the treatisescompiled in it,⁹ likethe aforementioned Polemon, had no dissemination in the West duringthe Middle Ages, as Simon Swain observes: “The Physiognomy [of Polemon] survivesinaGreek version by Adamantius, which is undoubtedlyfourth-century, and an Arabic translation (the Leiden) which exists in asingle manuscript” (2007, 176). In order to appreciate the possibleimplications of physiognomyinJuan Ruiz, it is necessary to untangle the history of this discipline, of its disseminationand status as ascience in the European Middle Ages.¹⁰ Physiognomyisreborn in the West thanks to the discovery of Latin, Greek, and Arabic texts.Atthe turn of the twelfth century aLatin physiognomic text was discovered,occasionallyattributed to Apuleius, which is known as Anony- mous Latin work, which starts to circulatewidelyinthe next century.¹¹ The end of the twelfth century,circa 1175,isthe date of the translation of the Liber ad Almansorem by Rasis,made by GerardodaCremona.¹² At the beginning of

but that he has also endowed her with traits,which, in mediaeval physiognomy, areindicative of alecherous nature”.  See Denieul-Cormier(1956,VII: “Mais,des cinq ouvragesdePhysiognomonie produits par l’Antiquité gréco-latine, traités grecs du Pseudo-Aristote, de Polémon, d’AdamantiusetduPseu- do-Polémon, traitélatin de l’Anonyme, le Moyen Âgeoccidental n’en connaîtraque deux: celui du Pseudo-Aristoteetcelui de l’Anonyme” [But,fromthe five works on physiognomythat the Greek and Latin Antiquity produced, Greek treatises of the Pseudo-Aristotle, Polemon, Adaman- tius and Pseudo-Polemon and aLatin treatise by an anonymous author,the occidental Middle Ages knows onlytwo:the one of the Pseudo-Aristotle and the one by the Anonymous]), as well as the studies compiled in Swain (2007). Goldberg(1986,2–3), which parts fromDunn’sstudy, itself turns to Polemon, accordingtoher, “[o]ne of the most frequentlyquoted physiognomists”.  Forthe history of this scienceinthe Middle Ages, consult the studies of Paschetto(1985), Agrimi (2002),Ziegler(2001,2004,2007), ValNaval (2008) and González Manjarrés (2011 and 2012); for the relationships between physiognomyand literatureinthe Middle Ages, see Carré (2010).  The treatise was published with the titles De Physiognomonia liber by Rose (1864–1870, 105– 139), in the Förster anthology (1893, II, 3–145) and morerecentlybyAndré(1981 [2003]) in a bilingual French and Latin edition; for this, see Rose (1864–1870,61–102),Agrimi (2002, 5) and the introductionbyAndré.Rose (1864–1870,171– 201) also publishes the Egidius Corbolien- sus metradephysonomiis,according to him aversified version of the pseudo-Apuleian version by Frenchdoctor Gilles de Corbeil (1140 –1224), for which one can also see Hanson (1970, 12).  This translation was published with the title Abubecri Rasis ad regem Mansorem de re medicina liber II traslatus ex arabico in latinum aGerardo Cremonensi [two books about medicine dedicated by Abubecri Rasis to the kingMansur and translatedfromArabic into Latin by Ger- ardusCremonensis] in the Försteranthology (1893, II, 161–180); for this, see Agrimi (2002, 5); for the translation see Autuori (1984). 84 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita the thirteenth century,probablybefore 1230,one Philippus Tripolitanus translated the pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum Secretorum.¹³ The second treatise, wrongly attributed to the Stagirite, the Physiognomonica (1258–1262), was translateddur- ing the middle of the samecentury by Bartolomeo da Messina.¹⁴ There would appear,from this moment onward, inspired by the Greek and Arabic texts that have been mentioned, sections on physiognomyinencyclopaedic and scientificworks by authors like Vincent de Beauvais (1184/94 – 1264), Aldobrandino da Siena (…– 1296)¹⁵ or Albertus Magnus (1200 –1280).¹⁶ Twophysiognomic works deserve special mention: the Liber phisonomie (post 1228)byMichael Scott¹⁷ and the Compilatio Physionomie (1295) by Pietro d’Abano.¹⁸ While the Scottish scholar,

 Three Latin versions of the Secretum Secretorum (1893, II, 181–222) are compiled in the Förster anthology;the medieval Spanish versions of the Poridat de las poridades werepublished recentlybyBizzarri (2010). Forthe different opinionsonthe date of the translation,see Möller whoobserves: “Hiernach[Prolog der lateinischen Fassung] will ein Kleriker Philippus das Secre- tum in Antiochia gefunden […]und für Guido Vere ausValencia, Bischof vonTripolis […]aus dem Arabischen ins Lateinische übersetzt haben. Wirwissen jedoch weder über einen Bischof Guido noch über einen Kleriker Philippus etwas bestimmtes” (1963, LVIX) [Following(the pro- logueofthe Latin version) acleric called Philippus found the Secretum in Antiocheia … and translated it for Guido Vere from Valencia,bishop in Tripoli from Arabic into Latin. We know nothingdefinitive about abishop called Guido nor about acleric Philippus]. Forversions in the Neo-Latin languages, see Zamuner (2005).  Consultthe textinthe Försteranthology (1893, I, 4–92)and for this, see also Hanson (1970, 12).  Hanson (1970, 12): “Another popular medical work, Le Regime du corps by Aldobrandin of Siena, includes alarge section of physiognomy […]The physiognomyistaken almost verbatim from the work of Rhazes”.The edition by Landouzy &Pépin, Paris (1911) can be consulted online in adigital version by Serena Moden in RIALFrl (Repertorio informatizzatoantica letteratura franco-italiana): http://www.rialfri.eu/rialfri/testi/regimine004.html (7 March2019).  Forthis, see Scharold (1932, 290), whodedicates his work aboveall to humoral pathology, and Agrimi (2002, 8).  The treatise by Scot was published on repeated occasions from the end of the fifteenth century (editio princeps: Venezia, JacopodaFivizzano, 1477,see Thorndike1954 for the incunables) and was also translated to Spanish in the Latin compendium by Johannes de Ketham. The Span- ish version was editedbySánchez González de Herrero(2009); thereisnomodern edition of the Latin text, but there is an entireseries of studies by Jacquart (1994), Agrimi (2002, 5and 22–29) and Ziegler, whonotesthat the text had scarceinfluencebeforebeingprinted (2008, 299). As for Michael’ssources, Burnett observes (1994,109): “In short,Michael’ssources aremainlytexts translated in Toledo and, to alesser extent,Barcelona”.For the life and work of Scotusand par- ticularlyhis link with the imperial court,see Brown (1897), Haskins (1921), Thorndike(1965) and morerecentlyAckermann (2009).  The work titled Liber compilationis physiognomiae was printedinPadua by PetrusMaufer in 1474 and reeditedinPadua in 1476 and in Venice in 1483 “per Jo.Herbart de Selgenstadtaleman- num”.Weknow of another edition of the same work, titled DecisionesPhysionomiae […]inciv- The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita 85 who writes in the Sicilian court of Frederick II, links physiognomywith the complexions,¹⁹ the Paduan doctor,residinginParis, studies the bodily signs in relation to astrology.²⁰ At the start of the fourteenth century,when the archpriest is writing,physiognomywas an independent science in the academic curriculum; as Jole Agrimi observes, “[u]na scienza con ambiti efine ben definiti, che fa ponte tra libri naturales e libri morales,tra filosofia oscienzateorica efilosofia oscienza pratica; traconoscenza della naturaumana econoscenza delle virtù, da una parte, eregole etiche,della convivenza civile edel buon governo, dall’altra” (2001,9)[ascience with well defined fields and objectives, thatserves

itate Parisiensi sciptae anno […]M.CCC.XXXV.Pisiensi studio edito,nuperrimae vero a[Michel- angelo] Blondo medico […]compertaeinque lucem productae […],Venetiis,per CominumdeTri- dino, 1548. Giventhat thereisnomodern edition of the text, Iworkwith adigital copyofeditio princeps,available on the National Library of Paris server, Gallica. Regarding the medical and astrological studies of Pietrod’Abano see Federici Vescovini (1991b) and Jacquart (1993)  See Ziegler(2004,nopages).  Forthis see Paschetto (1985, 106: “La Compilatio Physionomiae non ècerto il solo trattatoche mette in relazione fisiognomica eastrologia: il nesso, appena suggeritonel Secretum secretorum, èsviluppatonell’Elegans naturae cognitio,ove l’esame dei tratti somatici segue l’analisi dei sette tipi dominati dai pianeti […]laCompilatio Physionomiae […]èil solo trattato – anostra conoscenza – che cerchidifondarelafisiognomica come scienza:l’analisi dei tipi astrologici non vi èfine asestessa, come accade nell’Elegans naturae cognitio,madiviene argomentoche mo- tiva egiustifica la validità speculativadella fisiognomica” [The Compilatio Physionomiae is cer- tainlynot the onlytreatise that relates physiognomyand astrology;the link, just suggestedinthe Secretum secretorum,isdeveloped in the Elegans naturacognitio,where the exam of the somatic traits follows the analysisofthe seven types dominated by the planets … the Compilatio Phys- ionomiae … is the onlytreatise – as far as we know – that seeks to establish physiognomyasa science: the analysis of the astrological types is not an end in itself as it happens to be in Elegans naturacognitio,but it becomes the argument that motivates and justifies the speculativevalidity of physiognomy]), Federici Vescovini (1991a, 45: “La fisiognomia delle membra di Pietrod’Abano ha, inoltre, il suo fondamentonella teoria medica delle complessioni, le quali, alorovolta, sono fondatesulla dottrina astrologica relativa alle naturedei pianeti. In altri termini imoti psichici degli individui sono classificati secondo la tipologia medica delle complessioni umorali le quali sono concepite in dipendenza delle complessioni dei pianeti” [The physiognomyofthe limbs of Pietrod’Abano has,furthermore, its basis in the medical theory of the complexions,which, for their part,are based on the astrological theory regarding the natureofthe planets.Inother words,the psychic movements of the individuals are classified followingthe medical typology of the complexions of the humours which areconceiveddependingonthe complexions of the planets]) and Porter (2005,73: “Sufficeittosay that whilst Abano was not the first to link physiognomywith astrology,hedid explorethis link in moredetail than anyprevious writer in the physiognomical canon. In Ptolemaic astrology,there werespecific,ifloose, physiognomical indications attributed to the planets. Abano joins this physiognomytothe physiognomical description of zodiacal types,and includes notesabout their stateofhealth as wellastheir pref- erences, their colours and their fortunatedays”). 86 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita as abridge in between libri naturales and libri morales,orphilosophyand prac- tical science, in between the knowledge of the human nature and the knowledge of virtues on the one hand,and ethical rules about civil coexistence and good government on the other]. Chapters on this discipline are collected in theological works,like the Compendium theologicae veritatis (ca.1265) by the Dominican Hugo Ripillinus. As with the commentary from the pseudo-Aristotelian Physiog- nomonica by the French scholasticphilosopher Jean Buridan (1300 –1360),²¹ this manualjustifies supposed bodilydeterminism as an inclination that indicates a probability:

Nota insuper habent quod licetper signa membrorum naturalium mores hominumcogno- scanturs,non tamen imponuntnecessitatem sed ostendunt inclinationemnaturae: nec semper denuntiantaffectus hominum, sed frequenter et probabiliter.²²

[Noticeabout the question if it is allowed to gettoknow from the natural signs of the limbs the habits of men; they do not impose however anecessity but displayaninclination of nature: and they do not always denounceastateofbody, but frequentlyand with high probability.]

We do not have access to much data on the reception of this discipline in the Iberian Peninsula. We know that aphysiognomic treatise, written by aChristian author in the thirteenth century and published by RogerPack with the title Auc- toris incertidephysiognomonia libellus,²³ circulated in Spain. One of the four surviving manuscripts is preserved in the Library of the Escorial (Ms. P.III. 8), and it wronglyattributes the small work to the Persianpolymath Avicenna. The Catá- logo of Father Antolín Pajares (1913:228–230) datesthe copy to the fourteenth century and informs us thatitcomes from the library of the Count-Duke of Oli- vares; but thatisadifferent story.Inthis treatise dental diastema is described,²⁴

 See Thorndike(1943, 102) regarding Buridano’sthesis: “The superior heavenlybodies do not, however,force the will or nullify freedom of the will, although they makeitdifficult. The stars do not impose necessity upon man but indicateastrong probability as to his fortune and future. Nor is their influenceimpermutable by the will of God, and so prayers to Him maybeof avail. Nor does man by foreseeingthe futurebecome God’sequal”,for his particular vision of “intersoggettività corporea” [bodilyintersubjectivity] refer to Ghisalberti (1979).  Compendium theologicaeveritatis (1554,223). Forthe workand its dissemination in the Mid- dle Ages, see the introductiontothe critical edition of the medieval FrenchtranslationbyMich- ler (1982).  Some researchers refer to this treatise with incipit Elegans est naturecognicio as the title. Ag- rimi (2001,15) characterisesitas“uno dei primi epiù significativi testidella tradizione latina medievale” [one of the first and most important texts of the Latin medieval tradition].  Regarding the gapped teeth, see Barbera(1968). The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita 87 which the ideal ladyofthe Book of Good Love shares with the protagonist of Chaucer’sthe Wife of Bath,asasign of alascivious person: “Dentes rari signifi- cant maledicentem et lascivum” (Pack 1974,137) [gapped teethsignify slandering and lustfulness]. Moreover,itlinks characterologywith astrology²⁵ and pointsto the bodilysigns of the children of each planet.Recall in this context that Juan Ruiz justifies his condition as alover²⁶ after the famous story of the horoscope of KingAlcaraz’sson,²⁷ with his birth under the dominion of the planet Venus:

Muchos naçen en Venus;que lo más de su vida es amar las mugeres; nunca se les olvida; trabajan et afanan mucho sin medida, elos más non recabdan la cosa más querida.

En este signoatal creo que yo nasçí, siemprepuñé en servir dueñas que conoçí, el bien que me feçieron, non lo desgradeçí, amuchas serví mucho, que nada acabesçí.

 Regarding this, see Pack (1974,115): “In the West,astrologywas of course wedded to phys- iognomyatanearlytime: the idea that the planets shape or mould the physical and mental qualities of mankindisabundantlyevidenced fromthe second century of our erabythe works of Ptolemy, Vettius Valens, and Firmicus Maternus.” Also consult the studyfromBlume’s perspective of art history (2000), with agreat number of illustrations.  See, among others,Ullmann, (1964,204 “He believes that he was born under the signof Venus because he has experienced […]the symptoms of one born under those circumstances. In other words:forgive me for runningafter women, because Ibelievemyself predestined to have this occupation; Ibelievethe latter because Ihavebeen runningafter women all my life.”), VicenteGarcía (1999,340: “El problema de la astrología lo plantea el Arcipreste de Hita ligado al problema de la inclinación aamar.ElArcipreste se sitúa como personaje narrador yprotagonista bajo el signodeVenus.Como tantos otros aspectos de este libronosabemos hasta qué puntoeso reviste una función simbólica oreal. Es decir,puede significar que el Ar- ciprestenació bajolos signos de Tauro odeLibra, alos cuales rigeelplaneta Venus,siloleemos literalmente; otal vezsólo sea un modo de expresar la tendencia natural del Arcipreste aamar a las mujeres” [The Archpriest of Hita lays out the problem of astrologyasbeingbound to the inclination to love. He is situated as anarrating character and protagonist under the sign of Venus. As with so manyother aspects of this book, we don’tknow to whatextent this serves arealor symbolic function. That is to say, it could mean that the Archpriest was born under the signs of Taurus oLibra, which arereigned by the planet Venus,ifweread it literally; or perhapsitisonly away of expressing the Archpriest’snatural tendency to lovewomen]) and Maldonado (2008, 267: “Él, que ha nacido bajosigno de Venus y, en consecuencia, está siemprebuscando el amor de las mujeres, necesita, para buscar su salvación, vencer alos designios de las estrellas” [He,who was born under the sign of Venus and, in consequence, is always searching for the love of women, needs,inorder to find his salvation, to overcome the plans of the stars]).  Manyresearchers studyingthis episode have been interested aboveall in the source – see CastroGuisasola (1923), Crawford(1925)and morerecentlyLacarra (2006). 88 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita

[Some men are born in Venus’ signand all their days aspire To makinglovetofemales,doing all that girls require; Forthem they fret and shame themselvesand set their souls afire Though few therebewho gain the goal they secretlydesire.

‘Twas under such asignIthink Imust have seen the light Because Ilong for girls by dayand lust for them at night, Yetthough Ine’er ungrateful was for favours how so slight, And served ahost of ladies,ne’er Iseemed to come out right.]²⁸

In our treatise,children of Venus consider themselvesnot onlyinclined toward love, music and poetry,but alsopossessed of certain positive and negative traits – cajolery and affability,for example – and adeterminatebodilydisposition:

Venus facit iocosos, amantes, gaudentes, diversa genera instrumentorum musicorum appetentes, deliciosos,nobiles,gestu lascivos, adulantes, mendaces, laudem appetentes, affa- biles,non multum irascibiles et iram facile remittentes, vix consilio credentes, simulatos, largosetlevis memorie. Signa Veneris sun hec: vultus mutabilis, frons mediocris,supercilia gracilia, oculi ridentes et albi, nasus curvus velacutus,oslargum, labia rubea et tumida, dentesalbi. Prurientes et pluribus rebusintendentes et plus albas vestesama- bunt.²⁹

[Venus produces personswho jest,loveand arejoyful; who lovedifferent kinds of instruments,who aredelicious, noble, with lascivious gestures, flattering, mendacious,gushing, affable, not very irascible and their anger disappears quickly, hardly believingadvices,dis- semblers,open-handed and with asmooth memory.Signs of Venus arethe following: a changingface, aforehead of medium height, graceful eyebrows, laughing clear eyes, a curved or pointy nose, alarge mouth, redand swollen lips,whiteteeth. They arelustful and with good understanding for manythings and they lovewhite clothing.]

These “signa Veneris” onlycorrespond in relation to red, full lips with the “lab- ros al comunal, /más gordos que delgados, bermejos como coral” [his lips are like the averageknave /More full than fine, yetcoloured with ared the coral gave]³⁰ of the portrait of the Archpriest.Inthe Libro complido en los judizios de las estrellas [TheComplete Book of the Judgment of the Stars], the Spanish translation of Abenragel’sastrological work, done by Yehuda ben Moshe for Al- fonso Xthe Wise in 1254,some characteristics appear again; others, by contrast, are diametricallyopposed:

 Librodebuen amor 152–153Blecua (1992, 47), compare also (1990,138–139). Translation by Elisha Kane (1933 [2005], 31).  Auctoris incerti de physiognomonia libellus (1974,129).  Librodebuen amor 1487bBlecua (1992, 381), comparealso (1990,627). Translation by Elisha Kane (1933 [2005], 270). The Physiognomic Knowledge of the Archpriest of Hita 89

Venus semeia aJupiter fueras ende que acontecepor ella apartada mienteseer mas fermo- so. &demeior parecer.&de meior recebir.&de mas fermosa forma. &fermosura conui- nienteafermosurademugieres. &esmas manso &demas blando cuerpo. &propria mientesos oios entrezarcos &prietos. &fermosos. &dellos dizen que es ya quantiello baçomezcladocon vermeiura. flacodefermosacatadura. la negrordesos oios mas que el blanco. delgadas sobreceias &ayuntadas.cararedonda. &delgados beços.mucha carne en la cara. de fermosos oios.&angostos pechos.&cortascostiellas.piernas gordas. blanda catadura.³¹

[Venus is similar to Jupiter,unless that she appears alone, he seems to be morebeautiful and of better aspect and better reception, and of morebeautiful form, and of beauty com- parable to that of women, and he is moredocile, and of softer body, and with eyes between light and dark blue, and beautiful, and of them it is said that alittle bit of browncolour is mixed with red. Beautifullythin and of beautiful aspect.The black of the eyes is morethan the white. Thin eyebrows,wellplaced. Round face and thin lips.Alot of flesh in the face.Of beautiful eyes and narrow breast and short ribs. Fatlegs. Soft appearance.]

The colour of the complexion “que es ya quantiello baço” [thatisabit of brown] in Abenragel corresponds to “un poquillobaço” [a bit of brown] of the face of the Archpriest.Although Icannot offer amodel that relates to more bodilytraits of the Archpriest,the idea of planetary children and theirlink with physiognomy underscores the existing relationship between the condition of the child of Venus and the exterior aspect of the Archpriest. Another widelyread author in the times of Juan Ruiz, perhaps by the Arch- priest himself, is the aforementioned Michael Scott.Inhis Liberphisonomie,he distinguishesbetween two types of women: The one giving birth and the one en- joying sexual intercourse. Amongthe “Signa mulieris calide nature et que coit libenter”³² [Signs of women of hot nature and who like to have sexual inter-

 Iquotefromthe edition by P. Sánchez-PrietoBorja, Rocío Díaz Moreno &Elena Trujillo Belso, made for CORDE.  Text published as an annex to the article by Jacquart (1994,36–37). Forthe female bodysee Jacquart (1993) and the works of Ghersetti (1994,46with referencetothe “boccaintensamente rossa” [very red mouth] as asignof“un gran godimentonel coito” [great pleasureduring coitus]), (1995,197: “Nei trattati di firasa esistesiunsapere fisiognomicodeclinatoalfemminile ma esso èprivo […]diquei riferimenti monotematici così espliciti emarcati alia sferasessuale che sono peculiari invece delle indicazioni relative all’acquisto delle schiave” [In the treatises about firasa exists physiognomical knowledge about women, but it is free … of those explicit and clear monothematic references to the sexual sphere, that are very peculiar instead when dealingwith the purchase of female slaves]; recalling achapteronwomen in Razi (198) and in Scoto (201)). Ghersetti (1999) observes, upon studyinga“trattato erotologico di scarsa originalità” (64) [not very original erotological treatise], wrongly attributed to Polemon and preserved in asole manuscript (Topkapi Saray 3207) that “in area arabo-islamica un sapere fisiognomicodeclinatoal 90 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita course] he enumerates their “mammas […]parvas et illas convenienter plenaset duras”³³ [small breasts that are convenientlyfull and hard], apoint which clari- fies whydon Amor recommends awoman with “los pechos chicos” (444c)[small breasts]. Also interesting is the distinction that Scott makes between male and femalebodilysigns.Concerningthe size of aman’snose and awoman’sfoot, he observesthat they are signs of their respective sexual organs:

Tratado de fisonomía Michael Scott, Liber phisonomie

Enxemplo: en el hombre la narizluengay Verbi gratia. In vironasus grossus et longus gruessa significa el prepucio, capilloymiem- significatpreputium magnumetecontrario. bro ser grande, ypor la contra; ypor essodixo Super hoc dixit quidam et bene: ‘Ad formam unoque segúnlaforma de la nariz se conoce nasi cognosciturtesta baiardi’.Inmulierepes la verga. En las mugeres el pie es señal de la est signum vulve, quia, si fuerit ei pes longus natura,elcual, si es luengoangosto yflaco, et strictus ac macer, significatvulvam longam significa ydenotalanaturaser luenga, an- et strictam ac macrametecontrario. Item gosta ymagra, ypor la contra. Itemlamedida mensura longitudinismedii pedis nudi est del medio pie desnudo es medida de la natura mensura totius longitudinisvulveunicuique. de la muger; ypor essodixouno:segúnla Unde versus: ‘Ad formampedumcognoscitur forma del pie conoceráselvasodelamuger vasmulierum’.

[Example: in the man, along and thick nose signifies that the foreskin, tip and member are large, and the opposite is also true; that is why it is said that, according to the form of the nose, one knows the member.Inwomen,the foot is the indicator of her genitalia, which,ifitislong and narrow,indicates thatthe genitals arelikewise long, narrow and lean, as wellasthe opposite. The length of halfabarefoot is the length of awoman’sgenitals; which is why it is said: via the form of the foot you willknow the privates of awoman.]

This interpretation of the sizeofthe nose explains whyTrotaconventos insists so much on the huge nose that ruins the Archpriest’sface –“la su nariz es luenga: esto le descompón” [his nose is long:this spoils him] – as an indicator of his virility.³⁴

femminile” [in the Arabic-Islam world aphysiognomical knowledgeabout women] does not exist (59).  See Jacquart (1994,36).  See also Morreale (1967, 282–283): “La alusión al erotismo se haceaún más abierta cuando T. comenta que la nariz luenga descompone, o ‘afea’,alA.aunque en realidad es el rasgomás cónsono con todo el restodeladescripcióndesuapariencia física: ‘Hombrenarigudo, pocas veces cornudo’” [The allusion to eroticism is left even moreopen when T. comments that the long nose deforms,or‘disfigures’ A., although in reality it is the traitmost consistent with the rest of the description of his physical appearance: ‘Sharp-nosed man, seldom hooked’]. The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita 91

Another sign of masculinity is alarge head. Thepseudo-Aristotelian Physiog- nomonica³⁵ and the Liber ad Almansorem³⁶ describe women as being inferior to men, as they are distinguished – just like the ideal ladyasdepicted by don Amor³⁷ – by asmall head and meaty hips.

 “at vero et hoc manifestumest,quod singulum in unoquoque genereest femina maremi- noris capitis et angustioris faciei et subtilioris colli et pectora imbecilliora habent et parvum co- starum sunt.anchas autem et coxas magis carnosas maribus,genua mollia et crura subtilia habent,pedes vero pulchriores et formam totius corporis molliorem magis quam fortiorem, minus nervosa autem sunt et molliora, utentia humidioribus carnibus” (Förster 1893, I, 23)[And on the other hand, it is equallyevident that in every species the females have smaller heads than the male, alonger face, amoredelicateneck, aweaker chest,finer ribs, and the hips and thighs are fattier than those of the males.Their legsare slim, and they knock together when walking, their feet are moreelegant,and their whole physical aspect is especiallypleasant,evennoble, but they arelighterand softerand of morehumid flesh]. Comparealso the Anonymous Latin and Pietrod’Abano (1548, 3r). Dunn (1970, 84) quotes, regarding the “cabeça non chica” [large head] of the portrait of Juan Ruiz, pseudo-Aristotelian physiognomy, which states: “Quicunque autemhabent magnum caput,sensitivi referuntur ad canes” [The ones which have abig head areintelligent: think about dogs].  Förster (1893, II, 178): “In omnibus animaliumgeneribus feminae magis mortuum habent animum minusquesunt patientes et citius converti possunt citiusque irascuntur et velocius se- dantur maiorisquesunt calliditatis. sunt praeterea praecepitesetinverecundae. caput etiam habent parvum et faciem et collum subtilia, pectus quoque et spatulas habent magisangusta atque costas minores. coxas vero utrinque habent crassas et nates similiter.earum insuper crura gracilia sunt,manus autemetpedes tenues. quae in omnibus animalium, ut praedictum est,generibus masculis et timidiores et deterius inveniuntur morigeratae” [In all animal species women have aquietersoul and aremorepatient,and they can change easily, and they worry readilyand reconcile easily. They areofhighshrewdness and very precipitate and without shame. They have asmall head and tinyface and neck, breasts and shoulders aremorenarrow,and the ribs are smaller.The hips and the thighs arefleshy, and the buttocks are the same way. The legsare thin and the hands as well; the feet aresmall likeinall animal species,aswesaid before, they are morefearful than the male and moreimmoral].  Librodebuen amor 445(1992, 118), comparealso the commentary in the Joset edition (1990, 245). In G, wide hips aretwicementioned, see Librodebuen amor 432, (1992, 115): 432d: angosta de cabellos.G:ancheta de caderas. Alarcos Llorach (1973,173)proposes the reading “angosta de carriellos” for 432d. Joset (1990,237) edits “ancheta de caderas” and notes: “lo mismo en La doncella Teodor […]; el rasgo se encuentra tantoenlatradición europea, aunque con testimonios escasos […]comoenlaárabe” [the same in La doncella Teodor …;the trait is so often found in the European tradition, although with scarcetestimony … likeinthe Arabic one]. Lecoy (1938, 302, note 1) mentions “La Vieille,2755etVillon, Test.,503”.The “hanches charnues” of the Belle Heaulmiere,described by François Villon, refer,according to Mettmann (1961, 142) to somethingelse. See also Alarcos Llorach (1973). Forthe significanceofhips in physiognomy see Curry (1926,331, note30): “The physiognomists agreeonthe significanceoflarge hips, see Angellus Blondus, De cognitione hominis per aspectum,Romae, 1544,p.xv; Rudolph Gocle- nius, Physiognomica et chiromantica specialia,Hamburgi, 1661, p. 93;Porta, De humana physiog- 92 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita

