The Tratado De La Divinança by Lope De Barrientos, in the Europeancontext and the Reasons for the Auto-Translation in the Proheme [Prologue]Ofthe French Text
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
The Tratadodeladivinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context As we know,the bodyofanti-superstitious treatises from the late Middle Ages is based on classical sources like the De divinatione of Cicero¹ and, aboveall, Chris- tian sources like the De divinatione daemonum and the De civitateDei of Saint Augustine (354–430),² the Etymologiae of Saint Isidore of Seville (560 –636),³ the Decretum of Gratian (completed in 1140)⁴ and, especially, on Thomas Aqui- nas (1225–1274).⁵ Onlyafter the middle of the fourteenth centurydid the first anti-superstitious treatises appear in the vernacular.They made theological sub- tleties and scholastic discussions available to awider audience thatneither read Latin easilynor was well familiar with Patristics or its interpretation. The first treatise against divinationinvernacular languagewas writtenby Nicole Oresme(ca.1320 –1382)⁶ around 1356,bytranslating (and simplifying) his own Latin work Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios (1349)⁷ into the Livre de divinacions.⁸ TheBishopofLisieux explains the intention of his work See the Spanish edition by Escobar (1999). See the bilingual edition of Sobre las prediccionesdelos demonios by León Mescua (2014) and De civitate Dei VIII, 14– 24 in the edition by Santamarta del Río and Fuertes Lanero (2006,315– 333). See Thurston (1930), Götz (1987, 57–84) and Bink (2008, 44–45); for the De divinatione dae- monum Schlappbach (2013,132–134) and Tuczay (2012, 53) for its importance for the decreeof Gratian. Etimologías VIII, 9, 13 (2004,704) and thereto regarding Boudet (2006,15) and Tuczay(2012, 54–55). Decretum Gratiani,Pars secunda, causa XXVI, quaestio III et IV,C.I.De multiplici generediui- nationis §. 1. (http://geschichte.digitale-sammlungen.de/decretum-gratiani/kapitel/dc_chap- ter_3_3015,28March2015). See Tuczay(2012, 53). See Summa theologiae II, quaestio 95 about divination, and for Thomas Aquinas’ conceptions about magic Linsenmann(2000). Forhis life and works, see the acts of congress Autour de Nicole Oresme (1990). In addition to these two treatises against astrology, Oresme writes athird, the Quaestio contra divinatores horoscopios (1370), editedbyCaroti (1977). Jourdain studied Oresme’sstanceagainst astrology (1875)and, later,sodid Coopland(1952) and Caroti (1979);for the chronologysee Leij- bowicz(1990). See Rapisarda for the strategies of auto-translation and especiallyits conclusions: “In the case of Nicole Oresme’s Livre de divinacions,wecan thus confirm the ‘traditional’ idea that vul- garization is simplification. It is evident that he did not use vernacular Frenchbecause he was unable to use Latin; he uses it in order to adapt his text to adifferent audience, not ignorant of Latin, but probablyless at ease with, or less interested in, academic sophistication, without the need of extreme precision in quotation and sharpness in meaning” (2012,252); asynopsis of the changesinCaroti (1979,563 – 564). OpenAccess. ©2019 Gernert, published by De Gruyter. This work is licensed under the Creative CommonsAttribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 License. https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110628777-003 8 The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the EuropeanContext and the reasons for the auto-translation in the Proheme [Prologue]ofthe French text: Mon entencion al’aide de Dieu est monstrer en ce livretpar experience, par auctoritéset par raison humaine que folle chose, malvaise et perilleuse temporelment est mectreson entente avouloir savoir ou diviner les aventures et les fortunes avenir ou les choses oc- cultes par astrologie, par geomancie, par nigromancie ou par quelconques telx ars,se l’en les doit apeller ars.Maismenttel chose est plusperilleuse apersonnes d’estat come sont princes et seigneurs auxquielx apartient le gouvernement publique. Et pour ce ay je composé ce livretenfrançois afin que gens lays le puissent entendre, des quiex si comme j’ay entendu,plusieurs sont trop enclins atelles fatuités; et autre foys ay je escript en latin de ceste matiere.