DOCSLIB.ORG

The Theory of the Triangle of Conflict and the Geo-Strategic Justification for the Turkish Military Incursion in SINJAR and QANDIL to Pursue the PKK

Total Page：16

File Type：pdf, Size：1020Kb

Download full-text PDF Read full-text
The Theory of the Triangle of Conflict and the Geo-Strategic Justification for the Turkish Military Incursion in SINJAR and QANDIL to Pursue the PKK Journal of Political Science and Leadership Research ISSN 2504-8821 Vol. 4 No. 3 2018 www.iiardpub.org The Theory of the Triangle of Conflict and the Geo-Strategic Justification for the Turkish Military Incursion in SINJAR and QANDIL to Pursue the PKK Assistant Professor Dr. Mohamed Aziz Abdel-Hassan Al-Bayati College of Political Science Baghdad University Baghdad Al - Jadiriyah Complex [email protected] Abstract Conflict is a natural state of affairs, so that we merely observe the behavior of the parties without trying to resolve it, i.e, managing the conflict. Therefore, the conflict "is a competitive situation in which the parties are aware of the inconsistencies and inconsistencies of positions and visions." John GALTHUNG (conflict triangle): The conflict is seen as an equilateral triangle, and it is called the three corners of its sides: angle of contradiction, angle of perception, angle of behavior. A - Contradiction: The situation that crystallizes the incompatibility of goals and interests between the parties. B) Perception: refers to the process of conceptualizing misconceptions about themselves (vision), and perception of each other. Behavior refers to the crystallization of contradiction and narration into behavior on the ground, usually embodied in the form of threat or oppression and the use of armed violence (war). The strategic location of SINJAR and QANDIL is a triangle of equal footing because of the nature of the conflicting powers. The question of the existence of major conflict-driven states such as the United States of America and Russia or regional countries, including competition and conflict such as Israel, Turkey, Iran and Iraq or the presence of non-state actors, The PKK and the People's Protection Units and the YAZIDI SINJAR resistance units, - In addition to the entry of the Popular Forces and the PESHMERGA of the Kurdistan region on the crisis line -: So we are in front of a triangle of equal conflict conflicts of interest and in the conduct of conflict management and in the understanding and perception of each party's tactical and strategic interests in SINJAR The strategic geo-strategic reality of SINJAR and QANDIL forced the Turkish armed forces to consider the possibility of accepting the idea of BASHIKA against SINJAR is not a part of the Turkish military deficit to resolve this battle, but there are motives and calculations Turkish accurate far-reaching region of SINJAR is: First: SINJAR for the PKK is much closer to RUGAJA, which allows the PKK to have excellent lines of communication and logistics with the territory under the control of the People's Protection Units. Second: To block the PKK from forming military bases and command and control headquarters and infrastructure in SINJAR Cutting off lines of communication, support, logistical coordination and exchange of intelligence between the PKK and the People's Protection Units in northern Syria, on the other IIARD – International Institute of Academic Research and Development Page 82 Journal of Political Science and Leadership Research ISSN 2504-8821 Vol. 4 No. 3 2018 www.iiardpub.org GHALTONG stresses the need for three components of the triangle to be available simultaneously in case of full conflict and only if the first and second components are available without the emergence of behavior that considers the conflict to be inherent or structural. It is possible through the theory of the triangle of conflict to understand the Turkish military strategy regarding the strategic location of SINJAR and QANDIL, and the motivation and willingness of the Turkish withdrawal from BASHIKA in exchange for the immediate withdrawal of the PKK and the people protection units from SINJAR? - Is it possible to consider the idea of BAASIKA against SINJAR , Iranian mediation and American pressure as a tactical, strategic or political step by Turkey? The Kurdish political situation is divided and its challenges differ in different countries In the east, the Islamic Republic of Iran is a huge burden to the emergence of a Kurdish political discourse, In the north, the balance of power is not so ambiguous with Turkey, especially with Turkey's positive relations with the Kurdistan region of Iraq It seems that the most confused situation today is the share of the Kurdistan of Syria, which is in particular what can be called the triangle of conflict in SINJAR and QANDIL, which was formed after the fall of Mosul in 2014 and the control of the preacher and still form, even after the liberation of Mosul a threat to Turkish national security ،Keywords: Theory of the Triangle of Conflict ، Geo- Strategic Justification ، Turkish Military Incursion in SINJAR ، QANDIL ، Pursue the PKK Introduction Turkish President RECEP TAYYIP ERDOGAN believes in the importance of anticipating events to achieve the objectives of Turkish foreign policy in the Middle East and the Balkans Turkey is adopting