In light of this, it is not surprising that the Archpriest had a “not-small head” in contrasttothe “tinyhead” of the ideal ladyaccordingtoher respective sexual framing.Inthe portrait of the highland woman, which contrasts and corresponds in manywayswith the description of the ideal woman³⁸ as with that of the Arch- priest,³⁹ his “cabeça mucho grande, sin guisa” [a very large head, without mea-

nomia,Hanoviae,p.249;Rasis and others in Scriptores physiognomici,ed. R. Förster, II, 172, 217, etc.”.  See Lida de Malkiel (1940,123), Gybbon-Monypenny(1962, 219: “Whether the description of the fourth serrana would have been terrifyingfor amedieval public, or merelycomic, is hard to guess […]But thereisafurther point of interest: the original description […]corresponds very closelytothe description of the ideal woman givenbyDon Amor […]; eleven of the fourteen fea- tureslisted in these stanzas recur,ingrotesquelyoppositeform, in the description of the serrana,and onlyone new featureisgiven. Don Amor takes up the description in stanzas 444–45 and 448;eight out of the ten featuresgiven here recur in stanzas 1016–20.This correspondence maybemerecoincidence; on the other hand, the addition of these five stanzas mayhavebeen inspired by adesiretocompletethe parallel, makingthe serrana as nearlyaspossible the opposite, featurefor feature, of the ideal, desirablewoman”), Michalski (1968, 85), Deyermond (1970,63: “Alda […]isapoint-by-point antithesis of that of the ideal lady”), Tate (1970,224: “Ba- sicallyadescriptive enumeratio of the caricaturesque wild woman of the sierra, it is contrivedas aphotographic negative of the ideal woman describesat431–445, 448 of Don Amor’saddress”), Johnston (1976,179), Marmo (1982, 95: “[…]lasequenza si caratterizza proprioper le 10 strofe dedicatealla famosa descrizionedella serrana come la más grande fantasma que ví en este siglo,somma di tuttelepossibili bruttezze accennateapropositodelle altreedimmagine rove- sciata della bellezza ideale femminile descritta da Don Amor” [The sequenceischaracterised reallybythe 10 stanzas dedicated to the famous description of the mountain woman as the big- gest phantom Isaw in this century,the sum of all possible characteristics of ugliness mentioned in the description of the other mountain women and reversal of the ideal female beauty described by Don Amor]), Kirby (1986,159: “Juan Ruiz has exaggerated the ugly and diabolic qualities of the wild women in his detailed portrait of Alda’sfeatures. The norm of moderation and smallness inherent in the rhetorical description of the ideal woman heregives waytounbridled exaggeration and hugeness of size”), Reynal (1991,116), Miaja de la Peña (1995,386) and Casillas (1998, 88). Burke (1975,19) also compares the highlandwomen with the “dueñas chicas” [small women]. Icould not consultthe work of Villegas (1978).  Lida de Malkiel (1940,123), Michalski (1968, 96), Deyermond (1970, 63: “Alda is, however, not merely contrasted with the ideal lady, but is also shown to be very similar to the Juan Ruiz describedbyTrotaconventos […]Moreover,ifone accepts the view that the description of Juan Ruiz is carefullyconstructed to emphasize his virility,itfollows that Alda’scharacteris- tics arethose of male sexual potency”), Ly (1992, 23: “ Le portrait masculin répond auxdeux portraits féminins que développe le LibrodeBuen Amor: celuidelafemme idéale pour l’amour […], et l’anti-portrait de la serrana qui coule au moule galantune animalitérépugnanteetune sensualitébestiale, qui sont au portrait poétique-cadreceque la sotte chanson des serranas,bru- tale et grossière,est àlachanson amoureuse et courtoise” [The masculine portrait answers the two female portraits developed in the Book of Good Love: the one of the ideal woman for love … and the anti-portrait of the mountain woman that pours into the gallantmould aloathsome bes- The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita 93 sure] attracts attention. It deals with amasculinised woman⁴⁰ and her description coincides with the “indicia corporis masculini” that dominate the De Phys- iognomonia liber by the anonymous Latin:

Veniamusadindicia corporismasculini. Caput grande, capillius crassior,rubeus uel niger cum rubore, stabilis,modice inflexus, colorrubeus non clari ruboris uel niger, suffusus tamen rubore, oculi paulo impressiores, minaces, subnigri […]uel glauci.⁴¹

[Let’scometothe signs of the masculine body: abig head, thick hair,reddish brownor black mixed with reddish brown, straight,not very wavy,red complexion without being

tiality and abeastlysensuality which are in the frame of the poetic portrait what the violent and vulgar sotte chanson of the mountain women is confronted with the courteouslovepoem]), Cano Ballesta (1994,6–7) and Haywood(2004,w/o pages).  See López Castro(2011,268: “Amedida que avanzamos en la descripción de la serrana, la abundancia de rasgos masculinos[…]nohace más que poner de relievelaimagen del Otrocomo figuradominante. Al ser la serrana la que ejerceunpoder físico, pues controla el puerto, asalta al viajero ylefuerza al actosexual, se invierten los papeles genéricos,dentro de un ambiente carnavalesco, con el objetodedesenmascarar la verdad sobrelanaturaleza femenina.” [As we advance in the description of the highland woman, the abundanceofmasculine traits … does nothingmorethan to highlight the imageofthe Other as adominatingfigure. As it is the highlandwoman whoexerts physical power,she likewise controls the mountain pass, as- saults the traveller and forcesthe sex act upon him, gender roles areupended, within acarni- valesque atmosphere, with the objective of unmaskingthe truth of the female nature]) and also Michalski (1968, 68–69), who observes with reference to the “indicia corporisfemini” of the Anonymous Latin: “Whereas we observed serious discrepancies between Ruiz’sfeminine ideal and that of schoolmen, we noticethat it has amuch closer affinity with such adescription of a(typical)woman, as this one, taken fromatreatise on physiognomy”.  De Physiognomonia liber,ed. André(1981 [2003], 52–53). Also see the editor’scomment: “Les signes du caractère masculin ne sont décrits ni dans Adamant […]nidans la version arabe […]. Il yest dit seulementqu’ils sont le contrairedes signes féminins,dont l’exposéest très développé. Ils sont brièvement indiqué dans le Ps.-Aristote, 10,dont le texte montreque les comparatifs ne sont pas, comme ailleurs,des intensifs et s’entendent par comparaison avec le type féminin” (1981 [2003], 52, note 5) [The signs of the masculine character arenot describedbyAdamantius … neither in the Arabic version … It is onlymentioned that they arethe contrary to the female signs, that aredisplayedwith great detail. They arebrieflyindicated in the Pseudo-Aristotle 10, where the textshows that the comparativesare not,like elsewhere, intensifying and to be understood in comparison with the female type]. The Anonymous Latin begins his treatise with adif- ferentiation between the masculine and the feminine, specifying: “Quod non ea ratione acci- piendum est qua naturaliter sexus et genera discreta sunt,sed ut plerumque etiam in feminino masculinumgenus et in masculino femininum deprehendatur” (De Physiognomonia liber 1981 [2003], 51) [This must not be understood in the wayinwhich we distinguish the natural sexes and genders,but in ageneral wayinwhich one finds male traits in awoman and female traits in aman]. The Anonymous Latin’sdescription of the face is missing; the red colour of the skin in the physiognomic treatise distinguishes the eyes of the Archpriest’shighland woman, afact which is perhaps explained through the transmission of the text. 94 The Physiognomic Knowledgeofthe Archpriest of Hita

avery bold or dark red, but marked in red, the eyes quitesunken, threatening,grey … or blue-green.]

Icannot, and do not wish to, analyse here all the possiblemeaningsthatphys- iognomic studies attribute to the physical characteristics of the Archpriest and of other characters in the Book of Good Love. Regardless of how much one searches and compares literary text with scientific treatises, ahomogenous meaningcan- not be constructed. Neither does the inventoryofcharacter types, which is spread by wayofpseudo-Aristotelian physiognomy, help to clarify things. Acom- parisonofhis physical aspect with the “Signa luxurioso” [Signs of the lascivious] –“qui est albicoloris et pilosus, rectis capillis et grossis et nigris, et timporapi- losa, oculus pinguis et insanus”⁴² [who is of whitecolour and hairy,with straight and thick black hair and hairy temples,fat and insane eyes] shows that the character of the archpriest was not conceivedofasaprototype of the voluptuous man as it was depicted in the studyofphysiognomyattributed to the Stagirite. As Dunn accurately recalls with reference to the Secretum secretorum and to Vincent de Beauvais,the interpretive practice of physiognomymustnot be based on onlyone sign, rather it must be tackled via the studyofthe set: “It is exces- sively clear,from this array of features,thatwemust respect the prime injunction of the physiognomist,tojudge as awhole, and not by one sign alone” (1970:86). Furthermore, Agrimi observes, the proper judgmentdepends on the combination and hierarchyofthe bodilysigns:

La natura dell’uomo va colta ericostruita attraverso la mediazione di una pluralità di segni di valorediverso, di correlazioni particolari, che non hanno più la proprietà di automani- festarsi.⁴³

[The natureofmankind is to be understood and reconstructed through the mediation of a plurality of signs with different value, particular correlations which have no longer the power to manifest themselves.]

As is plainlyseen, no clear interpretation is to be gleaned from all this information. One might think that,byway of compilingbodily signs,often contradictory, Juan Ruiz wanted to draw attention to the questionable heuristic value of this semiotic practice and the problem of legibility of the human bodyand of the world.

 Förster (1893, I, 31).  Agrimi (2001,119). Works cited 95

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La Lozana Andaluza and La pícaraJustina offer models of conduct in situations of crisis. These works particularlylend themselvestoanalysing how literary characters find alternative solutions thanks to theiringenuity.And it is especially noteworthythat they are women characterised by their sharp insight,the gift of the word, and aseries of heterogeneous competences to which Iwant to payparticular attention. The authors of bothtexts – Francisco Delicado and Francisco López de Úbeda –¹ have medical education and (especiallythe former) can be circumscribed to an attitude typicalofthe so-called medicalhumanism. This mayexplain the interest and the ironic vision of aseries of practicesrelated to medicine,natural philosophy, and the divination arts. a) The Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza (1528), and Knowledge

The Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza [Portrait of Lozana: TheLusty Andalusian Woman], published anonymouslyaround 1528inVenice, is not apicaresque novel but rather agenericallyhybrid work thatrelates as much to the so-called celestinesque as it does to the femininepicaresque.² Thisdialogued novel, if we wish to call it that,tells the life journey of abeautiful and intelligent woman³

 Regarding the authorship of the text,see the introduction of the recent edition by MañeroLo- zano (2012,30–53), with the state of the arts updated. Iwill not enterinto this debatehere, but duetothe results of my analysis,Isupport the choiceofadoctor as the author of the text.  See my introductiontothe edition of La Lozana Andaluza (2013,LXVIII). Iwill quotefromthis edition, citing the chapter and pagebetween parentheses and fromthe English translation of Damiani (1987).  The references to the intelligenceofthe protagonist arenumerous: “Muncho más sabía la Lo- zana que no mostraba, yviendo yo en ella munchas veces manera ysaber que bastaba para cazar sin red, yenfrenar aquien muncho pensaba saber,sacabaloque podía, […]” (Argumento, 10) [And this tale will show that Lozanaknew agreat deal morethan she revealed. Icould see that she had the guile to hunt without atrapand to stop those whothoughtthemselveswise in their tracks, and Itookwhat Icould for my account …,Damiani 1987, 5]; “La señora Lozana fue natural compatriota de Séneca, ynomenos en su inteligencia yresaber,lacual desde su niñez tuvoingenio ymemoria yvivez grande” (I, 13) [Lozana was acompatriot of Seneca, and she was no less wise and intelligent than he. Beginninginher childhood, she had asharp wit,enormous memory and areadymind, Damiani 1987, 6] and “[…]ycomo veían que alaseñora Aldonza no le faltaba nada, que sin maestrotenía ingenio ysaber,ynotaba las cosas mínimas por saber y entender las grandes yarduas,holgaban de versuelocuencia; yatodos sobrepujaba, de modo

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-008 a) The Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza (1528), and Knowledge 101 who, after having travelled with her first husband, an Italian merchant,across the Mediterranean, finds herself alone and without means in Rome.⁴ However, she is perfectlyconscious of the advantagethat her knowledge affords her – she says: “Yo sé muncho; si agoranomeayudo en que sepan todos mi saber, seráninguno”⁵ [I know agreat deal; if Idon’tfurther my cause by lettingevery- one know of my wisdom. it will all go for nothing]; and elsewhereshe observes: “Mirá, vuestro saber no vale si no lo mostráis que lo sepa otrie”⁶ [Look, your knowledge has no value if youdon’tshow it off so thatsomeone else knows about it,too]. To make others realise that youknow – this is her strategy of self-promotion, which she continues to perfect and develop, even transforming it into aparodyofAristotelianism:

Señor Salomón, sabéque cuatro cosas no valennada, si no son participadas ocomunica- das amenudo:elplacer,yel saber,yel dinero, yelcoñodelamujer, el cual no debe estar vacuo, según la filosofía natural.⁷

[Sir Solomon, youshould know that four things areworthless if they aren’tshared or com- municated right away:pleasure, knowledge,money,and awoman’scunt which shouldn’t be unoccupied, according to natural philosophy.]

The self fashioning of Lozana does not consist onlyinsharing her knowledge and making it public, but also in attaining the distinction of being considered the best and wisest in her field: “Así que, si tengo de hacer este oficio, quiero que se digaque no fue otraque mejor lo hiciese queyo. ¿Qué vale aninguno lo que sabe si no lo procurasaber yhacer mejor que otrie?”⁸ [And if this work is to be my lot,lwant it said that no other woman did it better than I. What

que ya no habíaotra en aquellas partes que en más fuese tenida, yera dicho entretodos de su lozanía, ansí en la caracomoentodos sus miembros” (IIII, 20)[His guests could all see that Aldonza wanted for nothing, and that without ateacher her wit and wisdom separated the wheat and the chaff and probed human knowledge deeply, and they loved to hear her speak. Aldonza surpassed them all, and no woman could be found in that land whowas held in greater esteem. And the elegance of her face and bodywas the subject of conversation with everyone, Damiani 1987, 13].  “Andar,siempreoídecir que en las adversidades se conocenlas personas fuertes. ¿Qué tengo de hacer?Haré cara, ymostraré que tengoánimo para saberme valer en el tiempo adverso” (De- licado, La Lozana Andaluza XL, 2013,204) [Well, at least I’ve always hearditsaid that in hard times strong-willed persons cometothe fore. What should Ido? I’ll stand my ground and show them that Ihavewhatittakes to put them in their place, Damiani 1987, 179].  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza V(2013,25), translation Damiani (1987, 16).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza LXI (2013,304), translation Damiani (1987, 260).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza LXI (2013,304–305), translation Damiani (1987, 260).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza LXI (2013,212),translationDamiani (1987, 184). 102 The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue good is it to have knowledge if youdon’tput it to worthwhile use?]. To obtain this consideration, it is necessary to simulate the wayLozana teaches her husband and her son, Rampín, saying:

¡Mirá qué gana tenéis de saber yaprender! ¿Cómo no miraríades comohagoyo?,que estas cosas quierengracia ylamelecina ha de estar en la lengua, yaunque no sepáis nada, ha- béis de fingir que sabéis yconocéis paraque ganéis algo,comohagoyo, que en decir que Avicena fue de mi tierra, dan crédito amis melecinas.⁹

[Now look here!What youneed is the urge tolearn about my work. Whydon’tyou watch me? These things requireskill. and the best medicine youhaveisaclever tongue. Even if youdon’tknow athingabout what you’re doing, youmust appear wise, so that you ‘ll be paid for your effort.That’swhatIalways do. When Itell them that Avicenna was from my native country,that givesthem confidenceinthe medicineIprescribe.]

This quotation is relevant for more than one reason, and it interests me in relation to the problematic wisdoms of the protagonist. Speaking with the author of her portrait,Lozana demonstrates her extremelydiverse competences,¹⁰ which allow her to make aliving:

Yo sé ensalmar yencomendar ysantiguar cuando alguno está aojado, que una vieja me vezó, que era saludadera ybuena como yo.Séquitar ahitos, sé para lombrices,¹¹ sé encantar la terciana, sé remedio paralacuartana ypara el mal de la madre. Sé cortar frenillos de bobos ynobobos,séhacerque no duelanlos riñones ysanar las renesysé ensolversue- ños,séconocer en la frente la fisionomíayla quiromancia en la mano, yprenosticar.¹²

[I know how to curebyspells and by makingthe sign of the cross over someone whohas been bewitched by the evil eye, for an old cronewho was as good apractitioner as Iam now taught me. Iknow how to cure acuteindigestion; Ican cure worms;Iknow how to charm tertiary fevers away;Ihaveremedies for quartan fever and for ills peculiar to mothers; Iknow how to curetongue-tied fools and less than fools as well; Iknow how to restore kidneysand takeawaytheir pain; Ican treat disease of both men and women; Iknow how

 Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XXVI (2013,134–137), translation Damiani (1987, 119).  Regarding the feminine competences in La Lozana Andaluza,see Fourquet-Reed (2004,105): “Delicado intenta mostrar la personalidad ypsicología de la Lozana como personaje fuerte,con características que se identifican más con el masculino que con el femenino ylohacesiguiendo un patróndefinido de acuerdo con los conceptos del carácter de la época basada en la teoríade los humores hipocráticos” [Delicado tries to show the personality and psychology of Lozana as a strong character,with traits that aremoreidentifiable with the masculine than with the feminine, and he does so by followingaset pattern in accordancewith concepts of personality of that time, based on the theory of Hippocratic humours].  Forthe curingofworms in literature, see Valvassori (2006).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XLII(2013,215), translation Damiani (1987, 187–188). a) The Retrato de la Lozana Andaluza (1528), and Knowledge 103

to cure deafness.and Ican interpretdreams;Iknow how to readthe bumps on aforehead and the palm of ahand and predict the futureaswell.]

In this list is amix of knowledgesofvarious natures – magic, medical and divinatory – as first are the different remedies against the evil eye, which wereused by healers, very often women, but which werealso worthyofacertain scientific interest,asisconfirmed in some Renaissance medical treatisesonthe topic published by Jacobo Sanz Hermida (2001). This is followed by an enumeration of dis- eases and ailments – indigestion, the ailment of parasites in the intestine, the different types of fever,and pains of the womb and of the kidneys – that Lozana can cure, in addition to handling circumcision. It is fitting thatshe usesthe word “encantar” [tobewitch] when speaking of her therapy against tertiary fever.To this point,Delicado presents us with afemale healer who claims to have knowledge spread through popular cultureand evokes an imaginary construct similar to that of the Celestina. The second woodcut of the onlyknown edition of La Lo- zana Andaluza showsthe protagonist surrounded by people in aroom evocative of the famous ‘laboratorio de Celestina’ [laboratory of Celestina].Like her famous forbearer,Lozana is characterised throughout her depiction by aseries of typicallycelestinesque arts, like the production of all sorts of cosmetics,the ability to “hacer virgos” (restore virginity), and rhetoric¹³ as the indispensable art of the intermediary.But thereismore: Irecall that, from the title of his portrait,Delicado claims to have emulated the Tragicomedia (“el cual retrato de- muestraloque en Roma pasaba, ycontiene munchas más cosas que la Celestina” [showing what happened in Rome and containing agreat deal more than La Ce- lestina]). As for the characters,one perceivesthe emulation of said model through an entire series of faculties that distinguish the protagonist and are the aforementioned divinationarts. These are primarilythe interpretation of dreams (“ensolversueños”),¹⁴ then physiognomy, and more preciselymetopo- scopy,that is to say, the art of divining the future via the lines of the forehead (“sé conocer en la frentelafisionomía” [I know how to recognise physiognomy in the forehead]), chiromancy, and predictive astrology (“prenosticar” [prognos- ticate]).¹⁵ Lozana shares this kind of knowledge with the comare [go-between] of Pietro Aretino, the intermediary who shows, in the lastofthe dialogues of the Sei gior-

 Regarding rhetoric in the Lozana,see the chapter “Elocuencia ypapelpúblico” [Eloquence and the public role] in Fourquet-Reed (2004,115–128).  Forthis interpretive practiceinLa Lozana Andaluza,Irefer to the studies of Acebrón Ruiz (1994), Joset (1995) and Vila (2001,61–68).  See Gernert (2013). 104 The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue nate,her art to the Balia [wet-nurse]. After speaking about auguries, the comare presents apanorama of her wisdom, which sounds familiar to us; she says:

Faccioancoprofessione di dar la ventura con altrogarbo che non hanno izingani nel guar- darti la palma de la mano;eche ladri pronostichi che io faccionel conosceredelefiloso- mie; enon si trova male che io non guarisca econ parole econ ricette,nésìtostomidice altrui “Io ho il tal male”,che io gli do il cotal rimedio:esanta Pollonia non ha tanti boti attaccati ai piedi, quantehotalvolta io richiesteper il duol dei denti.¹⁶

[I am also aprofessional of foreseeingthe good venturemorepolitelythan the gypsies do by lookinginthe palm of your hand; and Imakesuch wonderful predictions by knowing somebody’sphysiognomy; and there is no illness Icannot cureeither with words or with recipes. And if somebodytellsme: “Isuffer from this illness” Iimmediatelygivehim some kind of remedy. And Saint Apollonia does not have as manyvotes stuck to her feet as Ihaverequests to cureatoothache.]

It is noteworthythat it is women, and moreover socially marginalised women, who are the bearers of this kind of wisdom,which is beyond the reach of classic male picaresque figures such as Lazarillo, Guzmán or Pablos de Segovia. Onlyin the following centurydothere appear dramatic characters who are in possession of this type of knowledge.¹⁷ Henceforth, Iwish to focus on another picaresque woman who uses her (occult) knowledge to overcome problematic situations. b) The Competences of La PícaraJustina (1605) by López de Úbeda

Ensuing the massive success of the Guzman de Alfarache,the Libro de entreteni- miento de la pícaraJustina [Book of EntertainmentofJustine the Rogue]ispub- lished in 1605 in Medina del Campo. It involves avery complex text,and one difficult to read, in which the autobiographism of the picaresque genre is – accordingtoFrancisco Rico (1970 [1982], 118) – an “absurdo postizo” [absurdfa- çade] and Justine herself a “figuradeincoherencia casi escandalosa” (1982 [1970], 119) [figureofalmost scandalousincoherence]. In fact,the voice of the narrator gets confused with that of its creator,and as aresultwehaveneither the sortofself-consciousness of character-narrator thatdistinguishesGuzmán, nor the type of reflections about her own wayofbeing and her cultural capital as we find in the dialogue in Lozana. The importance of Justine’spicaresque knowledge is underlined in the redondillas con su estribo [quatrains with their

 Aretino, Sei giornate II, 3(1969[1975], 297).  See Magnaghi (2014) for the occult knowledge of studentsinLope. b) The Competences of La PícaraJustina (1605) by López de Úbeda 105 refrain] at the beginning of the second chapter of the first book,with an alchem- istic metaphor:

Mas,¿cuál seráJustina, cuál su ciencia, que es de tantos enredos quinta esencia?¹⁸

[Also, what will Justine be, what her science, which, tangled so, is fifth essence?].

Idonot want to speak of Justine’sjibes, tricks, and hoaxes; instead Iwant to centre on hermetic knowledgesthat she shares with Lozana.¹⁹ The references to the divination arts in La pícaraJustina are constant.Inthe self-portrait that Justine sends to GuzmándeAlfarache, she is characterised as “adevinadora”²⁰ [a diviner], and in the famous metafictional discourse that she directs to her pen she says:

Así que, de haberse atravesado este pelo, ydeloque yo alcanzo, por la judiciaria picaral, colijo para conmigoque mi pluma ha tomado lengua, aunque de borra, para hablarme.²¹

[And so, havingrun it throughthis hair,and as far as Ican surmise throughpicaresque divination, Ideducethat my pen has acquiredatongue, albeit that of alamb, to speak to me.]

Elsewhereshe considers the fact of having stained her skirt as being a “mal pronóstico”²² [bad omen]. There are alsoabundant references to astrology²³,to

 López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina I, 2(2012,310). Iwill quotethis work fromthe edition of MañeroLozano.  In his lettertoJustine, the astuteMarcos MéndezPavón mentionsthe “buena filosofía natural – la cual vossabéis ya muy bien, atento que profesáis mucho los movimientos sentibles de que ella trata –” (López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina II, ii, 3, 2012,640) [good natural philosophy – which youknow very well, Iposit that youfollow closelythe sensitive movements of which it speaks –].  López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina Preliminares (2012,193); elsewhere it says: “Ya pensará alguno que soy agorera,ytengo tantodeeso como de ermitaña” (Preliminares,2012,251) [Some will think that Iamasoothsayer, and Iamasmuch that as Iamahermit].  López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina Preliminares (2012,201).  Preliminares,230;see also “–Moza, abre esas ventanas,que, según me yervedeconcetos esta cholla, no haypapel en casa de Anica la papelera, ni tinta en los tinteros,para comenzar adiscantar los alegres pronósticos que me anuncia paraeneste caso la culebrilla, cuyotemor he rendido conlamemoria de lo que tengodeescribir aeste propósito” (Preliminares,252) [Girl, 106 The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue the planetary children²⁴ and – of greatest interest to me – to physiognomy²⁵.I want to mention afew episodesinwhich Justine deciphers the bodily signs of other characters:Describing the “primer pretendiente mío” [myfirst suitor], she interprets his “cabeza chica, que parecía porradellaves” (IV,1,909) [small head, which seemed like aclub of keys] as a “señal de pocoseso” [sign of little brains]. This easy analogybetween the size of the head and one’sintel- lectualcapacity can be found in afew physiognomic manuals,asfor example in the Liber phisonomie by Michael Scott,which was translated into Spanish at the end of the fifteenth century:inthe Capítulo IX.Delos señales de la complexión del celebro [Chapter IX: On the signs of the complexion of the brain], it says: “La cabeça pequeñanaturalmente tiene pequeñocerebro” [The small headnaturally has asmall brain]. In the section dedicatedtothe meaning of the different types of heads, we read: open those windows,because, as this shack has me boilingoverwith ideas, thereisnopaper in the house of Anica the paper-maker, nor ink in the inkwells,tobegin to spill forth the happy predictions announced to me in this case for the little serpent,the fear of whom Ihaverelin- quished with the memory of what Ihavetowritetothis end].  See, e.g.,I,1,269 (“Nació Justina Díez, la pícara, el año de las nacidas,que fue bisesto, alos seis de agosto,enelsigno Virgo, alas seis de la boballa”[Justina Díez, the trickster,was born the year of those born, which was aleap year,the 6th of August,inthe sign of Virgo,atsix in the afternoon]) and I, 1, 286(“¿Y para eso pone en cabeza de mayorazgoque nació en el signoVirgo, olvidándoseque aquella horahubo eclipsi entreVirgo yCapricornio, yquedó Virgo de lodo?”) [And is that whyitisput on the head of the first-born, born under the signofVirgo,forgetting that at that hour therewas an eclipse between Virgoand Capricorn, and Virgowas left to dust?].  See the Plática de Pero Grullo: “La circunstancia del tiempo, si queréis mirarlo, me da aen- tender que, pues nació debajodel amparodelaestrella de Venus,mehadeser propicio el dios de amor,suhijo, yelalba de mi Justina” (II, i, 2, 505) [The circumstanceoftime, if youwant to look at it,leads me to understand that,she was born under the refuge of the star of Venus,who must be the propitious godoflove, his son, and the dawn of my Justina].  In this context,Iam not interested in the descriptions of characters based on physiognomic knowledge,asfor example the portrait of the protagonist at the beginning of the “Prólogosu- mario de ambos los tomos de La PícaraJustina” [Summary PrologueofBoth Volumes of La Pí- caraJustina]: “Justina fue mujer de raro ingenio, feliz memoria, amorosa yrisueña,debuen cuerpo, talle ybrío; ojos zarcos,pelinegra, nariz aguileña ycolormoreno” (Preliminares,188) [Justina was awoman of rare wit,good memory,lovingand smiling, of healthybody, size, and energy;light blue eyes, raven-haired, sharp-nosed and brown-skinned]. MañeroLozano mentions in the annotation of his edition to the Discurso de los tufos (1639,56) by Bartolomé Jiménez Patón(“es bien que advirtamos que Aristóteles en su Fisonomía dize que el cabello negro es señal de buen entendimiento” [we do well to advise that Aristotle, in his Physiognomy, says that black hair is asign of good understanding]) in order to explain the significanceofhair colour.Unresolvedisthe matter of checkingthe prosopography of the text with the physiognomic manualsbeingused in the time of López de Úbeda, whoprobablyconsulted the edition of the pseudo-Aristotelianworkoffellow doctor Andrés Laguna. b) The Competences of La PícaraJustina (1605) by López de Úbeda 107

La cabeça pequeña, que tiene la garganta delgada yluenga, significa hombremuy flaco, indiscreto,depocomantenimiento, doctrinable ynobien afortunado.²⁶

[The small head, havingalong,thin throat,denotes avery feeble man, indiscrete,unmain- tained, impressionable and not very fortunate.]

In La pícaraJustina,the relationship with physiognomic discourse is made more evident in the depiction of her husband:

Era algo calvo,señal de desamorado; ojos chicos yperspicaces, señal de ingenioso, alegre ysobrino de Venus;nariz afilada, que es de prudentes;boca chica con frente rayada, que es indicio de imaginativos; cortodecuello, que es señal de miserables; espalda ancha, de va- liente; hollábase bien, más de punta que de talón, que es señal de celoso;noteníauncor- nado, señal de pícaroyefeto de pobre.²⁷

[He was somewhat bald, asign of coldheartedness;small, shrewd eyes, asignofclever- ness, happy,and anephew of Venus;asharp nose, which the prudenthave; asmall mouth and lined forehead, which is an indicator of beingimaginative;short-necked, which is asignofbeingmiserable; wide back, signifying strength; he had afirm step, with toe morethan with heel, which is asignofjealousy;hedid not have afarthing, the signofarogueand the consequenceofbeingpoor.]

It is not easy to identify the specific manualtowhich atext refers when relating the physical appearance of acharacter with theirpersonality.One could think of the Libro de phisonomianatural, yvarios secretos de naturaleza by Jerónimo Cortés,which was first published in 1598, in Madrid and in Valencia simulta- neously,and which enjoyed great success.²⁸ Icite, in the Valenciaedition of 1598, what this manualconfirms with regard to some of the physical features mentioned and interpreted by Justine:

Losque tienen los ojos muy pequeños yredondos acostumbran ser flacos de complisión y de ingenio, simples,vergonzosos yfáciles en el creer,pero liberales, aunque de áspera y contraria fortuna.²⁹

[Those that have very small, roundeyestend to be thin in both, complexion and wit,sim- ple, shyand gullible, but generous,though of bitterand adverse fortune.]

os que tienen la boca pequeña, son pacíficos,modestos, leales, secretos,medrosos,templa- dos yvergonzosos.³⁰

 See the edition by Sánchez González de Herrero &Vázquez de Benito(2009,w/o pages).  López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina IV,1(2012,947– 948).  Amaranta Saguar published acritical edition in electronic format: http://hispanistik.uni- trier.de/v-machine/JeronimoCortes/FisonomiaNatural.xml (7 March 2019).  Cortés (1598, IV,12).  Cortés (1598, VI, 16). 108 The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue

[Those that have asmall mouth arepeaceful, modest,loyal, secretive,timid, mild-tempered and shy.]

Losque tienen el cuello cortoson astutos,avarientos ysecretos,son constantes, airados y discretos; suelen ser también ingeniosos yamadores de la paz yquietud.³¹

[Those that have short necks are sly, greedyand secretive,they aretenacious,irritable and cautious;they also tend to be witty,and lovers of peace and calm.]

Losque tienen las espaldas anchas yrecias son fuertes, de mucho trabajo ysufrimiento; suelen ser avaros, leales yamigos de paz yquietud.³²

[Those that have wide, sturdy backs arestrong frommuch toil and suffering; they tend to be miserly, loyal, and friends to peace and calm.]