⁹ [My intention, with the help of God, is to show in this bookletbymeans of experience, au- thorities and human reasonthat it is acrazy thing,bad and dangerous at the same time, to attempt to gettoknow or to divine the ventures and fortunes to come or to know the hidden things with the help of astrology,geomancy, black magic or others of these arts if we should call them ‘arts’.These things arehowever moredangerous for statesmen likeprinces or lords in charge of public government. And for this reason,Icomposed this booklet in Frenchsothat laymen can understand it,manyofwhom – as Ifound out – aretoo inclined to such fatuities;onother occasions Iwroteabout this subject in Latin.] Nicole Oresmerewrites his own work in order to address adifferent audience, a secular audience of princesand great lords,¹⁰ whose interest in the occultarts could have dire consequences.The text is, as Rapisarda observes, “built on atyp- icallyscholastic argumentativeprogression, basedonthe alternation of pro and contra” (2012,234). Half acentury later, there appears another treatise against the arts of divina- tion in the French language, this time in the court of Burgundy: Contre les devi- neurs (1411) is the title of the text written by the Dominican Laurent Pignon (ca.1368–1449),¹¹ confessor to Philip the Good,with no mention at all of Nicole Oresme (2009,80). The author returns to the use of Frenchand Latin to speak about the prob- lem of divination in Le quart chapitre: responce aune objection [TheFourth Chapter:Answer to an Objection], Oresme(2009,80). Rapisarda (2012,233): “As he himself declares, he has alreadywritten about this topic in Latin. In fact,hehad written a Tractatus contraastronomos judiciarios chieflyaddressed to a public of scholars and then proceedstoself-translatingitasLivrededivinacions in order to makeitacceptable to an audienceless competent in an autonomous readingofaLatin text. It is not easy to determine exactlytowhom the Livrededivinacions was addressed. Is Oresme tryingtoget aroundthe scholastic writers he was arguing against by aimingfor adifferent au- dience?”.See also Lefèvre(1990) for this prologueand the use of the Frenchlanguage. See Vanderjagt (1985, 5 – 34) for his biography. The Tratado de la divinança by Lope de Barrientos, in the European Context 9 Oresme.¹² It is atype of reflection for princes¹³ dedicated to Jean sans Peur (John the Fearless).¹⁴ As Veenstraobserves, Pigon “translates fairlytraditional material and tries to adapt it to the interests and tastes of aFrench-Burgundian court au- dience” (1997, 15). It is noteworthythat the author would feel, justasOresme did, the need to comment in the prologuenot onlyhis intention, but also the choice of French as the conduit of his reflections: Je,acuy appartient de mon offise prechier veritéetqui par maintesfois ay publiquement en vostre presencethocié de cestematiere, veul sur ce compose[r] un petit traitiét ad ce que par ignoranceaucun ne pechent encontre nostrefoy.Ouquel traitié je ne veul riens dire de mon seul et propre sentement,ains je veul seulement exposer et translater de latin en françois les raisons et auctoritésdelasainte escriptureetdes sains docteurs de l’Eglise [et] la determinacion de SainteEglise, en tele maniereace que aucun n’aient cause de dire que ce soit oppinion particuliere ou de moi ou d’autre.¹⁵ [Asaperson to whom it pertains by profession to preach the truth and wholectured pub- liclymanyatimes in your presenceabout this matter,Iwant to compose alittle treatise in order to prevent anybodyfromsinning, through ignorance, against our belief. In this trea- tise Idon’twant to sayanythingabout my own feelings,but Iwant to expose and to trans- latefromLatin into French merelythe reasons and authorities of the Holy Writ and the holy doctors of the Church and the determination of the HolyChurch, so that nobodycould arguethat this is my personal opinion or the opinion of somebodyelse.] See Veenstra (1997, 327,footnote348: “Though Pignon was evidentlyawareofthe older lit- eratureonmagic and divination, he made no references to the works of his contemporaries or near-contemporaries.Herefers to leçons, collacions and predicacions but givesnoexamples.Ni- cole Oresme’s Livre de divinacions,Philippe de Mézières’sallegorical denunciation of supersti- tion in Le SongeduVieil Pelerin,Jean Gerson’s De erroribus circaartem magicam,tomention the most important contemporary texts from France, seem to be unknown to Pignon”), Véronèse (2001,114)and Rapisarda (2009,66): “Nicole Oresme non viene mai citato,comed’altronde le altre operecontemporanee che denunzianomagia esuperstizione” [Nicole Oresme is never men- tioned, like the other contemporary works that criticise magic and superstition]. See Véronèse (2001,115): “Par bien des aspects,leContreles devineurs appartient au genre des Miroirs auxprinces. Il s’agit de faire prendre conscienceauduc qu’un bon gouvernement ne saurait souffrir la moindrecompromission avecundevineur” [In manyaspects, the Contre les devineurs belongs to the genreofmirrorofprinces. It intends to show to the duke that good gov- ernment must not suffer even aminor compromise with adiviner]. “Atres excellent et puissant princeJehan ducdeBorgoigne, contedeFlandres, d’Artoisetde Borgogne, son humble et devot subjet et serviteur recommandacion deüe” Pignon (1997, 223) [To the excellent and mighty princeJohn, Duke of Burgundy, Count of Flanders,Artois and Burgun- dy with all duerespect of his humble and devout subject and servant]. Pignon (1997, 224). 10 The Tratado