As we can easilyappreciate, the details do not agree, but the discursive structure and order of enumeration certainlydo. It clearlydoes not deal with making ase- rious inventoryofthese forms of knowledge,but it is rather aplayful textualization.³³ The burlesque treatment of the art of readingbodilysigns is more than obvious in the description of the ugliness of the innkeeper Sancha,³⁴ which the au-

 Cortés (1598, XVI, 24).  Cortés (1598, XVII, 24).  See also the conceptist referencetothe readingofbodilysigns in the description of ascholar whoplays with Genesis 4, 15: “Yquiso su ventura que, en aquel breveratoque me hizo la salu- tación, le eché de veruna señal, yaun señales,por donde no le podían desconocer, que estos bellacones son los Caínes del mundo, que andan vagamundos ytraen señal para que todos les conozcan ynadie les mate, porque quiereDios que no tengan tan honrados verdugos como manos de hombres, sino que sus pecados lo sean. Las señales que en el rostrotenía, eran dos juanetes, que podían ser hijos del PresteJuan – que yo supongo que los hijos del Preste Juan se llaman PresteJuanetes –” (López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina II, ii, 1, 569) [And his fortune willed that,inthat brief moment in which he greeted me, Isaw asign from him, and more signs, whereby he could not be disregarded, that these rogues arethe Cains of the world, who walk as vagabonds and aremarked so that all should know them and no one kill them, for God desiresthat they have not such honourable executioners as the hands of men, but that it be their sins.The signs he had in the face weretwo bunions that could be sons of the priest John – because Isuppose that the son of priest John is called priest Bunions (Noteofthe translator: Word- playbased on the homonymyofSpanish juanete that means bunion and is as wellthe dimin- utive form of the name Juan or John in English)].  “Nariz roma, que parecía al gigante negro. Loslabios comodebrocal de pozo,gruesos yraí- dos,como con señal de sogas. Losojos chicos de yema ygrandes de clara. Gran escopidora, que, si comenzabaaarrancar,arrancaba los sesos desleídos en forma de gargajos. Tenía dos lunares en las dos mejillas,tan grandes, que entendí eran botargas untadas con tinta” (López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina II, iii, 2, 758 – 759) [Snub nose, which looked likethe black giant.Lips like the parapet of awell, thick and worn,aswith the look of rope. The eyes had small irises and large b) The CompetencesofLa PícaraJustina (1605) by López de Úbeda 109 thor correlates to her personality: “Parecía ella, por cierto, en la sodomíadel ros- tro, no muy avisada, aunque parasucuento nada boba ymenos descuidada”³⁵ [She seemed, incidentally, from the sodomy of her face, abit indiscrete, though in her way, not at all stupid or careless]. The term ‘sodomy’ is, as offered in evidence by Julio Alonso yPuyol, the first modern editor of the text,a“disparate puesto de intentopor fisonomía” (1912,III, 239)³⁶ [a nonsense wordused instead of physiognomy]. The incoherence of the narrative voice allows us to interpret this joke in different ways,ifitisn’tamatter of asimple error:itcould be that the author is laughingsomuch at the expense of his character thathegets confused upon using highbrow terms. This would be further evidence of the misog- ynisticqualityattributed to the work in criticism.³⁷ But it could also be that López de Úbeda, using the name of apunishable sexual practice,wanted to de- mean, in mockingfashion, physiognomyand its scientificvalidity. One could think, as much with La Lozana andaluza as with La pícaraJustina,that the fact thatthese bearers of hermetic knowledge are marginalisedwomen would discredit this kind of knowledge,whose status changes in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.Lack of space does not allow me to go into this

whites.She spit agreat deal, which, when she started up, she would cough out her dissolved brains in the form of phlegm. She had twomoles on both cheeks that weresobig,Ithought they werefish roe spread over with dye]. See the last chapterofthe physiognomic section of the book by Cortés(1598): Capítulo último.Delacorrespondencia que tienen las pecas olunares del rostrocon las demás partes del cuerpo [Final chapter.Onthe correspondence between freckles or moles of the face and other parts of the body]for the significanceofmoles,which in La pícara Justina are considered, even in amockingway,divine inscriptionsonthe human body: “– ¡Hola Araujo!Nomehinchas las narices, que por esta señal que Dios aquí me puso (y eraunlunar), y por aquella luz que salió por boca del ángele, ypor el pan, que es cara de Dios, que esa tu cara te sarje” (López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina II, iii, 2, 772) [Hello, Araujo!You do not bother me, as by this signgiven to me by God (and it was amole), and by that light which emanated from the mouth of the angel, and through bread, which is the face of God, whoshould carvethat face of yours].  López de Úbeda, La pícaraJustina II, iii, 2(2012, 759).  Unlike other moderneditors – Rey Hazas (1977,553)orTorres (2010,640) – MañeroLozano (2012,759,note 11) recovers the explanation by Alonso and Puyol aptlynoting: “sodomía: léase ‘fisonomía’” [sodomy: read ‘physiognomy’]. Letitbementioned in passingthat the contemporary Frenchtranslation renounces this playonwords: “Lesanneaux de ses mains estoient des verues aussi grosses que des pruneaux; elle avoit le nez camus commeune more, les lèvres grosses, noires, fendues et renversées,les yeux éraillez et chassieux et si grande cracheuse que quand elle commençoit àarracher ses crachats de leur racine, elle tiroit sa cervelle délayéeen flegmes.Bref, par la spéculativeetcontemplative de sa mine, on jugeoit qu’elle n’estoit pas des plusmadrées du monde, combien que pour son conteetpour son profit, elle ne fust point sotte” (1636,458–459).  See, among others,Rey Hazas (2009). 110 The Problematic Competences of the Female Rogue in more detail, and so Iwould like to finish with another thought that redirects us to the topic of crisis. It is logical, in timesofgeneral insecurity,thatthere be an increase in concern among human beingstofind out the future³⁸ and relyon all manner of quackery.Lozana and Justina, who are no strangers to things human, takeadvantage of this credulity among their fellow people in order to come out ahead and conquer their own life crisis. Idonot venture to compare them with today’scredit ratingagencies, which seek to decipher infallible signs scientifically… discretion is the better part of valour.

Workscited

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Aretino, Pietro, Sei giornate. Ed.Giovanni Aquilecchia. Bari: Laterza,1969 (Reprint Roma-Bari 1975). Cortés,Jerónimo. Librodephisonomia natural, yvarios secretos de naturaleza: el qual contiene cinco tratados de materias diferentes, no menos curiosas que provechosas. Madrid: Pedro Madrigal, 1598. Cortés,Jerónimo. Librodephisonomia natural, yvarios secretos de naturaleza: el qual contiene cinco tratados de materias diferentes, no menos curiosas que provechosas. Valencia: Chrysostomo Garriz, 1598. Delicado, Francisco. La Lozana Andaluza. Ed. Jacques Joset and FolkeGernert. Madrid: Real Academia Española, 2013. Delicado, Francisco. Portrait of Lozana, the lusty AndalusianWoman. Trans. Bruno M. Damiani. Potomac: Scripta Humanistica, 1987. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La narquoise Justine: lecturepleinederécréatives aventures et de morales railleries contreplusieurs conditions humaines. Paris: P. Bilaine, 1636. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La pícaraJustina. 3vol.Ed. Julio Puyol yAlonso. Madrid: Sociedad de Bibliófilos Madrileños, 1912. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La pícaraJustina. 2vol.Ed. Antonio ReyHazas. Madrid: Editora Nacional, 1977. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La PícaraJustina. Ed.Bruno M. Damiani. Madrid: Porrúa Turanzas,1982. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La pícaraJustina. Ed.Luc Torres. Madrid: Castalia, 2010. López de Úbeda, Francisco. La pícaraJustina. Ed.David MañeroLozano. Madrid: Cátedra, 2012. Sánchez González de Herrero, María de las Nieves, and María de la Concepción Vázquez de Benito (ed.). “Tratado de fisonomía. Tratado de la forma de la generación de la criatura.” Repositorio documental en línea DHMMC: Artículos del Departamento de Historia Medieval, Moderna yContemporánea de la Universidad de Salamanca,2009. http:// hdl.handle.net/10366/21662 (7 October 2016).

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When ason is borntoKingAlcaraz, five astrologers develop ahoroscope and foretell five different ways in which he willdie violently: stoned, burnt,thrown from acliff, hanged, and drowned. As is well known, the prince dies in such an outlandish waythat the five predictions turn out to be true (Libro de buen amor 130 –138).¹ The story is introduced with areflection that insists on the validity of astrology,citing the authority of Ptolemyand Plato:

Losantiguos astrólogosdisen en la sçiençia de la astrologíauna buena sabiençia, qu’el omen quando nasçeluegoensunasçençia el signoenque nasçe le jusganpor sentençia.

Esto dis’ Tholomeo, edíselo Platón, otros muchos maestros en este acuerdo son: quál es el asçendenteela costelaçión del que nasçe, tal es su fado et su don.²

[Those ancient wights whoread the stars and secret meanings saw, Maintain in their astrologies this universal law That planetso’er the livesofmen some occult influence draw Which fromthe cradle sweeps them on as current sweep astraw.

So Plato thought, and Ptolemyinother times afar While manylearned masters now of this opinion are; In truth, it seems when one is born beneath some risingstar That planet rules his life and will his fortunes makeormar.]

After demonstrating, by wayofthe exemplum of the son of KingAlcaraz, how a horoscope drawsaccurate conclusions about aperson’sfuture, the Archpriest re- futes astral determinism:

Yo creo los astrólogos verdad naturalmente; pero Dios que crió natura eacidente,

 Forpossible sourcesofthe story,see CastroGuisasola (1923), Crawford(1925), Knowlton(1973) and Lacarra (2006). As Ullmann duly observed, the episode unleashes a “first-person commentary on the validity of astrology” followed by “adiscussion of the influence of the stars on the libido” (1964,201).  Librodebuen amor 123–124, editedbyBlecua (1992, 41), comparealso the Joset edition (1990, 131–133). Translation by Kane (1933 [2005], 24).

puédelos demudar,etfaser otramente: segund la fe católica, yo d’esto só creyente.³

[Those mystic,starry characters,illegible and dim, Idobelievethe secrets hold of God, but since by Him The world was made, He,too, can wreck it,should He take the whim; All this is Catholic doctrine which Ihold with zealous vim.]

Divine omnipotenceisabovethe stars. God created the heavens and theirceles- tial bodies, and thereforethey maybeinterpreted as symbols of divine will, though the Creator reserved the right to intervene whenever he so wished.⁴ Thus man has the possibilityofattainingdivine protection against astral predetermination:

Ansí que por ayuno, elimosna, eoraçión, et por servir aDios conmucha contriçión non ha poder mal signo nin su costelaçión. El poderío de Dios tuelle la tribulación.⁵

[Wherefore, by prayers and continenceorpassingupameal Or dolingbeggars pennies with ashrewd,stensivezeal, Aman can somehow dislocatestupendousheaven’swheel– Forwhat’sastar or twotoGod when man begins to squeal?]

Without it being mentioned explicitly, the Archpriest introduces the concept of free will.⁶ Even though the narrator tells us that he lacks astrological knowledge (“Non sé astrología, nin só ende maestro, /nin sé astrolabio más que bueyde cabestro”⁷ [In astrologic lore Iamnomaster nor astute /Icannot read an astrol- abe much better thanabrute]), we must not believethat this has anymerit for

 Librodebuen amor 140(1992, 45), compare also (1990,137). Translation by Kane (1933 [2005], 29).  “Bien ansí nuestroseñor Dios, quando el çielo crió, /puso en él sus signos, et planetas orde- nó, /sus poderíos çiertos et juisios otorgó,/pero mayorpoder retuvo en sí que les non dio” [So when our busy Lordengaged in stellar occupations /Hefiguredout the movements of the separate constellations /And made each planet playits part in anthropoid relations /But made it clear He’dinterferewith unjust operations], Librodebuen amor 148(1992, 46), comparealso (1990,139). TranslationbyKane (1933 [2005], 30).  Librodebuen amor 149(1992, 46), comparealso (1990,139). TranslationbyKane (1933 [2005], 31).  See Zahareas (1965a), Álvarez (1982) and Haywood(2008, 38–47).  Librodebuen amor 151 (1992, 47), comparealso (1990,139). Translation by Kane (1933 [2005], 31). 114 Predictive Astrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza the author.⁸ As Ipointed out elsewhere, having been born ‘in Venus’,⁹ is more than amere justification of his loveofwomen, areference to the concept of planetary children, atheory on the relationship of the outside appearance and the nature of aperson with the dominant planet at the moment of his or her birth.¹⁰ In the Libro de buen amor,the reach of predictive astrology in part becomes problematic from theological approaches to divine omnipotenceand freewill, while on the other hand,itisastral determinism that structures not onlythe story of KingAlcaraz, but also the work on the macrostructural plane: The Arch- priest,while ason of Venus, acts throughout the book in accordance with this planetary predetermination. We have,therefore, an elaborate construct,and one so contradictory that – mutatis mutandis – it is reminiscent of the discussion on the epistemologicalbasesofastrology in La Lozana Andaluza. This work is filled with references to predictive astrology and otherwaysofknowing the future which requireahistorical contextualisation. In his fundamental history of astrology,Eugenio Garin calls into question platitudes around the development of the modern sciences in the Renaissance, highlighting the mix of scientific ideas as magical, hermetic, and mystical matters:

In other words, whileitisnecessary to eliminatethe idea that acomplete rupturetookplace between modernastronomyand medieval astrology during the Renaissance, it is most important to be awareofthe wide dissemination of astrological, magical and hermetic themes at the beginningofmodern cultureand their persistenceeverywhereinthe most varied forms,not onlyinthe imagesofart but also in the new scienceitself.¹¹

 López-Baralt (1985) and (2005) tackles the Archpriest’spossible knowledgeofArabic astrology.  “MuchosnaçenenVenus;que lo más de su vida /esamar las mugeres; nunca se les olvida; / trabajan et afanan mucho sin medida, /elos más non recabdan la cosa más querida. // En este signo atal creoque yo nasçí, /siempre puñé en servir dueñas que conoçí, /elbien que me fe- çieron,non lo desgradeçí, /amuchas serví mucho, que nada acabesçí” [Some men areborn in Venus’ signand all their days aspire/To makinglovetofemales,doingall that girls require;/ Forthem they fret and shame themselvesand set their souls afire/Though few therebewho gainthe goal they secretlydesire.//‘Twas under such asignIthink Imust have seen the light /Because Ilong for girls by dayand lust for them at night,/Yetthough Ine’er ungrateful was for favors how so slight,/And served ahost of ladies,ne’er Iseemed to come out right]. Librodebuen amor 152–153 (1992, 47), compare also (1990,138–139). Translation by Kane (1933 [2005], 31). See the interpretations by Ullmann (1964,204),VicenteGarcía (1999,340), Mal- donado (2008, 267) and Gernert (2016).  Concerningthe medievaltradition of the children of the planets,see Blume (2000).  Garin (1983, 6). Predictive Astrology: From King Alcaraz to La Lozana Andaluza 115

Accordingtothe Italian investigator,astrology is affected to acertain extent by this symbiosis of scientificand occultknowledge.Asaresult, the Renaissance controversy over the validityofastrology can be considered as an attempt to untangle this mixture of rational and irrational approaches:

In this sense, the Renaissancecontroversy about astrology is an exceptional historical ex- periment.Its events makeupthe difficultand fascinatingstory of alivelyhumanist inspiration, rich in moral force,and faith in reason,which tried to undo the impossible knot,in which werejoined irrational instances and memoriesofarchaic astral cults,dreamsand chimeras,and which together conflicted with the requirements of highscientific significance.¹²

Kucko vonStuckrad,inturn, situates the so-called Renaissance apogee of astrol- ogywithin aprocess of discursive reorganisation – the evolution of astrological science, which – accordingtoStuckrad – is symptomatic of the relationship between man and cosmos, individual and society,science and religion.¹³ Aldo Manuzio publishes, in 1499,animpressive volume with the title Astro- nomica,which unites astronomical and astrologicalknowledge¹⁴ of the ancients,

 Garin (1983, 14).  Kuckovon Stuckrad (2003,207– 208): “Dennochist die Rede vonder Blütezeit der Astrologie insofern berechtigt, als während der Renaissanceentscheidende VeränderungeninGesellschaft, Wissenschaft,Philosophie und Religion stattfanden,die in der europäischen Kulturgeschichte noch lange nachklingensollten. Man kann geradezu voneiner Neuformatierungdes Diskurses sprechen, in derenVerlauf das Verhältnis zwischen Mensch und Kosmos,Individuum und Ge- sellschaft sowie zwischen Wissenschaft und Religion neu bestimmt wurde. Diese Veränderun- genwaren die notwendigenVoraussetzungen für das, was wir ‘Neuzeit’ und ‘Moderne’ nennen. Deshalb nenne ich diese Zeit eine Drehtür zur Moderne. Für alle genannten Kulturbereiche bil- det die Astrologie einen zentralen Referenzpunkt […]”.[It is legitimatetospeak of an astrological apogee because during the Renaissance, decisive changeswereproduced in society,inthe sciences, in philosophy, and in religion, that would continue to echo for along time in the cultural history of Europe. One could even speak of areformattingofdiscourse, in whose development the relationship between man and the cosmos,between individual and society,and also between scienceand religion, was redefined. These changeswerethe necessary conditions for the arrivalofwhatwecall the ‘Modern Age’ or ‘Modernity’.For this reason, Icall this period arevolvingdoor to Modernity.Astrology constitutes acentral referencepoint for all aforementioned cultural fields …].  As Garin observes (1983, 14), therewas no great differentiation between both practices: “Pie- trod’Abano and Ibn Ezra, Pomponazzi and Galilei: as one can see, the line of demarcation that humanism tried to tracebetween astronomyasarigoroussciencecapableofmeasuringcelestial movements,and the astrology as the combination of aconception of the world, of astral cults and prophetic techniques was not onlyalways in danger, but it came to show the untenability of the assumption. Myth revealed itself to be inseparable from reality,rigorous sciencefromtrans- 116 PredictiveAstrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza like Marcus Manilius or Julius Firmicus Maternus,although without the conceptions of Ptolemy, whose works wereavailable in printed form since the 1480s.¹⁵ In spite of the reprobation of astrology written by the likes of Petrarch,¹⁶ Giovan FrancescoPico della Mirandola¹⁷ or Erasmus,¹⁸ Renaissance humanism does not always come across as reluctant or distrusting when confronted with this science.¹⁹ On the contrary,wecan observeprofound interestamong scholars in the divination of the future,something which makes Gerl-Falkovitz actually speak of an ‘eraofthe scientificallycalculated future’.²⁰ The proliferation of al- manacs,prognoses and predictions of every kind in the times of Francisco Deli- cado was such thatitgaverise to parodies of prophetic practices throughout Eu- rope,²¹ as much anonymouslyasbythe hand of authors likeJuan del Encina,²²

figurative fantasy,clear reasonfromturbid magic, religion fromsuperstition,and finallymath- ematical calculi from the mysticism of numbers”.  See the edition of the Quadripartitum or Tetrabiblos (Augsburg, ErhardRatdolt, 1484) and the edition of Almagestum (Venice,Peter Liechtenstein, 1515).For the reception of the ancient authors,see Ludwig (2005,16): “In seinem Interesseander antiken Literatur rezipierte er [der Hu- manismus,F.G.] intensivauch die astrologische Literatur der Antike, d.h. insbesondereMani- lius, Firmicus Maternus, Ps.-Ptolomaios’ Centum Sententiae und Ptolemaios,und er akzeptierte häufig auch die Aussagendieser Autoren. Obwohl die griechisch-arabische Astrolo- gie bereits im Mittelalter in Westeuropaeingedrungenwar,kannangenommen werden, daß die Astrologie in der frühen Neuzeit und der Gegenwart keine solche Bedeutungerlangthätte, wenn sie nicht in der Renaissancedurch Humanisten akzeptiert und so Teil der Überzeugung der ge- bildeten und vondaauch des Volkes geworden wäre”.[As aresult of his interest in ancient literature, he (Humanism, F.G.) paid agreat deal of attention to the astrological works of Antiquity, that is to sayparticularlytoManilius,Firmicus Maternus, TheCentumSententiae attributed to Ptolemy, and to Ptolemyhimself, acceptingvery often the theories of these authors.Although Greek and Arabic astrology penetrated Western Europe in medieval times, we might assume that astrology never could have gained such importance in earlymoderntimes and at present without the approbation of the humanists that permitted it to become part of the conviction of the eruditeand, later,ofnormal people as well].  See Bergdolt (2005).  The Disputationesadversus astrologiam divinatricem by Picodella Mirandola show how much commitment the humanist count gave to refuting astrologers’ theses,see the edition of Garin (1946), as wellasRemé (1934) and the collective volume edited by Bertozzi (2008).  Nesselrath (2005,293 – 308) compiles the Dutchman’sscattereddeclarations on astrology.  See also Garin (1983, XIV): “The discussion about astrology,which ragedwith such bitterness at the dawn of modern science, helps to put in focus the reciprocal relationship between visions of the world and researcheswhich arespecific and concrete, and, at the same time, the complex and ambiguous natureofthe very same astrological positions”.  Gerl-Falkovitz (1994,182).  Forthe European scope of the phenomenon as suspected by Chevalier (1992, 74), see Koop- mans (1997, 38–43), whopresents alarge corpusofFrench texts together with examples from other countries,not includingSpain. Predictive Astrology: From King Alcaraz to La Lozana Andaluza 117

Pietro Aretino²³ or François Rabelais,²⁴ whose Pantagrueline Prognostication pour l’an 1533 begins:

Ceste année les aveugles ne verront que bien peu, les sourdz oyront assez mal: les muetz ne parleront guières: les riches se porteront un peu mieulx que les pauvres, &les sains mieulx que les malades.²⁵

[This year the blind aregoingtosee very badly, and the deaf will not hear well; the dumb will hardly speak, the rich will farebetter than the poor and healthypersonsbetterthan the sick.]

La Lozana Andaluza is interspersed with episodes and observations from the mouths of the characters which reveal an ironic attitude similar to that of Rabe- lais or Aretino. In chapter XLII, Lozana explains to the author that “paraganar de comer,tengo de decir que sé muncho más que no sé, yafirmar la mentiracon ingenio por sacar la verdad”²⁶ [about earning enough to eat,Imust saythat know the subjectbetter thanmost,and Ihandle each lie with extreme care in order to bring forth the truth]. The supposed competences of which she makes use for this purpose are,aboveall, oneirocriticism, but also predictive astrology, as the protagonist herself tells us:

Mirá el prenósticoque hicecuando murió el emperador Maximiliano, que decían quién seráemperador.Dije: “Yo oí aquel loco que pasabadiciendo oliva de España, de España, de España”,que más de un año turó, que otra cosa no decían sino “de España, de España”. Yagora que ha un año que pareceque no se dice otrosino “carne, carne, carne salata”,yo digo que gran carnecería se ha de hacer en Roma.²⁷

[Look at the prediction Imade when Emperor Maximilian died. Others werewastingtheir time tryingtofigure out who the new emperor would be. Itold the tale of the madman who dashed by cryingout “To the glory of Spain! To the glory of Spain!” Formorethan ayear all they said was that he would come from Spain. But now for morethan ayear all youhear is “Bloodshed! Bloodshed!”,and Ican see clearlythat Rome will be turned into one gigantic butcher shop.]

 Forthe Juicio sacado por Juan del Encina de lo más cierto de la astrología,see García de En- terría and Hurtado Torres(1981)  The textwas editedbyLuzio (1900) and Romano (1989) and studied by Ageno (1961).  See Screech (1974), Koopmans (1997) and Le Cadet (2008). Forpredictions in France,from the Calendrier des Bergiers up to the sixteenth century,see Hüe(1983).  Rabelais, Pantagrueline Prognostication pour l’an 1533 (1974,11).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XLII(2013,217), translation Damiani (1982, 190).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XLII (2013,217), translation Damiani (1982, 190) and the study by Gernert (2013b, 49). 118 Predictive Astrology: From King Alcaraz to La Lozana Andaluza

The death of Maximilian IofHabsburgonthe 12th of January 1519,provoked an entire series of predictions about his possiblesuccessor.Amanuscript by the as- trologerJohannes Indagine still survives, in which the priest of Steinheim gath- ers detailed information about imperial elections after the triumph of Charles V. He tells,among manyother things, how the Archbishop of Mainz, one of the electoral princes, had insistedtohim on the 14th of February 1519,at11:34, that he tell him which of the three most promisingcandidates – Francis Iof France, Louis II of Hungary and Charles himself – would be the winner.Follow- ing adetailed description of the planetary constellations, Indagine drawsaser- ies of conclusions without ever once mentioning the name of the victor; he says that he is young and very handsome (“Hic quidem iuvenis, pulcher,humanus, affabilis,eloquens, in facie virgineus, planorum capillorum, pulchrorum oculo- rum” [He is assuredlyyoung,handsome,refined, affable, eloquent,with the face of avirgin, straight hair and beautiful eyes]) and that he comes “ ex orientalibus in regem” [from an oriental kingdom] on account of the dominance of the eastern planets of Mercury and Venus in housesIVand X.²⁸ Delicado mocks the use of this type of foresight. The signs from which Lozana drawsconclusions about the future are intentionallypetty:the announcement of Spanish olivesinthe market is interpreted arbitrarilyasanomenofthe election of the Spanish Emperor.In the same analogical way, the proclamation of ‘salted meat’ is interpreted as the bad omen of aparticularlybloodyand cruel event,which by these dates could onlybethe Sack of Rome. The references to this sacking of the Eternal City is one of the best-studied themes of La Lozana,²⁹ and for my purposes it is enough to remember an episode of chapter XV,inwhich Rampín and Lozana observeinCampo de’ Fioriaman who is preaching “cómo se tiene de perder Roma ydestruirse el año del XXVII, masdícelo burlando”³⁰ [about the loss and destruction of Rome in 1527, but he’smaking ajoke out of it]. As Niccoli cor- rectlyobserved, the practice of prophecyinthe times of Delicado was strictly linked with oral tradition:

La penetrazione di spunti profetici nella culturaenella religiosità delle classe subalterne cittadine avveniva inoltre anche per un altro tramite, anch’esso legato all’oralità. Nelle stesse piazze in cui icantambanchi declamavanostorie di catastrofi eprodigi svolgevano infatti la loropredicazione romiti eprofeti itineranti.³¹

 All quotations apud Herrmann (1934,281).  Regarding the prophecies of the destruction of Rome, see Niccoli (1987, 175 – 177) and, for allusions of aprophetic natureinLa Lozana,myprologue to the cited edition of the workofDe- licado (2013,LXXXVII–LXXXVIII).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XV (2013,71), translation Damiani (1982, 63).  Niccoli (1979,511). Predictive Astrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza 119

[The penetration of hints of prophetical thought in the cultureand the religiosity of the sub- altern classes in the cities happened furthermore by other means,linked as well to orality. In the same squares in which the ballad-singers presented their stories about catastrophes and prodigies,hermits and wanderingprophets delivered their sermons.]

These prophets,mentioned by the Italian scholar,also populate Rome as narrat- ed by Delicado, and the protagonist herself is one of them. The interpretation of wonders,asmuch as the forewarning of catastrophes, are represented in La Lozana. They are once again fleeting allusions that reveal the sceptical attitude of the author.Inchapter XXXI, Lozana says tersely: “yo me voyala judería ahablar aTrigo,por verlamula que parió, que cualque prenós- tico es parir una mula en casa de un cardenal”³² [I’mgoing to the Jewishquarter to see if Trigocan take me to see the mule that gave birth. That’sapowerful omen: amule giving birth in the homeofacardinal]. The interpretation of pro- digious and monstrous births as divine messages about the future is awide- spread practice in the timesofDelicado.³³ In this sense, in La Lozana andaluza asecond great flood,predicted for Feb- ruary of 1524, is mentioned in away that expresses an attitude of disbelief toward similar predictions:

Divicia.– ¡Por tu vida ymía, que yo lo [el trigo, F.G.]vihogaño echar en el río, ynosabía por qué! Lozana.– Porque lo guardaron para el diluvio, que habíadeser este año en que estamos, de mil equinientos yveinteycuatro, ynofue.³⁴

[DIVICIA. By your life and mine, Isaw it thrown into the riverjust this year,and Ididn’t know why!

 Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza XXXI (2013,160), translation Damiani (1982, 139).  As Niccoli observes, the “creaturamostruosa, viva oimbalsamata, viene mostrata non solo perché è ‘cosa spaventevole’, ‘cosa stupenda’, ‘prodigio’,maanche perché […]èun segno” (1987, 50) [monstrous creature, alive or embalmed, was exhibited not onlybecause it was a ‘terrifying thing’,a‘stupendous thing’ and a ‘marvel’,but also because … it was asign]. Also see Ludwig (2005,30): “Zu der vonGott erlaubtenPrognostik ausden Zeichen der Natur gehört auch das zu beobachtende Verhalten bestimmter Tiere und Pflanzen und schließlich noch die Teratoskopie, d.h. im Gegensatz zu der zuvorreflektierten Beobachtungder üblichen natürlichen Vorgänge die Beobachtungneuartiger, ungewöhnlicher und dem normalen Verlauf der Natur zuwiderlaufen- der Ereignisse, die vonGott oder dem Engeln oder den Teufeln mit Erlaubnis Gottes produziert werden”.[To the forms of divination, from the signsofnaturepermitted by God, teratoscopyalso belongs,that is to say … the observation of novel events,unusual and contrary to the normal course of things,which areproduced by God or by the angels,orbydevils with divine permission.] See the bibliography compiled in Gernert (2013a).  Delicado, La Lozana Andaluza LIIII (2013,266), translation Damiani (1982, 228). 120 PredictiveAstrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza

LOZANA. Because they kept it for the flood that was supposed to happen in this year,1524, but didn’t.]

The year 1524isoneofthe few precise temporalindications in the book, and Ido not believeittobeacoincidencethat Delicado has chosen this historical event, which can be characterised as the first media event at the European level.³⁵ The foresights based on the theory of planetary conjunctions dates backto the Arab astrologerAlbumasar of the ninth century.His work was translated into Latin in the twelfth century with the title of De magnis coniunctionibus et annorum revlutionibus aceorum profectionibus,and it was widespread; it was printed for the first time in Augsburgin1489³⁶ and from then on there werenu- merous editions, including one in Venice at the timesofFrancisco Delicado.³⁷ It was amuch-debated text in Humanist circles duringthe fourteenthand fifteenth centuries.³⁸ In his Disputationes adversusastrologiam divinatricem,Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (1463–1494) took it upon himself to refute the thesesofAlbuma- sar and those of his cohorts.³⁹ On the otherhand, the Humanist Lorenzo Buonin- contro(1410–ca.1491), close friend of Giovanni Pontanoand Marsilio Ficino, and specialist recognised in the work of the astrologerMarcus Manilius, studied it in his didactic poem De rebus naturalibusetdivinis.⁴⁰ Departing from the theory of planetary conjunctions and the calculations of planetary positions,JohannStöffler (1452– 1531) and Jakob Pflaum († ca. 1450) in

 See Fischer (1988, 195–196), Zambelli (1986), Stuckrad (2003,240), and Herrmann (2016, 115–116), as wellasthe database that compiles publications on the second great flood: http://www.biblioastrology.com/it/Indici.aspx?Tipo=secondoDiluvio(18 May2017).  See Heitzmann (2008, 24–25).  Introductorium in astronomiam Albumasarisabalachi octo continens librospartiales,Venice, MelchiorreSessa, 1506 and Albumasar de magnis coniunctionibus annorum revolutionibus:ac eorum profectionibus: octo continens tractatus,Venice,MelchiorreSessa, 1515.  See Garin (1983, 19–20).  See the Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatricem,Book V, ChapterII, editedbyGarin (1946,527–539: “ In che modo gli astrologi prevedevano igrandi eventi; confutazione dei grandi cicli” [The wayinwhich astrologers predictedimportantevents; confutation of the cycles) and ch. XI, edited by Garin (1946,585 – 591 “Nella congiunzione del diluviogli astrologi contraddi- conosestessi elaverità, ed anche se si conceda loroquello che vogliono tuttavia non riescono a provarequello che vogliono” [In the conjunction of the flood the astrologers contradict themselvesand the truth, and even if we grant them what they want,they arenot abletoprove what they want to]). See Vanden Broecke (2003,55–77).  See De rebvs natvralibvsetdivinis by Lorenzo Buonincontro in the edition by Heilen (1999) and regarding the Humanist’sprophecies,Heilen (2005,9–64). Predictive Astrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza 121

1499 published their Ephemerides for the years 1499 to 1531.⁴¹ In them, they predicted an important conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in the sign of Pisces for February 1524. Astrologers, headed by Luca Gaurico (1476 – 1558), did not hesitate to interpret these data as an omen of anew flood that would submerge the whole world. Through printing,these omens werespread far and wide, and provoked a generalised hysteria among the population.⁴² Manyofthe illustratedbroadsheets that are still preserved come from the German-speakingcountries,such as the Prognosticatio by Johann Carion, 1521.⁴³ There were alsocritical voices,aimed at keepingpanic from spreading.Also worthyofmention is Agostino Nifo (ca.1473 – 1545), who in 1520published atreatise titled De falsa diluvii prognosticatione,quae ex conuentu omnium planetarum, qui in piscibus continget Anno. 1524.⁴⁴ In the face of such apocalyptic fear among thosewho constructed arks and who took to hoardingfood, we have record – thanks to the work of Niccoli (1982) – that therewerealsothose demonstrated healthyscepticism. Niccolò Macchiavelli, for example, mentioned in aletter to FrancescoGuicciardino, dated in Mayof1521, the “diluvio che debbevenire” [the Deluge thatissupposed to come] comparing it to “simili novelle da pancaccia”⁴⁵ [similar old wives’ tales], in other words, empty hearsay. In Rome, the carnival parade of 1524chooses the flood as atheme.Asthe Venetian chronicler Marin Sanudorelates, there was a cart “che eral’arca di Noè ne la qual vi erauna musica et cantavano significando erapassato il diluvio, et gitavano fuoriuccelli di l’arca” [that was Noah’sArk in which there was music and singingthatmeant to signify thatthe Deluge was over and they wereletting birds out of the ark]; another cart “ erauna barca che si preparava per fugir il diluvio”⁴⁶ [was aboat getting prepared to escape from the Deluge]. While the carnivalesque proceedings can alsobeinterpreted

 See Stuckrad (2003,235),Vanden Broecke (2003,82–83), who studies the debateinthe Neth- erlands,and Heitzmann (2008, 81–82).  See also Zambelli (1982, 291–368) as well as Niccoli (1979,506) and (1982).  Forthis,see Stuckrad (2003,237–238) and Heitzmann (2008, 83 – 84), whoalso studies another document with the title Newe Zeytung.Die würckung der Coniunction,published in Augs- burgcirca 1522–1523 by Sigmund Grimm (80 –81). Forthe German documents,see Talkenberger (1990).  See Grafton (1999,93–99) and Stuckrad (2003,240): “Cardanos KollegeNifo sah sich ange- sichts der Tatsache, dass viele Italiener bereits anfingen, Archen zu bauen, ebenfalls zu einer gelehrten Widerlegung der Flutprophezeiung genötigt”.[Giventhe fact that manyItalians started to build arks, Nifo,acolleague of Cardano, felt obligedtowriteaneruditeconfutation of the flood prophecy].  Machiavelli, Epistolario,edited by Bertelli (1969, 393). See Niccoli (1982, 371).  Sanudo (1879 – 1903,XXXV, 422– 423), see also Niccoli (1982, 378–379). 122 PredictiveAstrology: From King AlcaraztoLa Lozana Andaluza as waytocombat fear,⁴⁷ there are some literary textsthat openlymock the situation. One Eustachio Celebrino⁴⁸ published abroadsheet with the title of La dechiaratione per che non èvenuto il diluvio del. M. D. xxiiij,inwhich he remembers the collective panic and concludes:

Ma poi ch’el dì del tempestoso pluvio spirato sia, ognun beffando l’arte diran: “L’ègitoinfumo el gran diluvio”⁴⁹

[But when the dayofstormyrain will have passed, everyone – laughing at the art – will say: “the Deluge has disappeared”].

This is onlyone example thatshows the humorous angle thatwent alongsidethe apocalyptic fear of the second great flood. This manner of laughinginthe face of those who announced the end of the world explains and contextualises the la- conic tone with which the failed flood is discussed in La Lozana Andaluza. De- licado’sposition towardpredictive astrology is, however,justasunclear as that of the Archpriest of Hita. Against the examples of scepticism on which we have commented, we can read in one of the epilogues, the so-called Epístolaque añadió el autor el año de mil equinientos eveinteesiete:

No se puede huir alaProvidencia divina, pues con lo sobredicho cesan los delincuentes con los tormentos,mas no cesaránsol, luna yestrellas de prenosticar la meritoria que cada uno habrá.⁵⁰

[No one can escape Divine Providencesince the sinners werestopped by the aforementioned torments,but the sun, the moon. and the stars will not cease predictingthe reward that each one will receive.]

This changeintone is evidentlyexplained by the new vision of the world that has provoked the Sack of Rome, but it is also indicative of the plurality of con- tradicting pointsofview that are included in works like La Lozana Andaluza or

 See Niccoli (1982, 381), whoobserves: “Il carnevale elafesta valgono dunque come antidoti, “provisioni”,all’astrologia, al diluvio, alla paura” [Carnivaland feasts functionasantidotes against astrology,the Deluge and fear].  Forthis author,engraver, and possiblyphysician, see Morison (1929), Comelli (1969) and the article by Marco Palma in the Dizionario biografico degli Italiani 23 (1979) accessible online at www.trecani.it (17May 2017).  Celebrino, La dechiaratione (not before1514: w/opages [E2]) and, regarding this,Niccoli (1987, 369).  Delicado La Lozana Andaluza Epístola (2013,336–337), translation Damiani (1982, 285). Works cited 123 the Libro de buen amor,which deliberatelyconfuse their readers and make them think.

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In 1540,the printing house of Domenico de RobertisinSevillepublished the first edition of the Silva de varia lección,¹ aworkthatenjoyed enormous success, as evidenced by its large number of editions and translations. Twoyears after the Silva by PedroMexía en 1542, the same Domenico de Robertisprints acurious book of chivalry with the long title El cuarto libro del esforzado caballero Reinal- dos de Montalbán que trata de los grandeshechos del invenciblecaballero Baldo y de las graciosas burlas de Cíngar [TheFourth Book of the Zealous KnightReinaldos de Montalbán which Concerns the Great Deeds of the Invincible KnightBaldo and the Comical Jibes of Cíngar], aprose adaptation of the macaronic epic poem Bal- dus by Teofilo Folengo, combined with rewritings of Virgil’s Aeneid and of the Pharsalia by Lucan, amplified by agreat number of heterogeneous references from classicalliterature and also from the author’scontemporaries, as well as materials from different fields of knowledge.The anonymous author of the Baldo,aman of mediocreliterarytalents, receivedasolid humanisticeducation and had an enormous intellectual curiosity,bothofwhich virtuesallow us to es- timate which were the fieldsofknowledge that interested aman of letters in the first half of the sixteenthcentury in Spain, amatter as interesting per se as it is useful in defining the literary field in which the historicalfigurebehind the ano- nymity of his work acts. As it could not have been otherwise, these are first and foremost the classical authorswhom he imitates in his chivalric narration and whom he repeatedly cites in the discursive parts, which address diverse aspects of the text;inthese extradiegetic digressions, very much in the style of the moralistic commentaries that,years later,would inhabit the Guzmán de Alfarache,literal quotations, anecdotes, and sayingsfrom Greek and Latin authorsbeing interspersed. As with Mateo Alemán, the anonymous author of the Baldo,inhis moralistic commentaries and ‘translator’sadditions’,inthe style of an anthology, presents knowledge of aparticularsubject matter relatedtohis own chivalric narration.² To offer an

 Forthe concept of miscellanyand the Silva by Mexía, see the works of García de la Torre (1983), Rallo Gruss (1984), Prieto(1986,219–264), Rodríguez Cacho (1993), BlascoPascual (1994), Alcalá Galán (1996), Cherchi (1998), Strosetzki (2003), Malpartida Tirado (2007) as wellasLee (2008).  Regarding structural heterogeneity in the novel by MateoAlemán, Matzat observes: “[…]der in besonderem Maße vonsozialen und moralischen Destabiliserungserfahrungengeprägte Le- bensweg des Pícarowirddurch den Ich-Erzähler im Medium eines Diskurses dargeboten, der

OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-010 128 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry example: after the fourth chapter – Cómo Guidón sacó aBaldovina por los ver- geles de la reina ycómo,después de haber andadomucho,posaron en casa de un villano [How Guidón took Baldovina out of the Queen’sGardens of Pleasure and How,After Having Walked aGreat Deal, They Took Their Repose in the House of aVillain] – the anonymous author characterises the protagonist of the chapter as aman who cannot control his appetites and who givesinto ‘mad love’:

En este fuertecaballero Guidón pueden caer aquellas sentencias griegas:Elvarón no con- siderado se tomacon los deleites por no mirar lo que se podría seguir de complir su voluntad.³

[Upon this strong knight, Guidón, mayfall those Greek judgments:the inconsiderate man indulges in delights by not seeingwhat could be gained fromfulfillinghis will.]

At the next level, this Translator’sAddition compiles an entire series of positions of classical authors, Greek as well as Latin, around the topic of carnal loveand its dangers:hequotes, in this order,the Book of Duties by Cicero, the De quattuor virtutibus,attributed to Seneca,the platonic dialogues Phaedrus and Philebus, the epigrams of Martial, the Metamorphoseon by Apuleius, the comedy Cistellaria by Plautus, and asaying attributed to Hippocrates in the Attic Nights by Aulus Gellius.⁴ This type of comment very probablygoes back to the Polyanthea, opus suavissimisfloribus exornatum by Domenicus NanusMirabellius (1503, 1508 and 1514),⁵ described by Paolo Cherchi:

L’originalità strutturale della Polyanthea,laricchezza evarietà delle voci edelle citazioni, la facile consultabilità venivanoincontroall’insaziabile bisogno di abbellirelepagine con grappoli di citazioni [….] Il successo, asua volta, incoraggiò la diffusione dello stile che

die episodische und richtungslose Abenteuerfolge in Form einer Serie von exempla in die rhet- orischen Ordnungsstrukturen gegenreformatorischerDidaxeeinzufügensucht” (2000,272) [… the wayoflife of the roguethat is characterisedbyexperiences of social and moral destabi- lisation is presentedbythe first-person narrator by means of adiscourse which tries to integrate the episodic and directionless sequenceofadventures in the rhetorical structureofthe doctrine of the Counter-Reformation in form of aseries of exampla].  Baldo (2002, 19); Imodernise the spellingand introduce quotationmarks and italics to indi- cate the citations.  Regarding the constant return to classical works of amiscellaneous nature, especially The Attic Nights by Aulus Gellius or the Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilium by Valerius Maximus, Irefer to Gernert (2013).  Sagrario López Poza’sdigital library Poliantea (Enciclopedias,repertorios de lugares comunes ymisceláneasdeerudición humanística) [Encyclopaedias, lists of common and miscellaneouspla- ces of humanistic erudition]isanextremelyuseful toolfor researchers. Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry 129

nutriva, per cui non si esageradicendo che la Polyanthea creòinparte il gustoper la cita- zione.⁶

[The structural originality of the Polyanthea,the richness and variety of entries and quotations,and the effortless consultation met the insatiable need to embellish one’spages with clusters of citations … Itssuccess encouraged in turn the diffusionofthe kind of stylethat it nourished, so that it is not exaggerated to saythat the Polyanthea,inaway, createdthe tastefor quoting.]

The moralistic commentaries of the Baldo respond thoroughlytothe proclivity to quotation highlighted by the Italian researcher,but,curiously, they are not inspired in the textual material compiled by the aforementioned Nanus Mirabel- lius.⁷ Acomparison of the Translator’saddition about loveand erotic desire with the mottos amorcupidineus and voluptas does not demonstrate similarities in the selection of classical texts.Moreover,the absence of biblical quotations is

 Cherchi (1998, 44).  Both quoteSeneca, Cicero, and even the same comedy of Plautus,but in Nanus Mirabellius (1512, XVIIr–v) (the copyofthe Bayerische Staatsbibliothek München with the shelfmark2 P.lat.1067isavailable online: http://www.mdz-nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn=urn:nbn: de:bvb:12-bsb10813342-4) (7 March 2019) the Cistellaria II, 1, 205–211(“qui omnes homines su- pero antideo cruciabilitatibusanimi /iactor crucior agitorstimulor,versor /inamoris rota,miser exanimor,/feror differor distrahor diripior,/ita nubilam mentemanimi habeo. /ubi sum, ibi non sum, ubi non sum, ibist animus” [It’smyown experience – no need to look further – that makes me think so, for in torment of soul no man rivals me, comesnear me. I’mtossed around, bandied about,goaded, whirled on the wheel of love, done to death, poor wretch that Iam! I’m torn, torn asunder,disrupted, dismembered – yes, all my mental faculties arebefogged! WhereI am, thereIam not; whereIam not,theremysoul is – yes, Iaminathousand moods!] (edition and translation Nixon 1916,132–133) and in the Baldo (2002, 20)the Cistellaria I, 1, 69 – 70: “Namque ecastor Amor et melle et felle est fecundissimus;/gustui dat dulce,amarum ad satie- tatem usque oggerit” [Why, good gracious, loveisfairlyoverflowingwith honey and gall both. It givesyou but ataste of sweetness:bitterness it heaps up beforeyou till youcan hold no more] (edition and translation Nixon1916,120–121). They coincide in Nanus Mirabellius (1512, XVIIr) and in Baldo (2001,20) aquotationfromApuleius (Metamorphoseon,Liber VIII, 2: “Quidni, cum flamma saevi amoris parva quidem primo vaporedelectet,sed fomentis consuetudinis exaes- tuans inmodicis ardoribus totosamburat homines?” [What wonder indeed?Likeaswesee it for- tuneth to lovers, whoare at first delighted by the flame of cruel love, when as it is small, until by continual feedingofitwith the fuel of use and wont,itglowethand flameth and altogether bur- neth them up, translation Adlington/Gaselee 1924,347]), but are missingentirelyinthe entries amor cupidineus (Nanus Mirabellius 1512,XVIIr–XVIIIr)and voluptas (Nanus Mirabellius 1512, CCXVIIv–CCXVIIIr)the mentions of Plato and of Aulus Gellius.Itseems that the anonymous author of the Spanish Baldo used neither the Officina of Ravisius Textor nor the Sivla de varia lec- ción of Pedro Mexía. 130 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry striking,asthey abound in the Polyanthea⁸ and also, incidentally, in the Guzmán de Alfarache.⁹ What is curious, however,isthe coincidenceofinterests that are presented in the issues of the moralist commentaries contained in the Baldo with those that are annotated in the Polyanthea: truth and adulation,¹⁰ old age,¹¹ ambition,¹² science,¹³ divination,¹⁴ women and matrimony,¹⁵ etc. Ibelievethat we

 The Officinae (1520)byJean Tixier de Ravisi also renounce references to sacredtexts as Cher- chi observes (1998, 36–37): “[…]non si ricorre quasi mai alle Sacre Scritture, si citano raramente autori della Patristica, mentrepiù frequenti, ma nel complesso rari, sono irimandi agli umanis- ti” [… they almost never use the HolyScripture, very rarelyare patristic authors quoted, while morefrequentlywefind references to humanists that,compared to the rest,are scarce]. In anyevent,itdeals morewith acollection of anecdotes, rather than alist of quotations.  See the index of biblical quotations in Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache (2012,1531–1532).  See the “Adición del intérprete” [Interpreter’saddition]which follows Capítulo vij.Decómo Falqueto contó la fábula yfición en que fue tornado perroylos trabajos que pasó en tanto que lo fue hasta que fue vuelto en medio perro [Chapter vij.How Falqueto related the fable and storyin which he was turned into adog and the works he underwent insomuch as he became half adog]. The interspersed autobiographyofthis hybrid unleashesthe followingmetafictional comment: “Aquí entenderéis por Falquetoatodo hombreque dicelaverdad yque reprehende los vicios comoescostumbre del perro, que ladra mayormentealos ladrones ydefiende asuseñor” (Baldo 2002,30–31) [Here will youunderstand throughFalquetoevery man whospeaks the truth and whoadmonishes vices as is the custom of the dog, whobarks mainlyatthieves and defends his master]; comparewith Nanus Mirabellius (1512, s.v.adulatio and s.v. veritas).  See the “Adición” that follows Capítulo x. Cómo los compañeros de Baldo,sabida su prisión, se partieron de Cipada dejando aCíngar el cargo, el cual hizo muchas cosas con que fue Barva- tonazo afrentado [Chapter x. HowBaldo’scompanions, his imprisonment known, parted from Ci- pada, leaving Cíngarincharge,who did many things as an affronttoBarvatonazo]. The anonymous author felt himself obligated to comment on the playful narration of Folengo concerning the past ills that haunt the old Barbatognazzus: “En este viejo desvariado puede caber aquel dicho griego: El viejo amador,última desventura” (Baldo 2002,38–40) [Tothis de- lirious old man one mayapplythat Greek quotation: the old lover,final misfortune]; compare with Nanus Mirabellius (1512, s.v. senectus).  Comparethe “Moralidad” of Capítulo xvj.Cómoseembarcaron los tres compañeros ydela burla que hizo Cíngar aunos cabreros ylagrantempestad que les sucedió (Baldo 2002,53–55) [Chapter xvj.How the three companions embarkedand of the fun Cíngarmade of some goatherds, and the great storm that befell them]with Nanus Mirabellius (1512,s.v. ambitio).  See the “Moralidad” of Capítulo xviij.Cómoaquellos tres filósofos de Corintio hallaron por ex- periencia la maneradelaalquimia ycómo muchos fueron burlados por ella yotros burlaron [Chapter xviij.How those three philosophers of Corinth found through experience the ways of alchemy and how many weremocked for it, and others did the mocking]: “Hase aquí contado la artedelaalquimia ylapiedra filosofal, por la cual podemosentender cualquiera ciencia llena de argumentos ysofísticas razones, en quien gastan el tiempo no saliendo d’ella por la dulzura de las cavilaciones” (Baldo 2002,61–62)[Related here is the art of alchemyand the philosopher’sstone, throughwhich we mayunderstand anysciencefull of arguments and sophis- Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 131 will find, very indicatively (as shall be seen), the same entries – worldlylove, lust,truth, adulation, old age, self-knowledge,science,marriage, as well as women in general and women in particular – in the Lugares comunes de conceptos, dichos ysentencias, en diversas materias [Commonplaces of Concepts, Say- ings, and Judgments, in Diverse Subjects](Seville, Juan de León, 1595) by Juan de Aranda, which was so important for the moralistic commentaries of the Guz- mán de Alfarache. Beyond the concrete textual material provided in anthologies and miscellanies, we should payheed to its structural relevance, as did Cathérine Magnien- Simonin with regard to Montaigne, insistingonthe “ressemblance de la poétique des Essais avec celle des Nuits attiques”¹⁶ [resemblance of the poetics of the Es- says with thoseofthe Attic Nights]. Asunción Rallo poses the problem in wonder- ing “hasta qué punto el Guzmán de Alfarache […]era visto en su siglo como mis- celánea”¹⁷ [to what extent the Guzmán de Alfarache … wasseen in its time as

ticated reasonings, in those whowastetime not coming out of it by the sweetness of their wor- ries].  See the “Moralidad” of Capítulo xxj.CómoCíngar,preguntado de Baldo,contó muchas fábulas de la astrología sobre los sinos yplanetasylo que más aconteció [Chapter xxj.How Cíngar,asked by Baldo,told many fables fromastrology about the fates and the planets and what happenedfur- ther]: “Las fábulas que aquí se han contado escríbelas largamente Ovidio en el Metamorfosis,las cuales,porque cualquiera las podrá traer aloque quisiere, salvo fablarédelos planetasyde los astrólogosque dicenlovenidero” (Baldo 2002,82–83)[Ovid writes at length in the Metamorpho- sis of the fables told here, which, because anyone can carry them to the extent he wishes,but I will speak of the planets and of the astrologers whotell the future].  Comparethe “Exclamación” commentedoninCapítulo xxiij.Cómolamaga Muselina prendió aFalqueto ymató engañosamente aLeonardo porque no quiso complir su voluntad ydañado propósito (Baldo 2002,87–88) [Chapter xxiij.How the magician Muselina ignited Falqueto and deceptively killed Leonardo because he did not want to carryout her will and harmful purpose] with Nanus Mirabellius (1512, s.v. mulier and s.v. matrimonium).  Magnien-Simonin (1995,8).  Rallo Gruss (1984,165). The parallels between the Baldo and the picaresque novel by Mateo Alemán have been analysedbyKönig, who observes regarding the moralisations: “Suscomen- tarios filosófico-morales son, en otroplano, continuación de lo que el autor del Baldo había insertado, en forma de numerosas moralizaciones extensas,comocomentarios interpretativosen las ‘fantasías’ de Folengo. La gran innovación de Mateo Alemán fue confiar estoscomentarios al mismo pícaro que está describiendo su vida, con lo cual simultáneamentesepresenta así mismo yasu entorno yllevaacabouna crítica desde una perspectiva que, consecuenteyvirtuosamente, posee una estructura bipolar” (2003,137–167) [Its philosophic-moral comments are, on another level, acontinuation of what the author of the Baldo had inserted, in the form of numerous and extensive moralisations,like the interpretive comments in the ‘Fantasies’ of Folengo.The great innovation of Mateo Alemán was in entrustingthese comments to the same roguewho is describinghis life, with which he simultaneouslyintroduces himself and his field, 132 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry miscellany]. Monique Michaud in turn characterises the Guzmán as “une vérita- ble somme philosophique, une petite encyclopédie”¹⁸ [a veritable philosophic sum, asmall encyclopaedia]and Silvia Monti emphasises “tale varietà nella strutturadiscorsiva da poter essere addiritturaassimilato al genere della silva odella miscelanea”¹⁹ [such variety of the discursive structure that it could be equated with the genre of the silva or the miscellany]. Idonot wish to close this brief summary of the analysis of the matter without citing the opinion of the editor of the new (and excellent) edition of the Guzmán, Luis Gómez Canseco, who observesthat we could read Alemán’snovel as “una Silva de varia lección con protagonista” [a Silva de varia lección with aprotagonist] and highlights the “buscada estética de la diversidad” [desired aesthetic of diversity], thanks to which “se podría describir el libro como una suma de materiales heterogéneos trenzados en torno al núcleo narrativo que constituye la vida de Guzmán”²⁰ [the book could be described as asummation of heterogeneous materials plaited around the narrative centre thatconstitutes the life of Guzmán]. It is this aesthetic willingness that distinguishesthe Guzmán from our book of chivalry,inwhich said willingness is notable for its absence. The system adopted by the anonymousauthor of the Baldo in the textual construction of its moralisations, in order to delve into the question of bad knowledge,isthat of using them to make orthodoxanobjectionable narration by wayofthe application of an allegorical interpretationand amoralistic reflection. It trulycaptures one’sattention that this anonymous author,soentrenched

and carries out acriticism from aperspective that,consequentlyand virtuously,possesses abipolar structure]. Concerning knowledge as seen in the Baldo and in the Guzmán,see Gernert (2010).  Michaud (1987, 180). Also see the observations of the same researcher on the reception of the work as amiscellany: “Tant mieux pour notreauteursi, de surcroît,lerécit du gueux en vient à être considéré,àson tour,commeune miscellanée, ainsi qu’en témoignent les préfaces, espa- gnoles aussi bien qu’étrangères, qui se succèdent pendant plus d’un siècle” (1987, 179) [Even bet- terfor our author if, moreover,the story of the rogueisitself considered to be amiscellany. This is documented by the Spanish and foreign prefacesthat follow morethan acentury later].  Monti (1990,123). Also see the chapter about the Silva and chapters XX and XXI of the second part in Cros(1967a, 150 –162) as wellasthe chapter “De l’explication de textes ou ‘lectio’ auxmiscellanées” in Cros (1967b, 150 –162).  Gómez Canseco, “Estudio”,inAlemán, Guzmán de Alfarache (2012,802). Gómez Canseco (2012,803) reliesonthe very Mateo Alemán whowrites that “siempreque hallo piedras para el edificio, las voyamontonando. Son mi centro aquestasocasionesycamino con ellas aél. Quédese aquí esta carga,que, si alcanzareael tiempo, yo volveré por ella ynoserátarde” (Guz- mán de Alfarache 2012,7)[whenever Ifind stones for the building, Istart to pile them. They are my centre on these occasions,and Iwalk to it with them. Letthis load remain, for,ifIarrive in time, Iwill return for it and it will not be toolate]. Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 133 in moralcorrection – consider his glosses – has chosen, as amodel, atext as problematic as the Baldus of Folengo, which forces him to repeatedlyrectify what he himself has decided to translate. This is particularlyinteresting for our purposes when the macaronic text parodies forms of knowledge that,for some reason, are openlyheterodoxorbordering on the objectionable,²¹ e.g., astrological, mythological, or alchemical knowledge.Inthe Spanish adaptation, we seeageneralisation of the role of Cíngar as abearer of these forms of knowledge,which are praised in the Baldus of Folengo. It is this figure of the proto- roguewho explains to his companions the significanceofawhole series of curious facts, people, and places thatthey discover on their journey and which merit an explanation. It seems that the process of accessing knowledge is distributed between Baldo, Leonardo and the other knights, who embodythe curiosity and desire to know of the Renaissance reader,and Cíngar,who carries out the function of passing knowledge of miscellanyontothem, in encyclopaedic fashion.²² The proto-roguepossesses an incrediblyabundant variety of competences

 Also seeZumbini (1987, 1): “Nellastessamateriacavalleresca, ch’èilsoggettoveroepropriodel suopoema,ilFolengo introdusse tuttiqueglielementidella vita edella storia onde glipiacque, secondoicasi, burlarsi,far la satira oderivarne un qual si siaeffetto comico.Notevoli, trasiffatti elementi,sonol’astrologia,leartimagiche,lescienze occulte in generale equantonell’ordine ide- aleereale,tenendo ancordel medioevo,facesse contrastoalpieno svolgimentodella vita moderna” [Inthe very chivalrictheme,which is therealsubject of hispoem, Folengointroducesall these elements from life andfromhistorythathelikes;and dependingoneachcase, in ordertomake fun, satirise or produceany comiceffect. Noteworthy amongsuchelementsare astrology,the magicarts, theoccultsciencesingeneraland allwhich with medieval rootswould contrast, in an idealand real order, with modern life].  “La miscelánea se convirtió en uno de los géneros más leídos ydemandados durante los siglos XVIyXVII yfloreció como frutocaracterísticodel espíritu humanista, que, con este tipo de obras de temas diversos ycambiantes, pretendía indagar sobreelmundo yelhombreyalcanzar la verdad por medio del descubrimientodesus enigmas, divulgando los conocimientos que, por estar escondidos hasta entonces, podían provocar,dado su carácterextraordinario osorpren- dente,lacuriosidad intelectual por saber entre un públicoextenso yvariado, no humanista, que la imprenta estaba fraguando por entonces yque no eracapaz ni tenía medios para dedicar largashoras al estudio yala lectura de libros latinos” (Castrointhe introductiontohis edition of the Silva de varia lección 1990,62) [Miscellanybecame one of the most widelyread and re- quested genres duringthe sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,and it flourished as an emblematic product of the humanist spirit,which, with this type of works on diverse and fluctuating themes,attempted to explorethe world and man, and reachthe truth by wayofthe uncovering of his enigmas,divulgingknowledge that,beingtheretoforehidden, could provoke,given their extraordinary and surprising nature, the intellectual curiosity of knowingamong the extensive and diverse (though not humanist) public, which the printinghouse was forgingatthe time, and which was not capable, nor possessed of the means,todedicatelong hours to the studyand reading of Latin books]. 134 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry and shares his knowledge,exactlylike Pedro Mexía,who writes in the foreword of his Silva:

[…]habiendo gastadomucha parte de mi vida en leer ypasar muchos libros[…]parecióme que si destoyohabía alcanzadoalguna erudición onoticia de cosas, que […]teníaobliga- ción alocomunicar yhacer participantes dellos amis naturales yvecinos,escribiendo yo alguna cosa que fuese común ypública atodos.²³

[… havingspent alarge part of my life reading and goingovermanybooks … it seemed to me that if, from this, Ihad attained some learningornews of things,that … Ihad an ob- ligation to shareitand make my countrymen and neighbours participate, writingsomethingthat would be common and public for all.]

To illustrate in what waythe dissemination of learning is carried out in abook of chivalry,Ioffer two examples that originateform the first book of the Baldo. In chapter XVII the companions behold in acaveaseries of precious stones that correspond to thoselisted in the Historia natural of Pliny.²⁴

Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia

En las primeras estaba la piedraacates de  Achates in magna fuit auctoritate, nuncin grandezaespantable; luego estaba la piedra nulla est, reperta primuminSicilia iuxtaflu- acopis, en la cual estaban figuradas gotas de men eiusdem nominis, posteaplurimisinter- oro.Ésta, en olio echada, hirviendo, dicen que ris,excellens amplitudine, numerosa uarieta- quitaelcansancio alos untados en el juegode tibus, quae mutant cognominaeius. […] la palestra. Acopos nitro coloresimilis est, pumicosa, Tras d’éstas venía la alabastrite que naceenel guttisaureis stellata. cumhac oleumsuffer- Alabastro en Egiptodevariascolorescon un uefactumperunctis lassitudinem,sicredimus, círculo blanco. soluit. AlabastritisnasciturinAlabastro Ae- Aéstaacompañaba la androdamas que re- gyptietinSyriae Damasco candoreinterstincto splandece comooro,semejante aelmarfil. uariis coloribus. haec cremata cumfossili sale La asbestistenía color de hierroque nace en et tritagrauitates orisetdentiumextenuare los montes de Arcadia. La aspisates había dicitur. […] color de fuego, que se halla en el nido de las  […]Androdamas argentinitoremhabet{ut aves de Arabia. adamas}, quadratissemper tessellis similis. Magi putant nomen inpositumabeo, quod impetus hominumetiracundiasdomet. argyr-

 Mexía (2003,39–40). Regarding the diffusionofknowledge,also see Sola (2006,95): “La participación de todos […]enelsaber de uno es el espejo de la participación formal de los ‘dis- cursos ycapítulos de diversos propósitos’ en la Silva” [The participation of all … in knowledge of one is amirrortothe formal participation of the ‘discourses and chaptersofdifferent purposes’ in the Silva].  Baldo (2002, 56). Comparewith Naturalis Historia XXXVII, 54,139–146, translation by Eich- holz (1971,277,281–283) and regarding the reception of Pliny, see Ramos Maldonado (2013). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 135

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Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia

odamas eadem sitanalia, auctores non ex- plicant. […]  Asbestos in Arcadiae montibusnascitur colorisferrei. Aspisatim Democritus in Arabia nascitradit,ignei coloris, et oporterecum cameli fimo splenicis adalligari, inueniri utique in nido Arabicarum alitum; et alitum eodem nomine ibi in Leucopetranasci, argentei coloris,radiantem;contralymphatumhabentibus.

In the first wasthe agatestone, of formidable [The agate wasone held in high esteem, but size; then there wasthe acoposstone, in now enjoys none. It wasfirst discoveredinSi- which thereweredrops of gold featured. This cilynearthe river of the same name, but was one, dipped in boiling oil, is said to takeaway later found in many countries. Its sizecan be fatigue from those competing in the arena. exceptional, and its varieties are very numer- After these camealabastritis, born of the ous. The descriptiveterms applied to it vary Alabaster of Egypt,invarious colours witha accordingly. … The ‘acopos’ or ‘reviver’,which whitecircle. in colourresembles soda, is porous and This wasaccompanied by the androdamas, spangled with gold particles. Oil heatedalong which shines likegold, similar to ivory. withthisstone and applied as an embrocation Asbestos had the color of ironborn in the hills dispels fatigue, or so we are led to believe. of Arcadia. The aspisatishad the colouroffire, ‘Alabastritis’,which is foundatAlabastrum in thatwhich is foundinthe nest of the birds of Egyptand at DamascusinSyria,isawhite Arabia. stone interspersedwithvarious colours. When burnt with rocksaltand pounded, it is said to alleviatebad breath caused by the mouth and teeth. … The ‘androdamas’ or ‘man tamer’,has asilvery glint, like ‘adamas’ and alwaysre- sembles small cubes. The Magi suppose that its name hasbeen applied to it in virtue of the fact that it subduesviolence and hot temper in men. Whether the ‘argyrodamas’ or ‘silver tamer’ is the same, or adifferent stone,isnot made clear by our authorities. …‘Asbestos’, which is found in the mountains of Arcadia, hasthe colourofiron. ‘Aspisatis’,accordingto Democritus, occurs in Arabia and is of fieryred colour. He recommends thatsufferers from an enlarged spleen should wear it as an amulet withcamel dung. However that maybe, he statesthatitisfound in the nests of Arabic birds, and thatanother stone bearing the same name and found in Arabia on Cape Leucopetra 136 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry

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Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia

hasadarting silvery lustreand is effectivein counteracting attacks of wild distraction.]

And this is onlythe beginning of an extremelylong list,aschematic enumeration arranged in alphabetical order – agate, acopos,alabastritis,androdamas, asbestos and aspisatis, etc. –,outlinedinthe text by Pliny.²⁵ In the chivalric narrative,these stones turn out to be glass counterfeits,²⁶ accordingtothe information from Cíngar,which causes shock among his friends. Hereiswhat Leonardo the knight asks the rogue: “Mucho querría saber de qué manerasehizo este vidro que cosa tan preciada es”²⁷ [I would very much like to know in what waythis glass wasmade to make it so precious]. The response is afairlyliteral translation of the chapter on the invention of glass in Pliny’s Naturalis Historia.²⁸

Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia

–Señor, –dijo Cíngar– habéis de saber que hay .ParsSyriae,quae Phoenicevocatur, fini- unaparte de la provincia Suria, que se dice tima Iudaeae intramontisCarmeli radices Fenicia, que es cercana aJudea, la cual tiene paludem habet, quae vocaturCandebia. Ex ea unalaguna, que se llamaCandebea, par de las creditur nasciBelus amnisquinque milium raíces del monteCarmelo, de adonde creen passuumspatio in mare perfluens iuxtaPtole- que nasce el río llamado Belo, de espacio de maidem coloniam. Lentus hic cursu, insaluber cincomil pies, que correala mar par de la potu, sed caerimoniissacer,limosus, vado tierra que se dicedeTolomé, el cual río corre profundus, non nisirefuso mari harenasfate- pocoapoco. El agua suyanoessaludable,

 Very strikingisthis desire for arrangement,which is also observed regarding the Ovidian transformations,related in Baldo (2002, 114–117), which appear in groups according to the result of metamorphosis,that is to say, stones,plants,animals,etc, as Istudied in my contribution with the title “La fiction chevaleresque espagnole et Boccacemythographe” in the Colloque in- ternational. L’œuvre de Giovanni Boccaccio en Italie et en Espagne aux XVIe–XVIIIe siècles in Paris III in November of 2013,and which will be published in the conference proceedings.  The possibilityoffabricatingfalsificationsofprecious stones with glass was wellknown to Theophrastus,asBeretta documents (2004,18–19): “Forthat matter,all of Theophrastus’ treatise shows that alreadyinhis time the art of glassmakingwas considerablydeveloped. In fact,in speakingofemeralds,the Greek philosopherseems to be awareofthe counterfeits for this stone which could be made by the working of glass as well as rockcrystal”.  Baldo (2002, 56).  Compare Baldo (2002, 56–57), with Naturalis Historia XXXVI, 65– 68, translation by Eichholz (1971,277,149–151). Regarding this episode, see Beretta (2004,1–2).For glass in classical An- tiquity,also see Di Pasquale (2004,31–76). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 137

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Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia pero muy sagrado. Eracon diversas cerimonias tur; fluctibus enim volutatae nitescunt detritis que allí se hacían. Tenía mucho barro en el sordibus. vado, el cual no demuestra las arenassino con .tuncetmarino credunturadstringi morsu, la mengua del mar, las cuales resplandecen non prius utiles. quingentorum est passuum habiéndose quitado el barrodeencima. Tiene non amplius litorisspatium, idque tantum quinientos pasos de rivera,lacual era muy útil multaper saecula gignendo fuit vitro. famaest paracriar vidro. Adonde unavez aportó una adpulsanavemercatorumnitri, cum sparsi per naodemercaderes que venía toda llenade litus epulaspararent nec esset cortinisattol- salitre que lo traían de las salinasdeMace- lendislapidumoccasio,glaebasnitri enave donia, hecho tortas yenvasos. Pues, comola subdidisse, quibus accensis, permixtaharena gentesesaliese alaplayaacomer ycomo litoris, tralucentesnoviliquorisfluxisse rivos, paraponer las mesasles estorbasen las et hanc fuisse originem vitri. piedras de vidro, sacan el salitre de la naoque se avía mojado ysácanlo encima. Donde pro- bando un pocoencimalaarena,veríades cor- rer mucho licor de vidro yallí fue el primer origen de vidroque hubo, el cual tomaron los mercaderes.

– Sir, – said Cíngar – youmust know thatthere ThatpartofSyria which is known as Phoenicia is apart of the land of Syria, called Phoenicia, and borders on Judeacontains aswamp called close to Judaea, thathas alagoon called Can- Candebia amid the lower slopes of Mount debia, in and around the foothillsofMount Carmel. This is supposed to be the sourceof Carmel, whereitisbelieved that the River the River Belus, which after traversing adis- Belus is born, fivethousand feet in length, tance of  miles flows intothe sea nearthe which flows very slowly to the sea nearaplace colony of Ptolemais. Its current is sluggish and called Ptolemais. Its water is not safe to drink, its waters areunwholesome to drink, although but it is very sacred. Many ceremonies were they areregarded as holy forritualpurposes. performed there. Its ford is verymuddy and The river is muddy and flows in adeep chan- does not revealthe sands below it exceptat nel, revealing its sands only when the tide low tide, at which point they glimmer.The ebbs. Foritisnot until they have been tossed creek bed extends fivehundred pacesand was by the waves and cleansed of impurities that very useful in the making of glass. Herea they glisten. Moreover,itisonlyatthatmo- merchant ship oncecamefullofsaltpetrethat ment, when they arethought to be affected by they had brought from the salt mines of Ma- the sharp,astringent properties of the brine, cedonia, madeintocakesand cups. As they thatthey become fit foruse. The beach went down to the beach to set up tables and stretches fornot morethanhalfamile, and yet wereobtruded by the glassy stones, they took formany centuries the production of glass the saltpetrefrom the ship, which waswet, dependedonthis area alone. Thereisastory and placed it overthe rocks. Having done this, thatonceaship belonging to some tradersin atranslucent liquid poured out, and thiswas naturalsoda put in hereand thatthey scat- the origin of glass, which the merchantstook tered along the shore to prepareameal. Since withthem. however,nostonessuitable forsupporting their cauldrons wereforthcoming, they rested 138 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry

Continued

Baldo Pliny, Naturalis Historia

them on lumpsofsoda from their cargo. When these became heated and werecompletely mingled withthe sand on the beach astrange translucent liquid flowed forthinstreams; and this, is said, wasthe origin of glass.]

Glass had been an object of exceptional studysince the time of the Greeks, and it was linked to objectionable knowledge like alchemy, as MarcoBerretta observes:

In fact,manyGreek philosophers and naturalists studied glass and were fascinated by its manyproperties.This fascination stimulated aseries of original thoughts on its possible uses in particular techniques that had long been complementarysuch as alchemicexper- imentation, the preparation of pharmaceutical remedies and medical diagnostics.²⁹

In view of this, it is not surprising thatthe section on glass in the Baldo is em- bedded in abroader context that addresses alchemy,³⁰ bad knowledge par excellence that deserves our attention. It is necessary to remember thatFolengo,inthe corresponding chapters, inserts adiscourse on the relationships between planets and metals thatgoes back to the Summa perfectionis magisterii by the Arabic alchemist Jabiribn Hayyan, also known as Geber,asRodolfo Signorini has demonstrated.³¹ The Benedictine monkadds levity to this discourse with an entire series of mocking details³² and ends the section on alchemybysaying that a full purse is far more useful “quam studiando libros et stellis perderesennum”³³ [than losing one’smind by studying booksand stars]. Forhis part,the anony-

 Berretta (2004,3). Also see Matton (1995).  These arechapters xvii (Cómohallaron los tres caballeros la cuevadelas piedras preciosas y lo que contó Cíngar de la invención del vidro ylas señales que hallaron de la alquimia)[Howthe three knights found the cave of precious stones and what Cíngar told of the invention of glass, and the signs they found of alchemy]and xviii (Cómo aquellos tresfilósofos de Corintio hallaronpor experiencialamaneradelaalquimia ycómo muchos fueron burlados por ella yotrosburlaron) [How those three philosophers of Corinthfound through experience the waysofalchemy and how many were mocked for it, and others did the mocking].  Signorini (1993, 59 – 83).  Speakingofthe usefulness of metals and specificallyofiron, he reiteratesthat without it, pigs cannot be castrated, “nec porcos castrat sine ferroconzalavezus” Folengo, Baldus XIII, 291 (1989,452) [nor can atinker castrate pigs without iron].  Folengo Baldus XIII, 343(1989,456). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry 139 mous author of the Baldo eliminatesthis dissertationonalchemy, at once erudite and playful, and he replaces it with ahistory of the origin of alchemywhich traces backtothree Greek philosophers of his own creation, Periandroof Samo, Tales Alexandrino and Anaximandro of Crete, who would have retired to the island of Samos to carry out their experiments, described in much detail. Further on, he lists aseries of exempla,which compile cases of people duped by false alchemistsofdifferent backgrounds,³⁴ aseries that he ends with afinal history on one Balbino, who comes from one of the Colloquia familiaria of Erasmus, the dialogue titled Alcuimista.³⁵ But one must keep in mind thatin1535, the Holy Office forbade translations of the Colloquia of Erasmus and that, after the Dutch- man’sdeath in September of 1537, both the Spanish and Latin versions werepro- hibited.³⁶ Thus, the contradictory situation ensues, in which conflictive knowing is criticised by citing abanned author.

*** The second example comes from chapter XXVII, in which the companions travel through Libya, wherethey trip over many snakes and Baldo, “como quien quería saber todos los lugares por donde iba”³⁷ [as one who wanted to know all the places he was going], asks his wise friend:

–Cíngar,sitanta es tu prudencia,querría saber ¿por qué aquí en la Libia haymás cosas ponzoñosasque en otras partes?Todos querían saber esto.³⁸

[Cíngar,ifyou aresoprudent,Iwould like to know whythereare, hereinLibya, morepoi- sonous things than in other places?Everyone wanted to know why.]

On this occasion, the subject comes directlyfrom the Pharsalia by Lucan, the dominant hypotext of this episode.³⁹ The response also echoes the mythological

 Forthe source of the first two stories,see Rodríguez Guerrero (2009,35–36).  The anonymous author transforms the Dutchman’sdialogueintoabrief exemplum,inwhich he indicatively substitutes the cleric of his templatefor a “mancebo estranjero” [foreign youth]. Erasmus is also the templatefor various interspersed novels in the so-called “Vida de Cíngar” [Life of Cíngar]. The Colloquia that arethe templatefor the Baldo – Naufragium, Alcuimista, Di- versoria, Convivium fabulosum – at the time werenot translated into Spanish. See Plunien (1984) and Gernert (2001).  See Bataillon (1979,487– 504).  Baldo (2002, 96).  Baldo (2002, 96).  Lucan, Pharsalia IX, 619 – 623: “CurLibycus tantis exundet pestibus aer /fertilis in mortes, autquid secreta nocenti /miscuerit natura solo, non cura laborque/noster scireualet,nisi quod uolgata per orbem /fabula pro uera decepit saecula causa” [Why the clime of Libya abounds in such plagues and teemswith death, or what bane mysterious Naturehas mingled 140 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry story of Medusa, put forward as an explanation of Lucan’spoem.⁴⁰ Evidently, mythological knowledge has another status, with regard to its veracitythan does the knowledge of nature that comesfrom Pliny. Herewehavethe narrator’s comment: “D’estas palabrasque dijo Cíngar se quedaron todos maravillados, no porque creían que aquello fuese verdad, sino porque veíantan bien compuesto la fábula”⁴¹ [With these words from Cíngar,everyone was amazed, not because they believed them to be true, but rather because they sawhow well composed the fable was]. After having listened to the mythological tale, the companions see an enormous quantity of different kinds of snakes,listed by the extradiegetic narrator.This catalogue does not date back – as one might think – to the infor- mationonOphidia that Plinyoffers in the eighth book of his Naturalis Historia,⁴² but rather continues translating the corresponding catalogue of the Pharsalia by Lucan.⁴³

Baldo Lucano, Farsalia

Así iban por aquella desierta tierra conmuy At non stare suum miserispassura cruorem gran trabajocon tantasserpientes como veían, squamiferos ingens haemorrhoisexplicat donde veíanlasierpe llamada hemorrois, que orbes, se hacía muy encorvada, ylos quersidros, natus et ambiguae coleretqui Syrtidos arua nascidos en los campos de las sirtes. No muy chersydros, tractique uia fumante chelydri, lejos estaban los quelidros, que echan humo et semper recto lapsurus limitecenchris: de sí, yelcenchris, que caesiempre derecho, pluribus ille notisuariatam tinguitur aluum el cual tiene la barrigavareada conmuchas quam paruispictusmaculisThebanus ophites. señales. Teníanles compañía el ofites, todo concolor exustis atque indiscretusharenis manchado; de la color de la arena era la sierpe hammodytes, spinaque uagi torquentecera- hammodites ylaengañadora cerastes conla stae, scítale que se quita su piel cuando ay heladas. et scytale sparsis etiamnunc sola pruinis No faltabanallí tostadas dípsades ylapesada exuuiaspositurasuas,ettorrida dipsas, anfisibena de dos cabezas ylanátris, que et grauis in geminum uergens caput amphis- manchalaclara agua, ylos voladores jáculos baena, conlaculebra [parias] que va hacien- et natrixuiolator aquae, iaculiqueuolucres, do rayas conlacolapor el camino. Tenía et contentus iter cauda sulcare parias, compañía aéstas el cobdicioso préster,que oraque distendens auidus fumantia prester, extiende su espumosaboca, ylasepe mortí- ossaque dissoluens cumcorpore tabificus seps;

with her soil – this no studyand pains of ours availtodiscover; but aworld-wide legend has takenthe placeofthe true cause and deceived mankind, translation Duff 1988, 551].  See Lucan, Pharsalia IX, 624– 684.  Baldo (2002, 97).  See Pliny, Naturalis Historia VIII, 35,85.  Compare Baldo (2002, 97– 98) with Lucan, Pharsalia IX, 708 – 723, translation by Duff (1988, 559). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 141

Continued

Baldo Lucano, Farsalia fera, que desface los huesos juntamentecon el cuerpo.

[So they went arduously through thatdesert [And therethe huge haemorrhois,which will land with so many serpents as they saw, when not suffer the blood of its victim to stay in the they beheld the serpent called haemorrhois, veins,opens out its scaly coils; thereisthe which curled and curved,and the chersydros, chersydros,created to inhabit the Syrtis,half born in the shoal lands. Not farawaywerethe land and half sea;the chelydris,whose track chelydris, which bellowsmoke, and the cen- smokes as it glides along; the cenchris,which chris,which alwaysdrops forward, which hasa moves ever in astraight line – its belly is more belly markedwith many whacks.Intheir com- thickly chequered and spotted than the Theban pany wasthe ophytes, all stained; of the colour serpentinewithits minutepatterns; the am- of the sand wasthe snake ammodytes and the modytes,ofthe same colourasthe scorched deceiver cerastes withthe scytale shed from its sand an indistinguishable from it; the cerastes, skin when there arefrosts. Also present there which wandersabout as its spine makesit weretanned dipsas and the weighty amphisi- turn; the scytale,which alone can shed its skin baenaoftwo heads and the natrix,which sul- while the rime is still scattered over the lies clearwater,and the flying iaculus withthe ground; the dried-up dipsas;the fell amphis- [parias] snake thatmakes stripes with baena,thatmoves towards each of its two its tail on its path. Accompanying them was heads; the natrix,which pollutes waters,and the greedy prester,which extends its foamy the iaculus,thatcan fly; the parias,that is mouth, and the deadly seps, which shatters contenttoplough atrack with its tail; the bones along withthe body.] deadly seps thatdestroysthe bones withthe body.]

All of these forms of knowledge,bad and less bad, about stones,animals and mythological figures,are dependent on morality as corresponds to areading in an allegorical tone:

Por Medusa entenderemos alaherejía que torna alos hombres piedras porque, olos hace adorar piedras como hacía alos antiguos,olos hacenegar asuDios, la cual ha tornado en piedras ainfinitos hombres, por quien tantos escándalos de herejías se levantaron en el mundo.⁴⁴

[Through Medusa, we will understand the heresy that turns men to stone, because either she makesthem adorestones as did the ancients,orshe makesthem denytheir God, she who has turned countless men to stone, she for whom so manyheretical scandals have arisen in the world.]

 Baldo (2002, 99). 142 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry

Irecall thatJean Seznec called attention to the continuity of the allegorical interpretation of pagan gods in the Renaissance: Thus the great allegorical current of the Middle Ages, far from shrinking, flows on in an ever widening channel. And the gods of the Renaissance are still in manycases didactic figures – instruments for the edification of the soul.⁴⁵ What is most striking to me is the allegorisation of the snakes:

Por la serpientesepes ternemos la lujuria, que consullama, que parecepequeña, quema no solamentelaánima, pero al cuerpo;dedía en día lo deshace, en la manera que arriba habemos dicho. También se tomará por la envidia, que mata la ánima en odio ycarcome el cuerpo por los bienes ajenos.⁴⁶

[From the viper snakewehavelust,which with its flame, which appears small, burns not onlythe soul, but the body; daybyday it destroysit, in the waywespokeofearlier.Itis also undone by envy,which kills the soul with hate and corrodes the bodyvia the well- beingofothers.]

This textual practice is reminiscent of medieval encyclopaedists. Iamthinking, for example, of the Franciscan Juan Gil de Zamorawho, around 1288, writeshis Historia Naturalis,inwhich he givesin–accordingtoJosé Martínez Gázquez – to “la difusión de los conocimientos naturales, poniéndolos al servicio de las ver- dades de la fe cristiana”⁴⁷ [the diffusion of naturalknowledge,putting it to the service of the truths of the Christian faith].

*** In the final part of this study,Iwill analyse another instance of ‘bad knowledge’: In the Liber XIII of the original text by Folengo, the protagonist asks his friend Cingarus, during avoyage at sea, about the particularities of the stars.⁴⁸ This so-called “astrologia Cingaris” makes as much fun of astrological discourse as

 Seznec (1940,103).  Baldo (2002, 99).  Martínez Gázquez (1998, 179).Regarding Gil de Zamora, see the edition of the Historia Nat- uralis (1994) as wellasthe studies by Talavera Esteso (1983), García Ballester and Domínguez García (1994,115–134) and Marcos Casquero(1995).  “OCingar,grandis me nunc maravilia brancat,/nec scio qua guisa possunt,quae cernimus, esse. /Nonne vides solem plus largum, plusque rotundum /quando foras exit nascens,quan- dovetramontat,/quam cum sustollit per coeli culmina carrum?/Praeterea nunc fert tam ros- sum ille visazzum, /intinam vini quod strabuccasse videtur” (Folengo, Baldus 1989,464) [Oh, Cingar,great is the amazement that Ifeel, and Icannot comprehend how the things we see are possible. Have younever noticed how the sun is largerand rounder when it comes out and when it sets,than when it takes its chariottothe peak of the sky.Now it has abig face, so red that one might think it drank abarrelofvine]. Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 143 it does of the imaginary mythological planetarium. In the Spanish Baldo the curiosity of Folengo’sprotagonistabout astrological matters reappears: “[…]Baldo, que eraamigodesaber muchas cosas,preguntó aCíngar que le dijesecómo estaba compuesta esta gran redondez del cielo ylatierraque deseaba muchosa- berlo”⁴⁹ [Baldo, who was an ardent searcher for knowledge in manythings, asked Cíngar to tell him of what the great roundness of the sky and the earth was made,ashehad much desire to know]. In contrastwith what happens in the macaronic text,the Spanish Cíngar responds by presentinghis serious and well-ordered synthesisofastronomical and astrologicalknowledge,which begins with the discussion of the number of heavens,⁵⁰ continuingwith the signs of the zodiac, and ending in ademonstration of his mythological knowledge.After further explanations of other constellations and their mythological background, therefollows adetailed description, in descending order,ofthe seventh heavendown to the first,with corresponding planets, in accordancewith the most common orderingofsuch lists: he begins with Saturn, the farthest planet from Earth, and finisheswith the moon, adding alist of physiognomic traits that are attributed to people born under the ascendant of each planet,aswell as the activities associated with each.This curious amalgamofmedical (the theory of the humours and the complexions of man) and astrological and mythological concepts, is explainedvia the associated ‘scientific’ bibliography, which the author of the Baldo knows very well and has employed on repeated occasions within the chivalric tale. In the morality that offers commentary on this episode,the author severelycriticisesthe naive belief in divination:

Claroestá qu’el sabio señorea sobrelas estrellas,yesto no fuera si los cursos yefetos de los planetas no se pudieran impedir.Esto lo declaran, así qu’el sabio haráesto cuando viere

 Baldo (2002, 79–80).  Baldo (2002, 80): “Cuanto aloprimero, sabrás que los cielos unos dicen que son nueve, otros diez, otros once.Dejo esto ycon ello al primer cielo impíreo, el cual no se muevey más grande, más perfectoymás redondo que es’otros. Pero, ¿enqué me detengo?Es, en fin, morada divina debajod’este sin haber cosa vacía. En medio está el que primeramentese muevecon movimientovelocísimo que, si parase, toda la humana máquina se desataría. Tras d’él viene el cielo estrellado, en el cual está un círculo, repartido en tres líneas,yéste se divide en docepartes que se llaman signos que van por la línea del medio” [Regarding the first,you will know that of the heavens,some saythereare nine, others ten, others eleven. Iwill leave this and with it,the first Empyrean heaven, which does not moveand is larger, moreperfect and rounder than the others.But,towhat should Iapplymyself?Itis, essentially, the divine abode underneath it,nothingempty remaining. In the middle is the one that principally moves with such speed that,ifitstopped, the entirehuman apparatus would flyloose. After it comesthe starry heaven, in which thereisacircle, distributed in three lines,and it is divided in twelveparts,called signs, that go alongthe middle line]. 144 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry

que Saturno denuncia gran frialdad yélselibradeaquel daño. Dice otroque ha de ser airado, pero refrena la ira, pero por esto no deja de acaecer esto simplementey,sielhom- bre se dejareircomolas bestias,todo lo que le inclinan los planetas,terná. De adonde hacen mal aquellos que dan su parecer sobreaquellascosas que sólo Dios sabeyno menos aquellosque lo quierensaber d’éstos.⁵¹

[Itisclear that the wise man lords over the stars,and this would not be if the courses and the effects of the planets could not be impeded. This they declare, so the wise man will do this when he sees that Saturn prognosticates great cold, and he avoids that harm. Another says that he must be angry,but that he checks his anger,but for this reasonthis simply does not stop happening, and, if the man lets himself go in the wayofbeasts,all toward which the planets incline him, he will do. From whencethey do ill that make ajudgment over those things that onlyGod knows, and not least those whowish to know about them.]

Immediatelyafter,heenumerates the types of seers that knew the classical world: augurs, haruspices,etc., whose arts werebanned by the EmperorCon- stantine Ithe Great (274 – 337).⁵² It is noteworthythatthe imperial interdictions that have reached us are literallycited in the Codex Theodisianus:⁵³

Baldo Codex Theodisianus

Donde el emperador Constantino que dice Imp. Constantinus a. et c. ad Bassum pf.p. “aquella ciencia de aquéllos es de castigar y Eorum est scientia punienda et severissimis de vengar conseverasleyes, que armados con meritolegibus vindicanda, qui magicis accincti artes mágicas aparejan algocontralasalud de artibus aut contrahominummoliti salutem aut los hombres ollevan los ánimos castos ala pudicos ad libidinem deflexisse animos dete- lujuria, yaquéllos que buscan remedios que gentur. Nullis verocriminationibus implicanda no vengan aguasenlas madurasviñas ni gra- sunt remedia humanisquaesita corporibus aut nizo”. in agrestibus locis, ne maturisvindemiis me- tuerenturimbres aut ruentisgrandinislapida- tione quaterentur[…](CTh... [=brev...])

[Where the Emperor Constantine says: “the [The sameAugustus and Caesar to Bassus, science of those people is to be punished and Prefect of the City.The science of those men avenged withsevere laws, for, armed with who areequipped with magic arts and who are magical arts, they harness somethingagainst revealed to have worked against the safety of the health of man, or deliver chaste souls unto men or to have turned virtuous minds to lust

 Baldo (2002, 82).  See Barton (1994,39): “In A.D.319 Constantineforbade privateconsultation, onlytraditional public haruspici beingallowed”.  Compare Baldo (2002, 82–83)with the Codex Theodisisanus (CTh.9.16.3 [=brev.9.13.1]) and (CTh.9.16.4 [=brev.9.13.2]). This collection of laws, dictatedin438 by Emperor Theodosius,isac- cessible online at http://ancientrome.ru/ius/library/codex/theod/liber09.htm#16 (1 November 2013). English translationbyPharr (1969, 237). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 145

Continued

Baldo Codex Theodisianus lust, and those who seek remedies, may they shall be punished and deservedly avenged by not come as water in the ripened vine, nor the most severe laws. But remedies sought for hail”.] human bodies shallnot be involved in criminal accusation, nor the assistancethatisinno- cently employed in rural districtsinorder that rains may not be feared forthe ripe grape harvests or that the harvests maynot be shattered by the stones of ruinous hail …]

También estableció que “ninguno se aconse- Imp. Constantius a. et Iulianus c. ad populum. jase conaurúspiceomatemático,niaríolo ni Nemo haruspicem consulat aut mathematicum, augurseesconda. Los caldeos magosylos nemo hariolum. Augurum et vatumprava con- otros que el vulgollamahechiceros no hagan fessio conticescat.Chaldaei ac magi et ceteri, algo en esto. Calle ya la curiosidad perpetua- quos maleficos ob facinorum magnitudinem mentedeadevinar porque cualquieraque no vulgus appellat, nec ad hancpartem aliquid obedeciere anuestros mandos serále cortada moliantur.Sileatomnibus perpetuo divinandi la cabeza”. curiositas.etenim supplicium capitisferet gladio ultore prostratus, quicumque* iussis obsequiumdenegaverit. Dat. VIII. kal. febr. Mediolano,Constantio a. IX.etIuliano caes. II. coss. Interpretatio. Quicumque* pro curiositate futurorumvel invocatoremdaemonumvel di- vinos, quos hariolos appellant, velharuspi- cem, qui auguria colligit,consuluerit, capite punietur. (CTh... [=brev...])

[He also established that “none be advised [The Emperor Constantius to the People. No either by haruspex or mathematician, neither person should consult asoothsayeroranas- fortuneteller nor augurmay hide. Chaldean trologer or adiviner.The wicked doctrines of magicians and the othersthatthe people call augurs and seersshall become silent. The sorcerers shall do nothing in this. Let the per- Chaldeans and wizards and all the rest whom petual curiosity of divination be silenced, for the common people call magicians, because of any he thatdoes not obey our orders shall the magnitude of their crimes, shallnot at- havehis head cut off”.] temptanything in this direction. The inquisi- tivenessofall men for divination shall cease forever.For if any person should deny obedi- encetothese orders,heshallsuffercapital punishment, felled by the avenging sword.]

This transcription of legal texts is followed, without anyclear divisions, by a referencetothe mannerinwhich the philosopher Favorinus goes against the div- 146 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry ination arts of the Chaldeans,which goes backtothe preferred miscellanyofthe anonymous author, TheAttic Nights of Aulus Gellius:⁵⁴

Baldo Noctium atticarum [The attic nights]XIV, 

De adonde aquel gran filósofoFavorino –según Dissertatio Favorini philosophiadversus eos, lo cuentaAulo Gelio en el libro.xiiij.– repre- qui Chaldaeiappellantur et ex coetu motibus- hende aestos caldeos oadevinos conmuy que siderum et stellarumfata hominum dic- evidentes razones, do demuestra cuántasea la turos pollicentur. vanidad d’ellos yelpocosaber de quien les va aconsultar.

[Where that great philosopher Favorinus – as [Adiscourse of the philosopher Favorinus di- Aulus Gellius recounts in book xiiij. – repri- rected againstthose who are called Chaldeans, mands the Chaldeans or seerswithclear rea- and who profess to tell men’sfortunes fromthe sons, whereheshows how vain they areand conjunction and movements of the stars and how little is known by the one whose counsel constellations] they seek.]

De adonde alegaelmismo Aulo Gelio aquello .Exquibus est Pacuvianumillud: “namsi, del poetaPacubio, que dice: ‘Si veen lascosas quae eventurasunt, provideant, aequiperent que handeacontecer,iguálanse con Júpiter’;y Iovi”,item Accianumillud: “nil” inquit “credo aquello de Acio poetadiceasí: ‘Nada creo alos auguribus, qui aures verbis divitant alienas, agoreros que enriquecen conpalabras las suasutaurolocupletent domus”. orejas de otro por hinchir sus casasdeoro’.

[Where the same Aulus Gellius puts forward [Among these is the following saying of Pacu- those things from the poet Pacuvius, who says: vius: “Could men divine the futures, they’d ‘If you all see those things which must happen, match Jove”.Also thisfromAccius, who writes: youare equal to Jupiter’;and the words from “Itrust the augurs not, who with merewords / the poet Accius which say: ‘Idonot at all be- Enrich men’sears, to load themselves with lievethe prophets of doom, who with words gold”]. enrich the ears of others so as to filltheir houses withgold’.]

También Favorino, queriendo apartaralos .Idem Favorinus deterrerevolens ac depel- mancebos d’estos adevinos que prometen lere adulescentes agenethliacisistisetqui- decir lo porvenir,concluía conestas palabras: busdam aliisidgenus, qui prodigiosis artibus “que, aunque dijesen verdad, no habían de futura omnia dicturos pollicentur, nullo pacto consultarlos porque odicencosas adversas o adeundos eos esse consulendosque huiusce- prósperas. Si dicen prósperas yengañan, es- modi argumentis concludebat: . “Aut adver- tarásesperando en vano. Si dicen cosasad- sa” inquit “eventura dicunt alit prospera.Si versasymienten,tomarás pesar ysiempre dicunt prosperaetfallunt, miser fies frustra estarás temendo en vano. Si responden cosas exspectando; si adversadicuntetmentiuntur, verdaderas yéstas no son prósperas, luego miser fies frustra timendo; sin verarespondent

 Compare Baldo (2002, 83)with AulusGellius, TheAttic Nights XIV,1,34–35.Translation by Rolfe (1948, 3and 19–20). Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry 147

Continued

Baldo Noctium atticarum [The attic nights]XIV,  serás desdichado en tu corazón antes que te eaque sunt non prospera,iam inde ex animo acontezca.Siteprometen cosas dichosas y miser fies, antequam efatofias; si felicia éstas han de acontecer,entonces claramente promittunt eaque eventurasunt, tumplane duo ternásdos daños, que la esperanzatefatigará erunt incommoda: et exspectatio te spei sus- yellamisma te desfloraráuna parte del gozo pensumfatigabit, et futurum gaudii fructum que hasdetomar’.Así por ninguna vía habe- spes tibi iam praefloraverit.Nullo igiturpacto mos de usar d’estos hombres que adevinan lo utendumest istiusmodi hominibus res futuras porvenir”. praesagientibus”.

[Favorinus, also wanting to separate the youth [Favorinus too, wishing to deter and turn away from these seerswho swear they cantellthe young men from such calculators of nativities future, concluded withthese words: “which, and from certain others of that kind, who pro- though they told the truth, one must not con- fesstorevealall the future by means of magic sult withthem, forthey say things that are ei- arts, concluded witharguments of this sort, to ther adverse or auspicious. If they sayauspi- show thatthey ought by no means to be re- cious things and deceive, you will be waiting in sorted to and consulted. “They predict”,said vain. If they sayadversethings and lie, youwill he, “either adverse or prosperous events. If take it to heart and will always fear in vain.If they foretellprosperity and deceive you, you they replywith truths, and these arenot aus- willbemade wretched by vain expectations; if picious, then you willbewretched of heart they foretelladversity and lie, youwillbemade before it even happens to you.Ifthey promise wretched by uselessfears.But if they predict youhappy things, and these then happen, you truly and the events areunhappy,you will willdoyourself two ills:hope willexhaust you thereby be made wretched by anticipation, and the verysamewilldefile apart of the joy before youare fated to be so; if on the contrary thatyou have had. Thus, in no way must we they promiseprosperity and it comes to pass, avail ourselves of those men who predict the then therewillclearly be two disadvantages: future”.] the anticipation of your hopes willwearyou out withsuspense, and hope willinadvance havereaped the fruit of yourapproaching happiness. Therefore there is every reason why youshould not resort to men of thatkind, who professknowledgeofthe future].

To top it off, our doctor rusticus adds aquotation from the Horatian Odes to his owncreation: “AúnelpoetaHoracio dice: ‘Huye de preguntar qué ha de ser el día de mañana’”⁵⁵ [Even the poet Horace says: ‘flee from asking what is to be tomorrow’]. The repetition in the use of introductory formulas like “de adonde” [from where], “también” [also] o “aún” [even], seems to point to the fact that the

 Horace, Carminum I, IX, v. 13: “Quid si futurum cras,fugequaerere” [Avoid askingwhatto- morrow will bring]. 148 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry anonymous author does nothing but copy quotations from asourcethatwas pos- siblyhis own book of notes taken while reading the classics,which are integrat- ed without literary ambition into his creation, in the function of the well-known standard of authority. To conclude, Iwould like to return brieflytothe Silva by Mexía:inchapter XIIII of the fourth part that was first published in 1550 –1551(Valladolid, Juan de Villaquirán)⁵⁶ and thus some yearsafter our book of chivalry,wefind, under the title “De la aguda razón eargumento con que Faborino, filósofo, probaba eamo- nestaba que ninguno debe preguntar alos astrólogoslas cosas por venir,ni saber lo que les ha de acontecer”⁵⁷ [On the sharp reason and argument with which Favorinus, philosopher,demonstratedand warned that no one must ask astrologers about future things, nor must they know what will happen to them] arefutation of predictive astrology that – in addition to the testimonyof Favorinus – is reminiscent of the moralistic commentary in Baldo which we have just discussed: beyond the censoringofhuman curiosity and the desire to “saber las cosas que les han de suceder”⁵⁸ [know those thingsthatwill happen to them], Pedro Mexía quotes the sophist philosopher originallyfrom Arles “según que Aulo Gelio refieredél”⁵⁹ [as Aulus Gellius refers to him]. As insignif- icant as this coincidencemay seem, it represents apalpable confirmation of several analysis proposals that Ihavearticulated in this study; in particular,ofthe pedagogicaldimension that fictional works like the Baldo have,thanks to the use of that very characteristic extradiegetic commentary,which invites us to consider their reception – just as in the case of the Guzmán – as well as didactic moral miscellanies. At the end of the first book of the Baldo,the knights, and alsothe rogue, are purified when they witness afight between the vicesand the virtues, which goes back to the Psychomachia of Prudentius, after which they appear to be trans- formedinto serious heroes.This conversion of the protagonists, which involves the disappearance of the moralistic commentaries in the second and third books, was necessary because the hypotexts of the final booksare the Aeneid and the Pharsalia,which evidentlyrequireanother type of character,one who can carry out heroic feats.With regard to Cíngar,itisnoteworthythat he continues to be awise man with acertain roguish air,eventhough it maybeothercom- petences that characterise him; they are useful forms of knowledge:urban con-

 See Castro’sintroduction in his edition of the Silvadevaria lección (1990,55and note 90).  Mexía (2003,863).  Mexía (2003,864).  Mexía (2003,863). Workscited 149 struction,the art of war, and the construction of siegeequipment.⁶⁰ So these things, this curious book of chivalry,asone maysuspect of other Spanish texts with relatively close dates of publication, mayberead, ultimately, as a book about the adventuresofknowledge.

Workscited

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Alcalá Galán, Mercedes. “Lasmisceláneasespañolasdel sigloXVI ysuentorno cultural.” Dicenda: Cuadernos de filología hispánica 14 (1996):11–19.

 See Gernert (2008, 251–267). 150 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad, in aBook of Chivalry

Barton, TamsynS.Power and knowledge: astrology, physiognomics,and medicine under the Roman Empire. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press,1994. Bataillon, Marcel. ErasmoyEspaña. Estudios sobre la historia espiritual del siglo xvi. México /Buenos Aires:Fondo de cultura económica, 1979. 487–504. Beretta, Marco. “Betwen Nature and Technology: GlassinAncient Chemical Philosophy.” When Glass Matters. Ed.Marco Beretta.Firenze:Olschki,2004.1–30. Blasco Pascual, FranciscoJavier. “Extraordinario peronofantástico: El género de las misceláneasrenacentistas.” Anthropos: Boletín de información ydocumentación 154 (1994): 118–121. Cherchi, Paolo. “Imanuali segreti.” Polimatia di riuso: mezzosecolo di plagio (1539–1589). Roma: Bulzoni, 1998. 25–77. Cros, Edmond. Contribution àl’étude des sourcesde“Guzmán de Alfarache.” Paris: s.t., 1967a. Cros, Edmond. Protée et le gueux. Recherches sur les origines et la naturedurécit picaresque dans “Guzmán de Alfarache.” Paris: Didier,1967b. Di Pasquale, G. “Scientific and Techological use of GlassinGraeco-Roman Antiquity.” When Glass Matters. Ed.Marco Beretta. Firenze:Olschki,2004.31–76. García Ballester,Luis, and AvelinoDomínguez García. “Gil de Zamoraysu Historia Naturalis: Algunos aspectosdel enciclopedismo en el sigloXIII”, Estudios Humanísticos. Filología 16 (1994): 115–134. García de la Torre, Moisés. “Obrasdedivulgación, misceláneasyparemiologías”. La prosa didáctica en los siglos de oro. Madrid: Playor, 1983. 22–24. Gernert, Folke “Un autor de un libro de caballeríasenItalia. Reflexiones sobre el arte militar en el Baldo.” Amadís de Gaula: Quinientos años después (Estudios en homenaje aJuan Manuel Cacho Blecua). Ed. José Manuel Lucía Megíasand María Carmen Marín Pina. Alcalá de Henares: Centrodeestudios cervantinos, 2008. 251–267 Gernert, Folke. “Del caballero humanista al humanismo picaresco. La imitatio auctorum en el Baldo yenelGuzmán de Alfarache.” eHumanista 16 (2010): 290–307. Gernert, Folke. “La culturaclásica de un anónimo doctor rusticus. El autor del Baldo yel saber misceláneo.” La impronta humanística (ss. XV–XVIII): Saberes, visiones e interpretaciones. Ed Ana Castro Santamaría and Joaquín García Nistal. Palermo: Officina di Studi Medievali, 2013. 57–69. Gernert, Folke. “Novella eintercalación narrativa: el relato breveenelBaldo (1542).” Libros de caballerías (del ‘Amadís’ al ‘Quijote’). Poética, lectura, representación yidentidad. Ed.Eva Belén Carro, Laura Puerto Moroand María Sánchez Pérez. Salamanca: Semyr, 2001. 109–117 Gernert, Folke. “Un pícarosabio en un librodecaballerías:Cíngaryel saber fisiognómicoy astrológicorenacentista.” Historias fingidas 1(2013): 133–150. König, Bernhard. “El pícarocomoladrónconsumado. Un famoso hurto en Mateo Alemán (Guzmán de Alfarache II, ii, 5–6) yenlabiografía de Cíngar del Baldo español (1542).” Novela picaresca ylibros de caballerías. Ed.Folke Gernert and Javier Gómez-Montero. Salamanca: SEMYR, 2003. 137–167. Lee, Yin WaiLilith. “El género de las misceláneasenlaEdad de Oroysu tradiciónclásica.” Humanismo ypervivencia del mundo clásico: homenaje al profesor Antonio PrietoIV.1. Ed.José María MaestreMaestre, Joaquín Pascual Bareaand Luis Charlo Brea. Alcañiz / Works cited 151

Madrid: InstitutodeEstudios Humanísticos /ConsejoSuperior de Investigaciones Científicas,2008. 313–326. Magnien-Simonin,Catherine. “Montaigne et Aulu-Gelle.” Bulletin de la Societé des Amis de Montaigne 41–42 (1995): 7–23. Malpartida Tirado,Rafael. “Deslindes de la miscelánea en el Renacimientoespañol.” Epos 23 (2007): 39–60. MarcosCasquero, ManuelAntonio. “La Historia Naturalis de Juan Gil de Zamora.” Estudios Humanísticos. Filología 17 (1995): 423–424. Martínez Gázquez, José. “Moralización de las piedras preciosas en la Historia Naturalis de Juan Gil de Zamora(1240–1320).” Faventia: Revista de Filologia Clàssica 20 (1998): 177–186. Matton, Sylvain. “L’Influencedel’humanisme surlatradition alchimique.” Micrologus 3 (1995): 279–340. Matzat, Wolfgang. “Barocke Subjektkonstitution in Mateo Alemáns Guzmán de Alfarache.” Diskursedes Barock. Dezentrierte oder rezentrierte Welt? Ed.Joachim Küpper and Friedrich Wolfzettel. München: Fink, 2000.269–291. Michaud, Monique. Mateo Alemán, moraliste chrétien. De l’apologue picaresque à l’apologétique tridentine. Paris:Aux AmateursdeLivres,1987. Monti, Silvia. “Istanzenarrative estatuto dell’enunciazionenelle novelle interpolatedel Guzmán de Alfarache.” Quaderni di Lingue eLetterature 15 (1990): 123–144. Plunien, Norbert. “Zwei Colloquia des Erasmus in einem spanischen Ritterroman. Zu den Quellen und zurStruktur der Cingar-Vitades Baldo.” Romanistisches Jahrbuch 35 (1984): 240–257. Prieto, Antonio. La prosa española del siglo XVI. Madrid: Catedra,1986. Rallo Gruss,Asunción. “Las misceláneas: conformación ydesarrollo de un género renacentista.” EdaddeOro 3(1984): 159–180. Ramos Maldonado, SandraInés. “La Naturalis Historia de Plinio el Viejo: lectura en clave humanística de un clásico.” Ágora: Estudos Clássicos em Debate 15 (2013): 51–94. Rodríguez Cacho, Lina. “La seleccióndelocurioso en ‘silvas’ y ‘jardines’:notaspara la trayectoria del género.” Criticón 58 (1993): 155–168. Rodríguez Guerrero, José. “Un origen griegoparalaalquimia yotras historiasfilosofales en el Baldo castellano de 1542.” The Colorado Review of Hispanic Studies 7(2009): 33–48. Seznec, Jean. The Survival of the Pagan Gods. New York: Harper &Brothers, 1953. Signorini, Rodolfo. “L’Arca Gonzaga eilCosmo AlchemicodiManto.” Teofilo Folengo nel quinto centenario della nascita (1491–1991): Atti del convegno del 1991. Ed. Giorgio Bernardi Perini and Claudio Marangoni. Firenze: Olschki,1993. 59–83. Sola, Christel. “La práctica cervantinadelacolección de novelas.” Criticón 97–98 (2006): 89–105. Strosetzki,Christoph. “Flores, jardines ybosques: la búsqueda de autoridades en P. Mexía, A. de Torquemada, L. Zapata yJ.Pérez de Moya.” Loca ficta: Losespacios de la maravilla en la EdadMedia ySiglo de Oro. Ed. Ignacio Arellano Ayuso. Madrid: Vervuert, 2003. 413–426; Talavera Esteso, FranciscoJosé. “La Historia Naturalis de Juan Gil de Zamora ylatradición enciclopedísticalatinadel S. XIII: edición de sus prólogos.” AnalectaMalacitana: Revista de la Sección de Filología de la Facultad de Filosofía yLetras 6(1983): 151–176. 152 Miscellaneous Knowledge, Good and Bad,inaBook of Chivalry

Zumbini, Bonaventura. “L’astrologia elamitologia nel Pontano enel Folengo.” Rassegna Critica della LetteraturaItaliana 2(1987): 1–14. The Accumulation of (un)usefulKnowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries of the Baldo and the Guzmán de Alfarache

Costumbre mía es ynolatengo por mala, ir en mis escritos llevando por delantelaparte curiosa de aquello que se me ofrece, por no hacer otrocamino.Siespoco, aunelrejalgar no daña, ysibueno, siempreyen toda parte aprovecha.¹

[Itismyhabit, and Idonot consider it abad one, to maintain curiosityinmywritings for that which is offeredtomeinnot takinganother path. If it seems but little, even realgar does no harm; and if it is good, it is everywhereand always of good use.]

This is what Mateo Alemán confesses to us in his San Antonio de Padua,published between the first and second part of the Guzmán de Alfarache. The Sevil- lian author refers to this very theme as dealt with in the present volume: the accumulation of curiosities and knowledge of various origins and their usefulness, defendedbyway of astrokeofwishful thinking,not dissimilar from the captatio benevolentiae characteristic of aprologue. Asimilar line of argumentation is found in the prologueintended for “the discrete reader” of Guzmán de Alfarache himself.

No es todo de mi aljaba; mucho escogí de doctos varones ysantos.Eso te alaboyvendo. Y pues no haycosabuena que no proceda de las manos de Dios, ni tan mala de que no le resultealguna gloria, yentodo tiene parte, abraza, recibe en ti la provechosa, dejando lo no tal omalo como mío. Aunque estoy confiado que las cosas que no pueden dañar suelen aprovechar muchas veces.²

[These Arrowes arenot all of mine owne Quiuer,nor this honey that Iset beforethee, all of mine owne hiue; much of their sweetnesse did Isuckefromholyand learned men; this is merchantable ware, well-conditioned; and for such Irecommend it vnto thee. And because thereisnogoodthing,which doth not proceed from the hands of God; nor anythingsobad, whereof some glory doth not resulttohis diuine Maiestie (as hauing apart in euery thing) imbrace,and giue afriendlyreception to that which maybeprofitable for thee, reiecting that which is o∣therwise, or whatsoeuer else is bad, as meerelymine: Albeit Iamvery con- fident,that those thingswhich cannot hurt,are wontmanytimes to doe much good.]

 Alemán, San Antonio de Padua,II, iv (1607, 9r); see Rico(1967, 173) and Close (2007, 111): “Según esto,paraelsevillano,incluso lo marginalmenteasociado al tema principal es admisi- ble” [According to this, for the Sevillian, even things marginallyassociated to the principal theme areadmissible].  Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache, “Del mismo al discreto lector” (2012,14–15). Iuse the edition by Gómez Canseco, which Icompare with the editions of Ricoand Micó. In the followingIquote from the English translation by James Mabbe (1623,w/o pages).

In addition to insisting on the moral benefit of the fruits of his reading, he gives us aclear account of the origin of the digressions, which he presents as the result of aprocess of conscious selection (“escogí” [I chose]),insinuating thatitisthe product of ameticulousstudy of the classics thathehimself has undertaken. Elsewhere, however,the narrator betrayshimself when he characterises the parts of his discourse as being amore random product:

Yo también he ido tras de mi pensamiento, sin pensar parar en el mundo;mas, como el fin que llevoesfabricar un hombreperfeto, siempreque hallo piedras para el edificio las voy amontonando. Son mi centro aquestasocasiones ycamino con ellas aél.³

[I likewise, haue followed mine owne idle humour,not thinkingvpon anysettled course in this world; but because the end which Iintend, is to build vp aperfect man, still as Imeet with stones fit for this building, Igoe settingofthem vp; these occasions,are my Center, and by them, as by so manylines,Icome thereunto.]

What Iaminterested in analysing in this article is the origin of some of the “stones” with which the buildingofthe GuzmándeAlfarache is constructed, comparing it to the moralistic commentaries of the Baldo,⁴ and placing special emphasis on its relationship to the miscellanies and polyantheas in use at the time. It is well known, and there is no need to for me to belabour this point,that the Guzmán de Alfarache is aheterogeneouswork,⁵ which is similar to the genre of miscellany⁶ to such an extent that Luis GómezCanseco observes in his new

 Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,II, I, vii (2012,441). Translation Mabbe (1623,w/o pages).  Ihad alreadytackled this theme from afew points of view in Gernert (2010), (2013) and (2015).  See chapterII“Die strukturelle Heterogenität des Guzmán de Alfarache” [Structural heterogeneity of Guzmán de Alfarache]inMatzat (2000,272 passim).  See Rallo Gruss (1984,165), Michaud (1987, 179 – 180), Monti (1990,123), Close (2007, 110) as wellasGernert (2010) and (2015). See also the chapter on the Silva in Cros (1967a, 150 –162) and the chapter “De l’explication de textes ou lectio auxmiscellanées” in Cros(1967b, 150 – 162) in which he observes: “Lu,accueilli et diffusé comme une miscellanée dans une partie de l’Europe du XVIIesiècle, le Livre du Gueux doit lui-même beaucoupàcescollections de tous ordres et,enparticulier,son érudition qui est souvent une éruditiondeseconde main. C’est ainsi qu’on peut yrévéler des emprunts manifestes àPedro Mexía (Silvadevaria lección), Torquemada (Coloquios satíricos), Boaistuau(Histoires prodigieuses), L. B. Alberti (Momus), Il Doni (Mondi Celesti, terrestri et infernali), LudovicoGuicciardini (L’horedirecreatione), tandis qu’un certain nombrederapprochements s’imposent avec les Serées de Bouchet et,d’une ma- nièregénérale, avec les collections de matières facétieuses” (1967b, 161) [Read, receivedand dis- seminated as amiscellanyinapart of Europe in the seventeenth century,the Book of the Rogue owes itself largely to these collections,particularlyits erudition that is very often asecond hand erudition.For instance, one can uncover manifest borrowings from Pedro Mexía (Silvadevaria The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 155 edition of the Guzmán that we can read Alemán’snovel as “una Silva de varia lección con protagonista” [a Silva de varia lección with aprotagonist] and highlights the “buscada estética de la diversidad” [desired aesthetic of diversity], thanks to which “se podría describir el libro como una suma de materiales he- terogéneos trenzados en torno al núcleonarrativo que constituye la vida de Guz- mán”⁷ [the book could be described as asummation of heterogeneous materials plaited around the narrativecentrethat constitutes the life of Guzmán]. In an article published in 1967titled “Estructuras yreflejos de estructurasenelGuzmán de Alfarache” [Structuresand reflections of structures in the Guzmán de Alfara- che]Francisco Ricoillustrated, in amasterful way, Mateo Alemán’sdebt to encyclopaedic and polyanthean works likethe Silva de varia lección by PedroMexía or the Lugares comunesdeconceptos, dichos, ysentencias en diversas materias [Common Places of Concepts,Sayings, and Judgments, in DiverseSubjects]by Juan de Aranda.⁸ Rico, in exemplary fashion,compared the beginning of chapter II, i, 3, of the GuzmándeAlfarache,with the eighteenth chapter of the fourth part of the Silva de varia lección⁹ and the reflections on lies and deceit of both authors. Don Francisco concludes:

[…]creoque todo el capítulo, por encima de las tenues coincidencias en la letra, refleja la estructura del II, xvi, de la Silva. No bastarían asostener tal creencia, por supuesto, los pa- ralelos en el tema yenladisposición general […]; lo importante me parece el hecho de que la conclusión[…]que resumeeilustralaanterior disertación sobreelser,peligro yclases de la mentira, coincida con el Guzmán en centrarse en los engañosdelacosmética, tal ocultar la edad tiñéndose las canas:hasta el puntodeque el “traíalamentira pública en el rostroyen la cabeza” es, menos agudamente, el “mienten por la barba” de la Ata- laya.¹⁰

lección), Torquemada (Coloquios satíricos), Boaistuau(Histoires prodigieuses), L. B. Alberti (Momus), Doni (Mondi Celesti,terrestri et infernali), LudovicoGuicciardini (L’hore di recreatione), while acertain number of analogies with the Serées of Bouchet areobvious and, in amoregen- eral way, with the collections of facetious material].  Gómez Cansecoinhis edition of the Guzmán (2012, 802).  With the digital library Poliantea (Enciclopedias, repertorios de lugares comunesymisceláneas de erudición humanística) [Polyanthea (Encyclopaedias, repertoires of common and miscellaneous places of humanistic erudition)], Sagrario López Poza makesavailable to researchers aworking tool of great usefulness.  Rico(1967, 180 passim).  Rico(1967, 181–182);see also Rico(1967, 182): “La organización del material en aquélla [i.e. la Silva]proporcionaba un modelo para disponer las propias reflexiones sobrelacuestión; yla anécdota final de la Silva mostrabauncamino para sintetizar los preliminares yaplicarlos al vivir del protagonista” [The organisation of the material in it (i.e., the Silva)offered amodel for using the same reflections on the matter; and the final anecdote of the Silva showed a path to synthesising the first drafts and applythem to the life of the protagonist]. 156 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries

[… Ibelievethe entirechapter, beyond the tenuous coincidences in the writing, reflects the structureofchapter II, xvi, of the Silva. Of course, such abelief could not be sustained by the parallels in the topicand the general order …;the important point seems to me to be the fact that the conclusion … which summarises and illustrates the previous dissertation on forms,danger, and the types of falsehood, coincides with the Guzmán,inthat it centres on the cosmetic deceptions,such as hide one’sage by dyinggreyhair:tothe point that “he carried the outwardlie on in his face and in his head” is, less severely,the “they lie with their beards” from the Atalaya.]

In his classic book on Novela picaresca ypunto de vista [ThePicaresque Novel and PointofView], Rico developedthis idea and observedthatthe Guzmán de Alfarache “nace de un más amplio intentoaleccionador (apoyado esencialmente en la novela, sí, pero también en otros géneros familiares en la época;lasilva o miscelánea, por ejemplo)”¹¹ [is bornofawider,exemplary attempt (largely,itis true, basedonthe novel but alsoonother familiar genres of the time; the silva or miscellany, for example)]. In summation, the “diccionarios secretos del Siglo de Oro” [secret dictionaries of the GoldenAge], as Víctor Infantes (1988) calls them, are inter-texts of the book by Alemán, in the structure as well as in the moral and didactic content. The collection most broadlyusedbyMateo Alemán might not be the Silva of Mexía,but rather the Lugares comunesdeconceptos, dichos, ysentencias en diversas materias of Juan de Aranda, publishedinSevillein1595,¹² an influence noticed earlyonbyFrancisco Rico, who, in his edition, pointed out afew instances.Subsequently, EdmondCros also mentions him from time to time, although it was the editions of José MaríaMicó and of Luis Gómez Canseco¹³ that offered a considerablyincreased number of references to Juan de Aranda. We know nothing of this author,occasionallymentioned in passing in studies on the florilegia of the GoldenAge,¹⁴ that is not deduced from the paratexts of his onlypublished book,¹⁵ which has hardlyeverbeen studied.¹⁶ Giventhat it

 Rico(1982[1970], 61– 62).  Thereisareedition from Madrid by Juan de la Cuesta, 1613.  Gómez Canseco, in his edition of the Guzmán de Alfarache (2012,36, nota 65), concedesto don Franciscothe merit of having noticed the importanceofthe Lugares comunes for the Guz- mán de Alfarache: “FueFranciscoRicoelprimeroenseñalar aAranda comofuenteesencial para Alemán” [Itwas FranciscoRicowho first identified Aranda as an essential source for Ale- mán].  See Infantes (1988, 253, note 40).  On the title pageand in the “Aprobación” [Approval], signed by Tomás Gracián Dantisco, he appears as graduateand inhabitant of Jaén.  The onlyexception is awork by ayoung Canadian hispanist, Erin AliceCowling,readata conference in 2005, Canadian Association of Hispanists,University of Western Ontario,London The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries 157 was aworkingtool, perhaps for more thanone author of the GoldenAge,itis worth looking closelyathis considerations of his method. In the brief “Prólogo al lector” [Prologue to the reader], the author describes conciselyhis labour of compilation:

Digoque en este librotrato de cientoysesenta ysietematerias las más comunes yplati- cables que hayque son de vicios yvirtudes,ycosas naturales ymorales,acerca de las cuales he recopilado los mejores dichos,sentencias¹⁷ yrazones que se han podido hallar yrecoger de mucha summa de libros ytraducidodelatín en buen castellano. El orden solo que se guardaesque para buscar cualquier materia se ha de ir alatabla que está al fin yallí se cita.¹⁸

[I mean that,inthis book, Idebatethe most commonand disputable of one hundred and sixty-sevensubjects matters in existence, which covervices and virtues,things natural and moral, aboutwhich Ihavecompiled the finest sayings,judgments and reasoningsthat have been found and collected from agreat number of books,translated from Latin intofair Ro- mance. The onlyorder which is safeguarded is such that,tosearchfor anysubject, one must go to the table at the end, and therefind it cited.]

It is necessary to focus brieflyonsome aspects, chieflythe organisation of the 167heterogeneoussubjects, compiled in an alphabetical table¹⁹ at the end of the book, which allows us to quickly find the materialsthat he calls ‘platica- bles’²⁰ [diputable], that is, which help in maintaining an agreeable conversation and takeonthe appearance of great erudition – todaywewould call this self fashioning. The content continues to appear – justasinPedroMexía –²¹ as aresultof the ‘varia lección’,which impliesthat it was the same author who read the clas-

Ontario,May 28 – 31,and available thanks to academica.edu, which deals with “La gestión del conocimientoenelmundo barroco: los Lugares comunesdeconceptos de Juan de Aranda” [The managingofknowledgeinthe Baroque world: the Lugares comunesdeconceptos of Juan de Aranda].  The error “sentencia” [judgment]was amended in the 1613 edition.  Aranda (1595,w/o pagination).  Muñoz(2011, 591) compares the alphabetical list of subjects in Juan de Aranda to the Index locorum communium in the fifteenth-century impressions of the medieval collection of the Irish theologian, Thomas of Hibernia.  With the same meaninginEnrique de Villena (“por viento suaue paçifficodeeloquencia a platicable puerto” (1995, 158v) [bysoft,gentle wind of eloquence, untoaconversable port] and in Quevedo: “Ni se puede dezir,que esto no es platicable, solo puede decirse, que no se platica, debiendo platicarse” (1966,307)[It cannot even be said, that this is not conversable, it can only be said, that one does not converse, though one should].  “[…]habiendo gastado mucha partedemivida en leer ypasar muchos libros […]parecióme que si destoyohabía alcanzadoalguna erudición onoticia de cosas, que […]tenía obligación a 158 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries sical writers and who selected afew passages that he deemed relevant,translating them from Latininto Spanish. We willsoon see that this, at least in part,is false, givenhow obvious it is that he owes adebt to previous collections, written in Spanish. This plagiarism must have weighed heavilyonhis conscience, afact that would explain this strangeline of reasoninginthe aforementioned prologue:

En lo demás no se tiene respecto auna materia más que aotra, sino como se ofrecen, en las cuales se procura comprobar cualquierdicho, razón osentencia consuauctor,muchas de la cuales yotras de las que no le tienen son proprias yotras tan naturales yconocidas que no tienen necesidad de prueba.²²

[In everythingelse thereisnomoreregardfor one subject than for another,rather they appear as they areoffered, and in them one can ascertain anysaying, reasoning or judgment with its author,manyofwhich, and others that it does not contain, arehis own, and others so authenticand well-known that they need no test.]

In order to understand exactlywhat Juan de Aranda means to conveywith these words, we need to comparehis Lugares comunes with the Silva de varia lección, which he copies on repeated occasions at the bottomofthe text without mentioning it,evenif–as must be recognised – he named ‘Pero Mexía’ among the “auctores que se citan en estelibro” [authors cited in this book].²³ Now we will analysesome concrete examples that are interesting as well as inter-texts of the Guzmán de Alfarache. First,Iwill return to the cited chapter of the Silva on lying,which begins:

Unodelos más aborrecibles ypeoresvicios que los hombres pueden tener es el mentir, porque con el mentiroso ninguna cosa se puede tratar ni platicar con seguridad. La mentira todas las cosas hacesospechosas;e,para entender cuán mala cosa es, basta saber que es derechamentecontraria alaverdad,que es Dios,eque el padreyautor della fue el diablo.²⁴

[One of the worst and most abhorrent vicesthat men can have is lying, because with aliar, nothingcan be addressed or debated in safety.The lie makesall things suspicious;and, to

lo comunicar yhacerparticipantes dellos amis naturales yvecinos,escribiendo yo alguna cosa que fuese comúnypública atodos” (Mexía 2003,39–40) [… havingspent the better part of my life readingand reviewingmanybooks … it seemed to me that from this Ihad attained certain erudition or noticeofthings,which … Iwas obligedtocommunicateand make participants of my kin and fellows,writingsomethingthat was accessible and public to all]. Iuse the Lerner edition, which Icomparetothe editions by Castro.  Aranda (1595,w/o pagination).  Aranda (1595,w/o pagination).  Mexía (2003,495). The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 159

understand just how bad athingitis, one has onlytoknow that it is directlycontrary to the truth, which is God, and that its father and creatorwas the devil.]

It is worth noticing thatJuan de Aranda literallytranscribed this beginning in his Lugares comunes²⁵ without citing Pedro Mexía. Thus, it is worth the effort to compare both works in order to determine what the relationship between these collections of various eruditions is. Forthis purpose, the chapter “De la buena fortuna” [Of Good Fortune] is par- ticularlyrevealing.Atits beginning,Arandatranscribes almostliterallywhat Mexía says in his Silva toward the middle of chapter 38 of the second book,to then continue transforming Mexía’sadjacent discourse into aless discursive and more encyclopaedic text.Tothat end, he changes the formula “según Lac- tancio Firmiano” [according to Firmianus Lactantius] in the author’sindication into anote in the margin, but he textuallytranscribes Mexía’stranslation of the Divine Institutes of the Christian apologist.Following this, Arando repeats, faithfullyonce again, what Mexía compiles concerning various representations of Fortune, compared either with glassorwith its famous wheel. Afterward, he omits the quotations by Thales and by Socrates from the Silva in order to continue with what Mexía compiles from Apuleius, includingthe sourcereferenceto the cited book of the Golden Ass,which he passes from the text to the note in the margin. Conversely, in other instanceshis indications are more precise, although onlyifhis sourceprovides them, as is the caseinthe eighth book of the Aeneid, quoted lateron. After mentioning Apuleius, Aranda resumes the thread of the Silva,putting forward the opinions of Thales and Socrates,previouslyomitted, probablywith the intention of organising the quotations: first,the representations of the allegoricalcharacter as being without feet,like glass,with a wheel, and blind,and secondly, comparisons with the theatre. With that in mind, it is apparentlyvery difficulttodecidewhether Mateo Ale- mán is inspired by Mexía or Aranda. The same doubt that arises regardingthe cited reflections on lying sets up the seventh chapter of the second book of the first part that deals with Fortune:

En cualquier acaecimiento, más vale saber que haber; porque, si la Fortuna se rebelare, nunca la ciencia desampara al hombre. La hacienda se gasta, la ciencia crece; yesde mayorestimación lo pocoque el sabio sabeque lo mucho que el ricotiene. No hay quien dude los excesos que alaFortuna hacelaciencia,noobstanteque ambas aguijan aunfin de adornar ylevantar alos hombres. Pintaron varios filósofos alaFortuna en varios modos,por ser en todo tan varia; cada uno la dibujó según la halló para sí olaconsi-

 Aranda (1595,81v s.v. mentira). 160 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries

deró en el otro. Si es buena, es madrastradetoda virtud; si mala, madredetodovicio, yal que más favorece, para mayortrabajo lo guarda. Es de vidro,instable,sin sosiego, como figuraesférica en cuerpo plano. Lo que hoy da, quita mañana. Es la resaca de la mar.Tráe- nos rodando yvolteando, hasta dejarnos una vezensecoenlos márgenes de la muerte, de donde jamás vuelve acobrarnos;yencuantovivimos obligándonos,como arepresen- tantes, aestudiar papeles ycosas nuevas que salir arepresentar en el tablado del mundo.²⁶

[In all chances whatsoeuer that maybefall vs in this world, Mas vale Saber, que auer;itis bettertobewise, then to be rich; Forthough Fortune should playthe Rebell, yetKnowledge neuer forsakes aman.Wealth maybewasted, but Knowledge increaseth; and of moreworth is that lit∣tle, which awise man knowes; then all that which arich man inioyeth. There is no man (I thinke) makes anyque∣stion that Wisdome excelleth Fortune; though both of them put forward, and hasten to one and the same end; which is, to adorne and set forth men, and to raise them to honour.Diuers Philosophers,did diuerslypaint forth Fortune, because in all things she is her selfe so diuerse. Euery one did drawher forth in that forme, as hee found it did accord with himselfe,orashee did consider it in another.Ifshe be good, she is the Step-dame to all Vertue; if bad, the Mother to all Vice.And him, whomshe most fauour- eth, she reserueth for most miserie: her courtesies euer endingindisgraces.She is brittle, vnstable, restlesse; likeaSphericall Figure, in aplaine body. That,which she giues to day, she takesawaytomorow:she is the flowingofthe Sea, tossingand tumblingvstoand fro, till she leaue vs at last vpon drie land, on Deaths shore, from which she neuer returnes to recouer vs; And while we liue, inioyningvs(like Players to con ouer our parts,and to learne dailynew toyes&deuices, to present them vpon the stage of this World.]

What caught my attention in this context is the fact that Alemán, on manyocca- sions, tends to eliminate – as does Juan de Aranda – references to the authorities to whom his moralistic reflections date back. This textual practice distinguishes him as much from the Silva²⁷ as from the moralistic commentaries of the Baldo

 Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,I,II, vii (2012, 214), translation Mabbe(1623,w/o pages). While Cros (1967a, 50 –51)and Rico, in his edition of the Guzmán (1983, 308, note 4), refer us onlytothe Silvadevaria lección,the other editors of the text,aswell as Micó(1987, I, 330, note 4) and to alargerextent Gómez Canseco(2012, 214, notes 2, 4and 5) have doubts as to which of the two collections,Mexía or Aranda, was Alemán’smodel. Gómez Canseco(2012, 214, note6)says: “Son todosmotivosrecurrentespara la representación de la fortuna en la An- tigüedad, que aparecen en la Silva de Pero Mexía oenJuan de Aranda aveces casi literalmente” [these areall recurrent motivesfor the representation of Fortune in Antiquity,which appear in the Silva of Pedro Mexía or in Juan de Aranda sometimesalmost literally], specifyinginthe sup- plementary note 214.5.(2012,1255–1256): “PeroMexía dedicó el capítulo II, 38 de su Silva,donde atribuye aTales de Milesio la máxima que recogeAlemán […]. Juan de Aranda sigue alaletra las páginas de Mexía en sus Lugares comunes” [Pedro Mexía dedicated chapterII, 38 of his Silva, where he attributes the coreidea gatheredbyAlemán to Thales of Miletus … Juan de Aranda follows Mexía’spages to the letterinhis Lugares comunes].  According to what emergesinthe fourth chapterofthe Jardín de Flores curiosas [Garden of Curious Flowers] by Torquemada (“El cuarto, de qué cosa es fortuna ycaso, yenqué difieren, y The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 161 which abound in aname dropping avantlalettre,aswecan see in the “Adición del intérprete” [Interpreter’saddition] following chapter VII of the first book (“De cómo Falqueto contólafábula yfición en que fue tornado perro ylos trabajos que pasó en tanto quelofue hasta que fue vueltoenmedio perro” [How Falqueto told the fable and fiction in which he was turned into adog,and how he suffered in that state until he was made into half adog]) and which also is about lying:

De adonde diceCicerón en el primerodeLos oficios: “No haycosa más fea que la mentira”. De aquí, siendo preguntado Aristótiles – cómo cuenta Laercio –“qué ganaban los mentirosos, respondió que, cuando dijeren verdad,noseles crea”.Sócrates diceasí: “¿Nosabes la misma mentira todos los hombres ylos dioses la aborescen?”–como dicePlatónenel libro De república.²⁸

[From where Cicerosaysinthe first of On Duties: “There is nothinguglier than the lie”. From here,Aristotle beingasked – as Laërtius recounts –“what did liars gain,” he respond- ed that,whenthey tell the truth, one must not believethem”.Socrates says: “Do younot know that the lie itself is abhorred by men and the gods?”–as Plato says in the book The Republic.]

The anonymous author quotes Cicero,²⁹ Diogenes Laërtius³⁰ and Plato³¹,asa comparison with the classicaltexts demonstrates,toadd weight to his argument.

qué es dicha, ventura, felicidad yconstelación yhado;ycómoinfluyenlos cuerpos celestiales y si son causa de algunos daños que vienen al mundo,con otras cosas curiosas” [The fourth, about what fortune and fateare, and how they differ,and what is joy,fortune, happiness,constellation and fate; and what influencesheavenlybodies have and if they arethe cause of any harm that comes to the world, with other curious things]) Mexía considered himself an authority on this topic: “Yciertonolomostróhoy en la materia que tratábamos, que eradefortuna ycaso; yalo que me pareció, él debía de acabar de veruncapítulo que Pero Mejía haceensuSilva tratando de esto, porque nunca salió dello ni de porfiar que no había fortuna, sino solo Dios, comoelmesmoPeroMejía lo dice; ynohabía escuchar razón ni quererentender cosa que se le dijese” (2003,744) [And he did not show it to be true todayinthe subject with which we weredealing, which was fortune and circumstance; and as it seemed to me, he should have seen achapter that Pedro Mexía writes in his Silva that deals with this, because it never emerged from it,eventhrough great effort,that therewas no Fortune, rather onlyGod, as Pedro Mexía himself says;and there was no listening to reason nor desiretounderstand anythingsaid].  Baldo (2002, 31); the pages refertomyedition of the text, but Imodernise the spellingand introduce quotationmarks and italics to indicatethe quotations.  Cicero, De officiis,I,150: “nihil enim proficiant,nisi admodum mentiantur; nec vero est quic- quam turpius vanitate” [For they would makenoprofitunless they told sufficient lies, and nothing is moredishonourable than falsehood, translation Griffin and Atkins 1991,58].  Diogenes Laërtius, De vita et moribus philosophorum,V,viii: “Al preguntarle qué ganancia es la de los mentirosos,respondió que cuando dicenlaverdad no son creídos” [Upon askinghim what liars gain, he replied that when they tell the truth, they are not believed]. 162 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries

In another section, the author makesexplicitreferencetothis textual practice, saying: “Yporque no parezca que hablo sin autor, diré las palabras que – según cuenta Aulo Gelio en el décimo libro de sus Noches áticas – las dijo Platón” ³² [And so that it does not seem that Ispeak without an author,Iwill saythe words that – as Aulus Gellius recounts in the tenth book of his Attic Nights – Platosaid], this time relying on one of his preferred miscellanies.³³ The author of the Baldo shows aspirit very similar to the one thatnurtures the Silva of Mexía,published within onlyafew years in the same printing house in Seville, the one belongingtoDomenico de Robertis, whereboth authors probablycrossed paths at some point. The sameobservations would merit the reflections of the author of the Baldo on vengeance,asthey in part use the same classical quotations as the Guzmán, though theirmanner of inserting them mayvary greatly, as much with respect to the microstructure as with respect to the macrostructure. To be moreprecise: Un- like Guzmán de Alfarache,³⁴ the moralistic reflections of the Baldo limit them- selvestoextradiegetic comments that are clearly distinguishedfrom the chivalric narration, being giventitles like “moralidad” [morality], “adición del traslada- dor” [translator’saddition], or – as is the case in the chapter on vengeance –“ex- clamación” [exclamation]. To acertain extent,itisthe same textual practice that is used in La pícaraJustina,which ends its chapters with asection called “apro-

 Plato, Politeia,II, xix, 382a: “¿Nosabes – interrogué – que la verdadera mentira, si es lícito emplear esta expresión, es algo odiado por todos los dioses yhombres?” [Do younot know – I asked– that the real lie, if it is permissibletouse that expression, is somethinghated by all gods and men?].  Baldo (2002, 61).  AulusGellius, Noctes atticae,Liber X, 22, 3–14 and 22.  Forthe relationship between the moralistic reflections of the Guzmán and those of the Baldo see König (2003,136): “Suscomentarios filosófico-morales son, en otroplano, continuación de lo que el autor del Baldo había insertado, en forma de numerosas moralizaciones extensas,como comentarios interpretativosenlas ‘fantasías’ de Folengo.Lagran innovación de Mateo Alemán fue confiar estos comentarios al mismo pícaroque está describiendosuvida, con lo cual simul- táneamente se presenta asímismo yasu entorno yllevaacabo una crítica desde una perspectiva que, consecuenteyvirtuosamente, posee una estructura bipolar” [His philosophic-moralistic commentariesare,onanother level, acontinuation of what the author of the Baldo had inserted, in the form of numerous and extensive moralisations,like interpretative commentaries on the ‘fantasies’ of Folengo. MateoAlemán’sgreat innovation was to confide these commentaries to the same roguewho is describing his life, with which he simultaneouslypresents himself and his environment,and he executes acriticism fromaperspective that,consequentlyand virtuously, possess abipolar structure]; as well as Gernert (2010). The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries 163 vechamiento”³⁵ [utilisation], in which amoral lesson is supposedlyextracted from the previous chapter,asort of gloss not far removed from the picaresque tradition to which it somehow belongs. The “Exclamación” of the Baldo that now interests me follows chapter XXIII of the first book, which tells of “Cómo la magaMuselinaprendió aFalqueto ymató engañosamente aLeonardoporque no quiso complir su voluntad ydañadopropósito” [How the sorceress Muselina took hold of Falqueto and deceptively killed Leonardo because he refused to complywith her will and harmful intent]. The evil of the female character mentioned lays the groundwork for along, misogynistic dissertation in the annex that,atcertain point,speaks of the thirst for vengeance that characterises women, and then continues speakingofthe satisfaction of harm in general, probablyusing the occasion to weave in yetanother classical quotation:

[…]estambién amiga de venganza si le han injuriado […]. Lo cual aprueba Juvenal dicien- do: “Ninguno se goza más con la venganza que la mujer”.Alcontrario d’esto haceelco- razón noble ygeneroso, de quien escribe Séneca así: “Si fueres magnánimo, cuando vieres atuenemigoentupoder,pensarás que es venganza haberpodido vengarse porquesabrás que es muy honrado ygrangénerodevenganza el perdonar al que yerra”.³⁶

[… she is also afriend to vengeanceifshe has been wronged … Which Juvenal confirms, saying: “No one relishes vengeancemorethan awoman”.Contrary to this is the heart made noble and generous,ofwhich people Seneca writes: “If youwill be magnanimous, when yousee your enemyunder your power, youwill think that it is vengeancetohave been able to avengeyourself, because youwill know that it is very honourable and of a bettersort of vengeancetoextend pardon to the one who errs”.]

 Forthe relationship between picaresque narration and moralistic digression, the studyby Rico (1982[1970], 82) is still fundamental: “Hay, por otra parte, buen númerodemoralités adu- cidas comopresupuestoteórico de un suceso ouna noticia, de suerte que un tramado de razo- namientos se proyecta sobreelconcreto acaecer del personaje; la doctrina abstracta se encarna en el individuoocuaja en la situación, ynodebe sorprendernos:silas peripecias de Guzmán actortendían adar cuenta del Guzmán autorynos presentaban la paulatina obtención de un puntodevista, luegotodo podía partir de él, marchar “de la definición alodefinido” […], de la doctrina penosamenteconquistada alavida que la comprobaba” [Thereare,moreover,a good number of moralités put forth as atheoretical estimateofanevent or story,such that a branch of reasoningsisprojected about the exact downfall of the character;the abstract doctrine is embodied in the individual or moulded into the situation, and it should not surprise us:ifthe adventures of Guzmán, actor,became awareofGuzmán the author and presented us with the gradual attainmentofapoint of view,everythingcould then depart fromhim, mov- ing from “the definitiontothe thing defined” […], from the painfully acquired doctrine to the life that confirmed it].  Baldo (2002, 88). 164 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries

The author again holds to his Latin erudition with quotationss from Juvenal³⁷ and Seneca, who reappear in the GuzmándeAlfarache,wherethe situation is completelydifferent: Afterhaving eaten the Spanish omelette with hatchling eggs,the muleteer tells the youngGuzmanillo how two boysavenged the injury done to the matron of the inn. This episode leadsontothe old cleric giving “un sermón en toda regla, centrado, además, en un asunto esencial paraladoctrina cristiana como es el amor hacia losenemigos” [a sermon proper,being about a matter essential to Christian doctrine, which is lovetowardone’senemies], according to GómezCanseco.³⁸ As Matzat observed, the narrator first literallyre- peats the cleric’sspeech, in order to continue by enteringinto asort of dialogue with the reader:³⁹

Mucho quisiera tener en la memoria la buena dotrina que aeste propósitomedijo, para poder aquí repetirla, porque toda era del cielo, finísima Escritura sagrada. Desde entonces propuse aprovecharme de ella conmuchas veras. Ysibien se considera, dijo muy bien. ¿Cuál haymayor venganza que poder haberse vengado?⁴⁰

[I would fame haue committed to memory that good doctrine which hee deliuered vnto me to this purpose, that Imight repeat it heerevnto you. Foritwas all heauenlystuffe. Fine, most fine holyScripture. From that time forwardIvnfeignedlypropounded to my selfe to maketrue profit thereof. And if it be wellconsidered, he spakevery home, and wellvnto mee. What greaterreuengecan therebe, then that aman maybereuengedifhee will?]

It is striking that Guzmanillo begins his own reflections with arhetorical question that is the coreofaphrase attributedtoSeneca⁴¹ by the anonymous author of the Baldo in the moralistic commentary just quoted. In the works of the Roman philosopher,there are manyreflections about vengeance,⁴² but the quo-

 Juvenal, Saturae XIII, vv.191–191: “quod uindicta /nemo magis gaudet quam femina” [No one relishes vengeancemorethan awoman].  Gómez Cansecoinhis edition of the Guzmán (2012,86, note 73); see also Rico(1982[1970], 62): “[…]mientras las aventuras del pícarovalen comosermones (directamenteoexcontrario, aduciendo ejemplos positivosovitandos),los principalessermonessin disfraz valen como aventuras (pues se engloban en el retrato del protagonista)” [… while the adventures of the roguecan be seen as sermons (directlyornot,puttingforth either positive or heinous examples), the principal sermons,unadorned, can be seen as adventures (as they areencompassed in the portrait of the protagonist)].  Matzat (2000,280).  Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache, I, I, iiii (2012, 86), translation Mabbe (1623,w/o pages).  The editors do not wastetime on this phrase: see the comments in Guzmán de Alfarache,I,I, iiii, of Rico,1983, p. 167; Micó, 1987, vol. I, p. 185, and Gómez Canseco, 2012, p. 86.  Consult, e.g.,Seneca, De constantia XIV,3(“Quod Cato, cum illi os percussum esset: non excanduit,non uindicauit iniuriam, ne remisit quidem,sed factam negauit; maiore animo The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 165 tation that is of interest here very probablycomes from the pseudo-Senecan For- mula vitae honestae or De quattuor virtutibus (ca.570)byMartin of Braga,⁴³ atext that circulated in print in the sixteenthcentury.From thereitwould have come to the author of the Baldo and to Nanus Mirabellius,who cites it in his Polyan- thea,⁴⁴ and to Juan de Aranda, who adduces “Por venganza tiene el magnánimo haber podio vengarse. (Séneca)” [Throughvengeance the magnanimous one could have avenged himself. (Seneca)].⁴⁵ From the Lugares comunes,Mateo Ale- mán takes some classicalquotations thatheinterweaves, without mentioning their author,inhis discourse:

Mateo Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache Juan de Aranda, Lugares comunes

¿Qué cosa mástorpe hay que la venganza, La venganza es unapasión de injusticia. (Sto- pues es pasión de injusticia, ni másfea de- beus) […] lantedelos ojos de Dios ydelos hombres, La venganzallama alavenganza ylamuerte a porque solo es dado alas bestiasfieras? la muerte (Eurípides) Venganzaescobardía yacto femenil, perdón Mucho mejor es el perdón que la venganza, es gloriosavitoria. […] porque el perdón caeenentendimientobe- Son las venganzasvidasin sosiego, unas lla- nigno ylavenganza en corazón de fiera. (Sto- manaotrasytodasala muerte.⁴⁶ beus). Propio es de la mujer alegrarse convenganza. (Juvenal, Sátira )⁴⁷

And what thing canbee morefoule then Vengeanceisanunjust passion. (Stobeus) […] reuenge, being thatitisapassionofiniustice? Vengeancebrings vengeance, and death brings And such aone, as none is moreodious in the death (Euripides) sightboth of God and Man? Foritisonely

non agnouit quam ignouisset”)orthe same argumentation in De ira Liber II, xxxii, 2–3(“2. M. Catonem ignorans in balineo quidam percussit inprudens;quis enim illi sciens faceret iniuriam? Posteasatis facienti Cato, “non memini” inquit “me percussum”.Melius putauit non agnoscere quam uindicare. 3. “Nihil” inquis “illi post tantam petulantiam mali factum est?” Immo multum boni: coepit Catonemnosse. Magni animi est iniurias despicere;ultionis contumeliosissimum genus est non esse uisum dignum ex quo peteretur ultio. Multi leues iniurias altius sibi demisere dumuindicant: ille magnus et nobilis qui moremagnae ferae latratus minutorum canum secu- rus exaudit”).  “Si magnanimis fueris,numquam iudicabis tibi contumeliam fieri. De inimicodices: “Non nocuit mihi sed animum nocendi habuit”,etcum illum in potestatetua videris,vindictam pu- tabis vindicarepotuisse:scito enim honestum et magnum vindictae esse genus ignoscere”.Mar- tinus Bracarensis, Seneca de quattuor virtutibus Cardinalibus,w/o pagination, available online: http://diglib.hab.de/inkunabeln/202–69-quod-4/start.htm?image=00012 (7 March2019).  Nanus Mirabellius (1512, 123v s.v. magnanimitas).  Aranda (1595,99r s.v. venganza).  Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,I,I,iiii (2012,86–87), translationMabbe(1623,w/o pages).  Aranda (1595,99r-v, s.v. venganza). 166 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries

Continued

Mateo Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache Juan de Aranda, Lugares comunes proper vntobrute beasts. Reuenge is but a Farbetter thanvengeanceisforgiveness, for kinde of cowardize,and acertain effeminate forgivenessfalls under benign understanding Act, and womanishkinde of weakenesse: and vengeance, under the heart of beasts. Whereasthe forgiuing of awrong, is aglorious (Stobeus). kinde of Victory. […] Characteristic of women is to enjoy vengeance. But reuengeisalifewith∣out quietnesse; one (Juvenal, Satire ) cals vpon another,and all vntodeath.

Toward the end of his dissertation on vengeance, Guzmanillo retells ahistor- ical anecdote:

Siendo el duque de Orliens injuriado de otro, después que fue reydeFrancia le dijeron que se vengase – pues podia – de la injuria recebida, y, volviéndose contraelque se lo aconsejaba, dijo: “No conviene al reydeFrancia vengar las injurias del duque de Orliens”⁴⁸.

[The DukeofOrleans hauingformerlybeene iniured by one, when he was afterward Kingof France, he was put in minde, that hee might now be re∣uengedofthe wrong he then re- ceiued: for now it was in his power to doe it.But he, lookingsowrelyonhim that did so aduise him, told him; it was not fit,that the KingofFrance,should reuenge the wrongs of the DukeofOrleans.]

Just like the majority of modern editors,⁴⁹ EdmondCros offers as sources on the episode the Spanish translation of the Cortigiano of Baldassare Castiglione by Juan Boscán, and L’ore di ricreazione of Lodovico Guicciardini by VicentedeMil- lis Godínez⁵⁰ and he sets about explaining whyMateo Alemán could have for- gone the historicaldetails –in both Italian texts, the French Kingisidentified with Louis XII of France, who reigned from 1498 to 1515,thatisatthe moment in which Castiglione writes his dialogue –.Crosargues that:

On pourrait s’étonner de constater,chez MateoAlemán, un telmanqued’intérêt pour les faits historiques; le princedont il s’agitn’est-il pas l’adversairedelasainte Ligueetlevain- queur de Ravenne? N’a-t-il pas été longtemps un des principaux acteurs de ces guerres cruelles qui ont ravagé l’Italie et auxquelles l’auteur du Guzmán fait allusion àlafin de

 Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,I,I,iiii (2012,88), translation Mabbe (1623,w/o pages).  See the editions of the Guzmán of Micó(1987, I, 186,note 39) and of Gómez Canseco(2012, 88, note 80): “Fueeste un dicho muy conocido al que ya acudió Baltasar de Castiglione en 1528 […]” [This was awell-known sayingthat BaldassareCastiglione turned to in 1528 …]. In the sup- plemental note(2012,1208) he bringsuptwo other texts, the Horasderecreación [Hours of Rec- reation] by Lodovico Guicciardini and our Aranda, mentioned also by Micó.  Cros(1967a, 127–129). The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 167

son premier chapitre? Mais en dépouillantl’anecdote de toutes les circonstances qui lui donnaientlasingularité, Alemán peut la proposer comme une leçonqui s’adresse àtout un chacun et qui n’est plusune leçon de politique mais une leçon de morale: il ne s’agit plusdusuccesseur de Charles VIII mais d’un homme qui, du jour au lendemain, a changé d’état et n’apas voulu abuser de son nouveau pouvoir.⁵¹

[One might be surprisedstatinginMateo Alemán such alack of interest in historical facts: The princeconcerned isn’thethe enemyofthe Holy League and the victor of Ravenna? Wasn’thefor along time one of the main actors in these cruel wars that devastated Italyand to which the author of Guzmán alludes at the end of his first chapter? But by strip- ping the anecdoteofall the circumstances that give it singularity,Alemán can propose it as alesson addressed to everybodyand alesson that is not political but moral: It is no longer about the successor of Charles VIII but about aman whochangedhis status from one day to the next and does not want to abusehis new power.]

The observations of the French researcher seem very accurate to me, except that the one responsible for the changedescribed in the exposition of the anecdote was not Mateo Alemán but rather Juan de Aranda, the one who introduced it in the section “De la venganza” [On Vengeance] in his Lugares comunes,aspoint- ed out by Rico, who, afterspecifying the trajectory of the episode, concludes: “Con todo, la fuente indiscutible de Alemán es J. de Aranda […]”⁵² [Nevertheless, Alemán’ssourceisindisputablyJ.deAranda …]:

Castiglione, Cortesa- Guicciardini, Horas Aranda, Lugares Alemán, Guzmán de no () de recreación () comunes () Alfarache ()

De la grandeza real es perdonar las injurias recebidas en estado humilde ybaxo Yelrey Luisque hoy Porhaber muerto el Un duque de Orliens Siendo el duque de en día es rey de Fran- ReyCarlos octavo sin fue injuriado de otro Orliens injuriado de cia,siéndole dicho hijos, sucedió en el señor,vinoaser rey otro, después que fue pocodespués que fue reinoycoronade de Francia y, siendo rey de Francia le di- rey,que entonces era Francia Luis, Duque de aconsejado que se jeron que se vengase tiempo de castigar sus Orleans. Yhabiéndole vengase – pues po- – pues podia – de la enemigos que le habí- algunos de sus priva- diendo entonces – re- injuria recebida, y, an ofendido mientras dos maliciosamente spondió: No conviene volviéndose contrael

 Cros(1967a, 129).  See the edition of the Guzmán by Rico (1983, 168, note 33).  Castiglione (1873,240).  Guicciardini (1586,277r).  Aranda (1595,99v).  Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,I,I,iiii (2012,88). 168 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries

Continued

Castiglione, Cortesa- Guicciardini, Horas Aranda, Lugares Alemán, Guzmán de no () de recreación () comunes () Alfarache () era Duque de Orliens, traído alamemoria al rey de Francia ven- que se lo aconsejaba, respondió, que no to- que ya estaba en gar las injurias hechas dijo: “No conviene al caba al Rey de Francia tiempo de poderse al duque de Orliens.⁵⁵ rey de Francia vengar vengar las injurias he- vengar de las injurias las injurias del duque chas al Duque de Or- yagravios que le ha- de Orliens”.⁵⁶ liens.⁵³ bían hecho algunos siendo Duque, re- spondió magnánima- mentediciendo que no era razónque el rey de Francias vengase los agravios yinjurias que se habían hecho al Duque de Orleans.⁵⁴

[It is of true greatness to pardon injuries suf- feredinlow and humble condition. [And King Louis,who As King Charles VIII [One Duke of Orleans [The Duke of Orleans, today is the King of had died without chil- wasinsulted by an- having been insulted France, being told lit- dren,Louis, Duke of other man, then came by another,after be- tle afterhewas Orleans, succeeded to to be the King of coming King of France crowned, as it was the reign and crown of Franceand, being ad- wastoldtoseek then time to punish France. And having by vised to seek venge- vengeance – as well those enemies of his one of his favourites ance – now being at he could – forthe in- who hadoffended him maliciously broughtto liberty to do so – result made, and, turn- when he wasDuke of mind, as the time had plied: It does not suit ing towardthe one Orleans, replied thatit come thathecould the King of Franceto who advised it, said: did not fall to the King now avenge the af- avenge the insults “It does not suit the of Francetoavenge fronts and insults that levied at the Dukeof King of Franceto the wrongs done to some had lobbed at Orleans.] avenge the insults the Duke of Orleans.] him as Duke, he re- made against the plied magnanimously, DukeofOrleans”.] sayingthatthere was no reason for the King of Francetoavenge the affronts and insults thathad been thrown at the Duke of Orleans.] The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledgeinthe Moralistic Commentaries 169

Ithink that this,aswell as the other examples, confirms that the Lugares comunes wereonMateo Alemán’sdesk when he drafted the moralistic digressions of the GuzmándeAlfarache and gathered information on aspecific topic. The question that remains unanswered concerns the usefulness of these forms of knowledge.Guzmanillo tells us regardingthe sermon on vengeance that he wanted to “tener en la memorialabuena dotrina” [keep the good doctrinein mind] and make use “de ella con muchas veras”⁵⁷ [ofitfairly]. Nonetheless, – and WolfgangMatzat has clearlyseen this –⁵⁸ the rogue’sbehaviour belies his wholesome purposes. The fact that the protagonist did not learn the lesson does not mean that the sameistruefor the reader.Without enteringinto the old discussion on “el consejo ylaconseja” [the moraladviceand the fictitious story] and establishing ascale for the valuation of the prodesse et delectare in the Guzmán,Iwould like to propose another key for readinghis moralistic digressions:⁵⁹ At the end of his prologuetothe reader,Juan de Aranda observes, possiblywith Torquemada very clearlyinmind: “Este libro es natural entreteni- miento de discretos yjardín deleitoso gratísimo atodos sentidos ygustos para según ellos cogerlas flores más convenientes de él” ⁶⁰ [This book is natural en- tertainment for the discreteand adelightful, garden of pleasure for every sense and taste accordingtowhich everyone maypluck the flower most suitable]. The fact that acontemporary author to Mateo Alemán rates acondensed book of moral content as ‘entertaining’ allows us – if we do not want to discard it as amere strategyofself-promotion – to draw conclusions about the digressions of the Guzmán de Alfarache which, perhaps,would not so easilyhavebored the readers of its time as it would modern critics.

 Alemán, Guzmán de Alfarache,I,I,iiii (2012,86).  Matzat (2000,280): “Der Erzähler gibt diese ‘buena dotrina’ […]zunächst in wörtlicher Rede wieder,umsie dann im Zuge eines Dialogs mit dem Leser weiterzubekräftigen, gestehtaber zugleich ein, daß sie nicht auffruchtbaren Boden gefallen sei. Das deutlichsteBeispiel für Guz- máns andauernden Hangzur Rachsucht bieten seine Begegnungenmit den Genueser Verwand- ten” [The narrator conveys this “good doctrine” initiallyindirect speech to reaffirm it then in a dialoguewith the reader, confessingatthe same time that it wasn’tfruitful. The clearest example for the tendency of Guzmán to vengeanceare his encounters with his familyfromGenova].  Forthe moralistic comments in the Guzmán,see Maurer-Rothenberger(1967), Lupini (1979) and Gilbert(2002).  Aranda (1595,w/o pagination). 170 The Accumulation of (un)useful Knowledge in the Moralistic Commentaries

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Abad, Julián Martín 26 Aquilecchia, Giovanni 38–41, 71 Abenragel88f. Aranda, Juan de 131, 155–160,165–167, Acebrón Ruiz, Julián 103 169 Achillini, Alessandro 42–44 Aretino, Pietro 4, 103f.,117 Ackermann, Silke 84 Aristotle 16, 21–23, 43f.,66f., 83, 93, Adamantius 83, 93 106, 161 Adversus fallaces&superstitiosas artes 66 Arning, Holger41 Aeneid 60, 127,148, 159 Asinus aureus 159 Ageno, Franca117 Attic Nights,see Noctes atticae Agrimi, Jole 68, 83–85, 94 Augustine,St., of Hippo 7, 16 Alaejos, Lucasde45, 72, 76 Autuori, Adele 83 AlarcosLlorach, Emilio 91 Avicenna86, 102 Albertthe Great, see AlbertusMagnus Alberti, Leon Battista 154f. Baldo 5, 29, 127–148, 153f.,160–165 AlbertusMagnus 13, 29, 84 Baldus 5, 29f.,127,133, 138, 142 Albumasar 46, 73–75, 120 Baldus de Ubaldis29 Albuquerque, Luisde123 BarahonadeSoto, Luis51 Alcalá Galán, Mercedes 127 Barbera,Raymond E. 86 Alcalá Galve,Ángel 36 Barbieri, Edoardo 20 Alcorn Baron,Sabrina20 Barezzi, Barezzo39f. Alda 28, 81, 92 Baroncini, Gabriele 42 Aldobrandino da Siena 84 Barrientos, Bartolomé 50–51 Alemán, Mateo 5, 127,130–132, 153–156, Barrientos, Lope de 3, 7, 13–16, 61 159f.,162, 164–169 Bartolomeo da Messina21, 84 Alexander the Great 20 Barton, TamsynS.144 Alfonso, PrinceofAsturias13, 88 Bataillon, Marcel 139 Alfonso XelSabio 88 Becedas González, Margarita 42f. Alonso, Dámaso 81 Beretta, Marco 136 Alston, Robin Carfrae20 Bergdolt, Klaus 116 AltésiAguiló,Francesc Xavier 22 Bertozzi, Marco 116 Álvar, Alfredo 51 Bink, Tatjana 7 Álvarez,Nicolás E. 113 Biondo, Michelangelo 24 Álvarez López, Fernando 13, 16 Bizzarri, HugoOscar21, 84 Amabile, Luigi 39 Blair,Ann 5 Amran, Rica 13 Blasco Pascual, FranciscoJavier 127 André, Jacques 83, 93 Blecua, Alberto 81, 88, 112 Anonymous Latin 81, 83, 91, 93 Blume, Dieter 87,114 Anthroposcopo, Orbilio 30 Boaistuau, Pierre154f. Antolín Pajares, Guillermo 45,86 Boccaccio, Giovanni 136 Apianus, Petrus 48 Book of Duties,see De officiis Aprobación de ingenios, ycuración de hi- Book of Good Love,see Librodebuen amor pochóndricos 23 Apuleius 83, 128f.,159 Boscán, Juan 166

Bouchet, Guillaume 154f. Cherchi, Paolo127–129 Boudet, Jean-Patrice 7, 61 Chevalier,Maxime 116 Bouza, Fernando 46, 51 Chiromantia 41, 47,50 Brasswell-Means, Laurel 82 Christianae paraenesis sive de recta in Deum Brayman Hackel, Heidi 20 fide 61, 72 Brocar, Arnao Guillén de, printer 26 Cicero, Marcus Tullius 7, 16, 74,128f.,161 Brown, James Wood 84 Cinelli, Luciano 60 Buonincontro, Lorenzo 120 CiracEstopañán, Sebastián 51 Burchell, David 2 Ciruelo, Pedro 61, 64 Burgos, Andreasde, printer22f. Cistellaria 128f. Burgos, Juan de, printer 26f. Clark, Thomas B. 82 Buridan, Jean86 Close, Anthony J. 153f. Burke,James F. 92 Cocles (Bartolomeo della Rocca) 41f.,52, Burke,Peter 3 67 Burnett, Charles 84 Codex Theodisianus 144 Coelestis physiognomoniae 40,53, 71 Calderón de la Barca,Pedro 41, 59 Coeli et Terrae Creator Deus 36, 64, 74 Cano Ballesta, Juan 81, 93 Colloquia familiaria 139 Cantera Montenegro, Enrique 13 Coloquios satíricos 154f. Capua, Annibale di 40 Comedia de Calisto yMelibea,see La Celes- Caputo, Cosimo 44 tina CarabiasTorres, Ana María 47 Comelli, Giovanni 122 Cardano, Girolamo 41, 53, 121 Commentarius de praecipuis generibusdi- Carion, Johann 121 vinitationem 36 Carlino, Giovanni Giacomo, printer 53, 71 Compendio de la salud humana 25, 68f. Caro Baroja,Julio 51, 66 Compendium theologicae veritatis 86 Caroti, Stefano7 Compilatio Physionomiae 85 Carré, Antònia 83 Constantine Ithe Great 144 Carrillo de Acuña, Alfonso 27 Contreles devineurs 9, 60 Casillas,Wendi 92 Coopland, George William 7 Castañega, Martínde61 Cortés,Jerónimo43, 52, 69, 107–109 Castigationes plurimorum ex Terentio Loco- Corvo, Andrea 52 rum 49 Cowling, Erin Alice 156 Castiglione, Baldassare 166–168. Crawford, James Pyle Wickersham87, 112 Castrillo González, Carmen 47f. Crollius, Oswald 36 Castro, Antonio 133, 148, 158 Cros, Edmond 132, 154, 156, 160, 166f. CastroGuisasola, Florentino 87,112 CuencaMuñoz, Paloma 16 Cátedra,Pedro M. 3, 20, 50 Cummins, Juliet 2 Cavallero, Constanza16 Curry, Walter Clyde82, 91 Celebrino, Eustachio 122 Cervantes,Miguel de 31 Dadson, Trevor J. 47 Cesi, Federico40 Damiani, Bruno M. 1, 100–102, 117–119, Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor (Charles Iof 122 Spain) 52, 118 De caso efortuna 14 Charles VofFrance10, 13 De civitate Dei 7 Charles VIII of France167f. De cognitione hominis per aspectum 25, Chaucer,Geoffrey 82, 87 91 200 Index

De constantia 164 Eisenstein, Elizabeth L. 3 De divinatione 7 El astrólogo fingido 41 De divinatione daemonum 7 Elegans naturacognitio 85 De erroribus circaartem magicam 9 Encina, Juan del 116f. De falsa diluvii prognosticatione 121 Este, Luigi d’ 38f.,43, 45, 69, 72, 169 De humana physiognomia 40,53, 92 Etymologiae 7 De ira 165 Euripides 165 De la divinanza 13 De los sueños 13f. Factorum et Dictorum Memorabilium 128 De Nigris, Carla 60 Fajardo yCórdoba, Pedro 46 De officiis 161 Fasciculus medicinae 25f. De quattuor virtutibus,see Formula vitae Fattori, Daniela 24 honestae Favorinus145–148 De rebus naturalibus et divinis 120 FedericiVescovini, Graziella 85 De secretis mulierum 29 Fernández Rivera, Enrique 29 De vita et moribus philosophorum 161 Ficino, Marsilio 120 Decisiones Physiognomiae 25 Fiorentino, Francesco39 Decretum Gratiani 7 Firmicus Maternus, Julius 87,116 Del Maestro, Rolando F. 25f. Fischer,Edda 66 Del Vecchio, Gilles 81 Fischer,Hubertus 120 Delicado, Francisco1,4,100–103, 116– Fisonomia dell’huomo 40 120,122 Fivizzano, Jacopo da, printer 25, 49, 68, Della Porta, Giovanni Battista4,38, 84 40–42, 44, 53, 71f. Folengo, Teofilo 5, 127,130f.,133, 138, Denieul-Cormier,Anne 83 142f.,162 Deyermond, Alan D. 92 Formula vitae honestae (De quattuor virtuti- Di Pasquale, G. “ 136 bus)165 Di Stefano, Giuseppe 81 Förster,Richard21, 83f.,91f., 94 Díaz de Luco,Juan Bernal 50 Fourquet-Reed, Linnette102f. Díaz Díaz, Gonzalo 62f. Francis IofFrance118 Díez Garretas, María Jesús 13f. Frasso, Giuseppe20 DiMaio, Salvatore 25f. Frederick II of Hohenstaufen 24, 68, 85 Discepola, Federico 25f. Freiburg, Rudolf 2 Discurso de los tufos 106 Friedlein, Roger 2 Disputationes adversus astrologiam divinatri- Friedman, John Block 82 cem 116, 120 Fuertes Lanero, Miguel 7 Disquisitionum magicarum 66 Fugger,Johann Jakob 72 Divine Institutes,see Institutiones divinae Fürbeth, Frank 11f. DomínguezGarcía,Avelino 142 Doni, Anton Francesco 154f. Gabrieli, Giuseppe40 Du Chesne, André66 Gagliardi, Donatella 50f. Dunn, Peter N. 82f.,91, 94 Galen of Pergamon67 Galilei, Galileo 2, 115 Eamon, William 21 Ganelin, Charles 51 Ebersole, A. V. 61 García Avilés,Alejandro 74 Echarte, Tomás26, 69 García Ballester,Luis 142 Eguía Ruiz, Constancio 42 García de Enterría, María Cruz 117 Index 201

García de la Torre, Moisés 127 Hartlieb,Johannes 11f.,15f. García-Jalón de la Lama, Santiago13 Haskins, CharlesH.84 García-MongeCarretero, María Isabel 13 Haywood, Louise M. 82, 93, 113 García-Rubio, Francisco81 Heilen, Stephan 120 Garin, Eugenio 73, 114–116, 120 Heitzmann, Christian 120f. GascónVera, Elena13 HenryIVofCastile 13 Gaselee, Stephen 129 Herrmann, Fritz 118 Gaurico, Luca67, 121 Herrmann, Sabine 120 Geber,see Jabir ibn Hayyan Hippocrates 67,128 Gellius, Aulus 128f.,146, 148, 162 Histoires prodigieuses 154f. Gerardo da Cremona83 Hoernen, Arnold ter,printer 22 Gerl-Falkovitz, Hanna-Barbara116 Horace66, 147 Gernert, Folke3,25, 59, 61, 71f.,103, 114, Horoscopion 48 117,119, 128, 132, 139, 149, 154, 162 Horozco yCovarrubias, Juan de 29, 64–66 Gerson, Jean9 Horton, OzeE.82 Geta 81 Huarte de San Juan, Juan 42, 46, 53 Ghersetti, Antonella 89 Huarte Mortón, Fernando 46 Ghisalberti, Alessandro 86 Hübner,Wolfgang 110 Gieryn,Thomas F. 1 Hüe, Denis117 Gil de Zamora,Juan 142 Hurtado Torres, Antonio 117 Gilbert,Donald 169 Hurus, Pablo,printer 26, 69 GillesdeCorbeil 83 Hutz, Leonardo, printer 22 Gilman, Stephen 29 Goclenius, Rudolph 91 Ibn Ezra, Abraham ben Meir 115 Godinas, Laurette 13 Il cortigiano 166 Goldberg,Harriet 83 Indagine,Ioannisab41, 47f.,50, 118 Golden Ass,see Asinus aureus Infantes, Víctor 29, 47,156 Gómez Canseco, Luis 132, 153–156, 160, Institutiones divinae 159 164, 166 Instrumentum primi mobilis 48 González Manjarrés, Miguel Ángel 83 Introductiones apotelesmaticaeinphysiogno- Götz, Roland 7 miam 47 GraciánDantisco, Tomás156 Isabella of Castile 13 Grafton, Anthony 121 IsidoreofSeville, St. 7 Granjel, Luis S. 61 Izbicki,Thomas M. 60 Gratian 7, 59 Gregori, Giovanni de’,printer 22, 26 Jabir ibn Hayyan(Geber) 138 Gregori, Gregorio de’,printer 22, 26 Jacquart, Danielle 68, 84f.,89f. GregoryXIII 36 Jardín de Flores curiosas 160 Guglielmo de Blois81 JeanIer de Bourgogne, dit “JeansansPeur” Guicciardini, Lodovico 154f.,166–168 9 Guicciardino, Francesco121 JeansansPeur, see Jean Ier de Bourgogne Guzmán de Alfarache 5, 104f., 127,130– Jiménez Patón, Bartolomé 106 132, 153–156, 158, 160, 162, 164–169 Johannes Hispalensis 21 Gybbon-Monypenny,Gerald B. 92 Johannes vonBrandenburg-Kulmbach, Mar- grave11 Hanson, Thomas Bradley 82–84 John II of Castile 13, 15f. Harmening,Dieter 59 John of Seville, see Johannes Hispalensis 202 Index

John the Fearless,see JeanIer de Bourgogne Lescontroverses et recherches magiques 67 Johnston, Robert M. 92 LesSerées 154f. Joset, Jacques 91, 103, 112 Liber ad Almansorem 83, 91 Jourdain, Charles7 Liber phisionomie 23, 52 Juan Ruiz, ArciprestedeHita 4, 28, 82f., Libro de buen amor 28, 30,81, 88, 91f., 87,89, 91f.,94 112–114, 123 Juvenal 163–166 Libro de fisonomía natural 52, 69, 107 Libro llamado el porque 50 Kamen, Henry36 Lida de Malkiel, María Rosa81f., 92 Kane, Elisha K. 28, 30, 81, 88, 112–114 Linsenmann, Thomas 7, 59 Kasten, LloydA.22 Livrededivinacions 7–10 Keil, Gundolf 25 Lopez, Pasquale 38, 40,71 Ketham, Johannes of 25, 69, 84 López Baralt, Luce114, 125 Kirby,Steven D. 81, 92 López Castro,Armando 82, 93 Klapper,Josef 59f. López Dávalos, Ruy,Constable of Castille Knowlton, Edgar112 15 König, Bernhard 131, 162 López de Úbeda, Francisco4,100, 104– Koopmans, Jelle116f. 109 Köppe, Tilmann 2 López Poza, Sagrario 128, 155 Kraye, Jill21f. López Rodríguez, Irene81f. Kühlmann, Wilhelm 36 L’ore di ricreazione 166 LosOficios,see De officiis La Cazzaria 35 LouisIIofHungary118 La Celestina 20, 28–30, 103 LouisXII of France166 La doncella Teodor 91 Lubkoll, Christine 2 La Lozana Andaluza 1, 100–103, 109, 112, Lucanus, Marcus Annaeus 127,139–141 114, 117–119, 122 Ludwig, Walther 116, 119 La picaraJustina 100 Lugares comunes de conceptos, dichos y Lacarra, Eukene 30 sentencias, en diversas materias 131, Lacarra, María Jesús 87,112 155–157 Lactantius, Lucius Caecilius Firmianus 159 Lupini, Peter 169 Laërtius, Diogenes 161 Ly,Nadine 92 Laguna, Andrés 106 Lama, Miguel Ángel 35 Mabbe, James 153f.,160,164–166 Laslágrimas de Ángelica 51 Macchiavelli, Niccolò 121 Laspéras, Jean-Michel 47 Machielsen, Jan 66 Lastanosa,Pedro Juan de 51 Magia naturalis 41, 53, 71 Laurenti, Joseph 66 Magini, Giovanni Antonio 40 Le Cadet, Nicolas117 Magnaghi, Serena104 Le Songe du Vieil Pelerin 9 Magni of Jawor,Nicholas12 Lea,HenryCharles 36 Magnien-Simonin,Catherine 131 Lecoy,Félix 91 Maldonado Araque, Francisco Javier 87 Lee, Yin WaiLilith 127 Malpartida Tirado,Rafael 127 Lefèvre, Sylvie 8 MañeroLozano, David 100, 105f.,109 Leijbowicz, Max 7 Manfredi, Girolamo 44, 50 Lerner,Isaías 158 Manilius, Marcus 116, 120 Index 203

Manuzio, Aldo, printer21, 115 Muñoz Calvo, Sagrario 36 Marchitello, Howard2 Murillo yVelarde, Tomás23 MarcosCasquero, ManuelAntonio 142 Marín Martínez, Tomás50 Nakládalová, Iveta68 Marmo, Vittorio 81, 92 Nanus Mirabellius, Dominicus 128–131, Márquez, Antonio 36 165 Martial 128 Naturalis Historia 134–138, 140 Martín Abad, Julián 69 Nesselrath, Heinz-Günther 116 Martin of Braga 165 Neumeyer,Harald 2 Martínez Casado, Ángel 13, 15 Niccoli, Ottavia 118f.,121f. Martínez de Bujanda, Jesús, 36–38, 41f., NicholasofCusa11 45, 49, 64, 71 Nifo, Agostino 121 Martínez Gázquez, José 142 Noches áticas,see Noctesatticae Martínez Polo, Francisco 52f. Noctes atticae 162 Masala, Maurizio 39 Matton, Sylvain 138 Olivares, Count-Duke of, Gaspar de Guzmán Matzat, Wolfgang 127,154, 164, 169 yPimentel RiberayVelasco de Tovar Maufer,Pierre, printer 24, 84 86 Maurer-Rothenberger,Friedel 169 Opus mathematicum octo libros complectens Maximilian IofHabsburg 117f. 44, 51, 72 Maxwell-Stuart,P.G.66 Oración de la emparedada 35 Mech, PèrePaul42 Oresme, Nicole 7–10,13, 16 Medina, Miguel de 23, 48f.,62f., 66, 72, Orgel,Stephen 20 104 Ovid 29, 131 Metamorphoseon 128f. Metoposcopia 41 Pace, George B. 82 Mettmann, Walter91 Pack, Roger A. 86f. Mézières, Philippe de 9 Pantagrueline Prognostication 117 MiajadelaPeña, María Teresa 92 Paoli, Maria Pia 60 Michalski, André S. 82, 92f. Paracelsus 36 Micó, José María 153, 156, 160, 164, 166 Pardo Tomás, José 36 MillisGodínez, Vicentede166 Paris de Puteo 29f. Moeller,Katrin 12 Parvanaturalia 43f. Möller,Reinhold84 Paschetto, Eugenia 83, 85 Momus 154f. Pastor Gómez-Cornejo, Fernando 45 Mondi Celesti, terrestri et infernali 154f. PeñaDíaz, Manuel 36 Montaigne, Michel de 131 Pereira,Benito66 Montano, BenitoArias45, 52 Pérez de Guzmán, Fernán 15f. Monti, Silvia 132, 154 Pérez Llamazares, Julio 24 Morgado García,Arturo66 Pérez Villanueva,Joaquín 36 Morison, Stanley 122 Petrarca, Francesco116 Morreale, Margherita90 Petrarch, see Petrarca, Francesco Morros Mestres,Bienvenido 81 Petrus de Abano 84 Muhammad ibn Zakariyaal-Razi, see Rasis Peucer,Caspar 36 Muñoz, Eustaquio 47f. Pflaum, Jakob 120 Muñoz, María José 157 Phaedrus 128 Pharr,Clyde 144 204 Index

Pharsalia 127,139f.,148 Reprobación de las supersticiones yhechice- Philebus 128 rías 61 Philip II of Spain 45, 62, 69 Republic,see Politeia Philip III, DukeofBurgundy (Philip the Good) Reusch, Heinrich 41, 45,71 8, 60 ReyBueno, Mar 51 Philip the Good, see Philip III ReyHazas, Antonio 109 Philippus Tripolitanus 21, 84 Reynal, Vicente 92 Physiognomonica 20–22, 84, 86, 91 Rhazes,see Rasis Piccari, Paolo 36, 38–40,71 Richter,Marcella 45 Pico della Mirandola, Giovan Francesco Rico, Francisco 35, 48, 104, 153, 155f., 116 160, 163f.,167 Pico della Mirandola, Giovanni 120 Rigoni, Erice 24 Pierozzo,Antonino 59 Río, Martín Antonio del 29, 66–68 Pietrod’Abano see Petrus de Abano Ripillinus, Hugo86 Pignon, Laurent 8–11, 16, 60 Rísquez Madrid, Antonia 13 PintoCrespo, Virgilio36f. Rivius, Johannes 49 Plato112, 129, 161f. Robertis,Domenicode, printer 5, 127,162 Plautus 128f. Rocca,Bartolomeo della,see Cocles Plinius Secundus, Gaius 134–138, 140 Rodríguez Cacho, Lina 127 Pliny,see Plinius Secundus, Gaius Rodríguez-Gallego,Fernando 41 Plunien, Norbert 139 Rodríguez Guerrero, José 139 Polemon of Athens 66f.,82f., 89 Rodríguez Marín, Francisco51 Politeia 162 Rodríguez Moñino,Antonio 52 Polyanthea, opus suavissimis floribus exor- Rojas, Fernando de 4, 28–31 natum 128–130,155, 165 RojoVega, Anastasio 48f.,52 Pomponazzi, Pietro 115 Rosa, Giovanni de 40,53 Pontano,Giovanni 120 Rose, Valentin 83 Poridat de las poridades,see Secretum Se- Rosenberg, Daniel 5 cretorum Rubiales Roldán, Antonio 81 Porter,Martin 85 Rubín de Cevallos,Agustín 71 Prieto, Antonio 127 Psychomachia 148 Saguar,Amaranta 107 Ptolemy 73, 87,112, 116 Saiber,Arielle 1 Salinas,Sebastián de 49 Quadripartitum,see Tetrabiblos Salvador Miguel, Nicasio 19 Quentell, Heinrich, printer 23 San Antonio de Padua 153 Quevedo, Francisco de 157 Sánchez González de Herrero, María de las Quiroga, Gaspar de 35, 37,41, 63f.,71 Nieves 26, 68, 84, 107 Sánchez Salor,Eustaquio 35 Rábade Obradó, María del Pilar 13 Sandoval yRojas, Bernardo de 45 Rabelais, François 3f., 117 Santamartadel Río, Santos 7 Rallo Gruss,Asunción 127,131, 154 Sanudo, Marin 121 Ramos Maldonado, SandraInés 134 Sanz, Lope, printer 22 Rapisarda, Stefano7–10 Sanz Hermida, Jacobo 28, 103 Rasis (Muhammadibn Zakariyaal-Razi) SarmientoyValladares,Diego. 71 83, 92 Sarnelli, Pompeo 41 Remé, Richard Walter 116 Saturae 164 Index 205

Savonarola, Girolamo 50 Tetrabiblos (Quadripartitum)116 Scapecchi, Piero24 Thales of Miletus 159f. Scarborough, Connie L. 81 Theophrastus 136 Scharold, Hans 84 Thomas Aquinas,St. 7, 13, 59 Schizzano Mandel, Adrienne 41 Thomas of Hibernia 157 Schlappbach, Karin 7 Thorndike, Lynn 21, 25, 84, 86 Schmitt, Charles B. 21f. Thurston, Hernbert7 Schmitt, Wolfram11 Tixier de Ravisi, Jean 130 Schneider,Manfred 29 Torquemada, Antonio de 154f.,160, 169 Scott, Michael 4, 22–26, 28, 30, 49, Torres, Luc 109 68–70, 84, 89f.,106 Trabucco, Oreste 39 Screech, Michael A. 117 Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios 7f. Secreto de los secretos,see Secretum Secre- Tratado de la verdaderayfalsa profecía torum 64 Secretum Secretorum 20–24, 84f. Tratado muysotil ybien fundado de las su- Seneca100,128f.,163–165 persticiones yhechicerías 61 Serrano Mangas,Fernando35 Tribble, Evelyn2 Servir aseñor discreto 44 Trino, Comino da, printer 25 Seznec, Jean142 Tuczay, ChristaAgnes 7 Shakespeare, William 2 Sherman, William H. 20 Ullmann, Pierre87, 112, 114 Siete partidas 21 Ulm, Dora11 Signorini, Rodolfo138 Urban VIII 36 Sigüenza, José de 45 Silva de varia lección 127,132f.,148, ValNaval, Paula 83 154f.,158, 160 Valente, Michaela 38, 71 Singer,Charles Joseph 31 Valerius Maximus 128 SixtusV 36, 64f. Valle Lersundi, Fernando del 28f. Socrates 65, 74,159, 161 Valvassori, Mita 102 Sola, Christel 134 Vanden Broecke, Steven 120f. Speculum astronomiae 74 f. Vanderjagt, Arie Johan 8, 60 Stobeus 165f. Vázquez de Benito, María de la Concepción Stoddard,Roger Eliot 20 26, 68, 107 Stöffler,Johann 120 Vázquez Janeiro, Isaac 62 Storella, Francesco 24 Veenstra, Jan Riepke9,60 Strosetzki,Christoph 3, 127 Vega,Lope de 44 Stuckrad, Kockuvon 115, 120f. Vega Ramos, María José 3, 68 Suárez de Figueroa, Lorenzo 15 Velasco, Amador de 51 Summaperfectionis magisterii 138 Velasco Ramos, Pedro 29 Swain, Simon 83 Veldener,Johann,printer 22 Veneziani, Serena25 Taisnier,Jean4,44–46, 50–52, 72–76 Véronèse, Julien 9, 60 Talavera Esteso, FranciscoJosé 142 Vettius Valens 87 Talkenberger,Heike121 VicenteGarcía, LuisMiguel 87,114 Tarrant, Neil 38, 71 Vila, Juan Diego103 Tate,Robert B. 92 Villaquirán,Juan de, printer 148 Tausiet Carlés, María 61 Villegas,Juan 92 206 Index

Villena, Enrique de 13, 15, 60f.,157 Xavierre, JerónimoO.P.26, 69 VincentdeBeauvais 84, 94 XX 53, 71, 132 Virgil 60, 127 Vitale, Costantino, printer 71 Yehuda ben Moshe 88 Vitalis de Blois81 Zafra,Rafael64 Walde Moheno,Lillian vonder 28 Zahareas, Anthony N. 113 Westman, Robert S. 62 Zambelli, Paola 43, 120f. Wife of Bath 82, 87 Zamora,Antonio de 43 Williams, Steven J. 20, 22 Zamora Calvo, María Jesús 61, 66 Winkler,Norbert 36 Zamuner,Ilaria 21, 84 Wolf, Hieronymus49 Ziegler,Joseph 68, 83–85 Wolf, Hubert 41 Zopyrus 65, 74 Wurtele, DouglasJ.82 Zumbini, Bonaventura 133 ZúñigayAvellaneda, Pedro 23f.