a foreign policy that precedes the events and extends from the Balkans to the Middle East, North Africa and the Caucasus region, and this geographical advantage constitutes the historical and cultural background of Turkey. Accordingly, Turkey's regional role is based on objective, subjective and not ideological considerations It is understood that Turkey plays a regional role to promote its interests and protect its national security. Therefore, Turkey has forced and calculated strategic geo-factors to intervene in Syria, Iraq and Qatar... As fighting intensifies in the northern provinces of IDLIB and Aleppo, many refugees flee to Turkey. South Turkey is the usual destination for these refugees, many of whom have ties to Arab Turks in HATAY province (between Syria and the Mediterranean coast) and other areas 1 . 1 The problem of research stems from the following legitimate questions: Is it possible, through the theory of the conflict triangle, to understand the Turkish military strategy regarding the strategic location of SINJAR and QANDIL, and the motivation and willingness of the Turkish withdrawal from BAASIKA in return for the immediate withdrawal of the PKK and the People's Protection Units from SINJAR ? - Is it possible to consider the idea of BAASIKA against SINJAR, Iranian mediation and American pressure as a tactical, strategic or political step by Turkey? - Will it be a condition of Turkey on Iraq, Iran and the United States of America to be a "joint security mechanism" quadripartite between the United States of America represented by the International Coalition and a representative of the Kurdistan region of Iraq and a representative of YEZIDIN, under the direct supervision of the Iraqi government and Iran, The quartet set up IIARD – International Institute of Academic Research and Development Page 83 Journal of Political Science and Leadership Research ISSN 2504-8821 Vol. 4 No. 3 2018 www.iiardpub.org a command and control center led by the United States of America on the identification of checkpoints and control of this strategic area of SINJAR. 1 . 2 . First: the deterioration of the security situation on the Iraqi-Syrian and Iraqi-Turkish borders after the fall of Mosul in 2014 The Turks suffer once again from the clashes from Syria to Turkish cities across the 900- kilometer-long border, as well as the deteriorating security situation on the Iraqi-Syrian and Iraqi-Turkish border after the fall of Mosul in 2014. Turkish National. Even after the liberation of Mosul, the Kurdish political situation has become a question of Iraqi or Syrian, which is a burden imposed on the Turkish armed forces, especially with regard to protecting the borders and preventing the infiltration of terrorist groups from the KANDIL mountains to SINJAR The Kurdish political situation is divided and its challenges differ in different countries In the east, the Islamic Republic of Iran is a huge burden to the emergence of a Kurdish political discourse, In the north, the balance of power is not so ambiguous with Turkey, especially with Turkey's positive relations with the Kurdistan region of Iraq It seems that the most confused situation today is the share of the Kurdistan region of Syria, which is particularly what can be called the triangle of conflict in SINJAR and KANDIL, which was formed after the fall of Mosul in 2014 and the control of them and even after the liberation of Mosul is a threat to Turkish national security. 1 . 3 . Second: the theory of the triangle of conflict and the importance of geo-strategy for SINJAR and KANDIL Several factors have helped to make the strategic location of SINJAR and KANDIL a threat to Turkey's national security First: What is the triangle of conflict and the author of this theory in the literature of international relations is John GALTHUNG (triangle of conflict): Which views the conflict as an equilateral triangle, and is called on the three angles of its sides: angle of contradiction, angle of perception, angle of behavior. A - Contradiction: The situation that crystallizes the incompatibility of goals and interests between the parties. B) Perception: refers to the process of conceptualizing misconceptions about themselves (vision), and perception of each other. BEHAIVIOUR refers to the crystallization of contradiction and narration into behavior on the ground, usually embodied in the form of threat or oppression and the use of armed violence (war). GALTUNG emphasizes that the three components of the triangle must be available simultaneously in case of full conflict If only the first and second components are available without the emergence of
Load more

Recommended publications
  • Irak : Situation Sécuritaire Dans Le District De Sinjar
    Irak : situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar Recherche rapide de l’analyse-pays Berne, 28 novembre 2018 Conformément aux standards COI, l’OSAR fonde ses recherches sur des sources accessibles publiquement. Lorsque les informations obtenues dans le temps imparti sont insuffisantes, elle fait appel à des expert -e-s. L’OSAR documente ses sources de manière transparente et traçable, mais peut toutefois décider de les anony- miser, afin de garantir la protection de ses contacts. Impressum Editeur Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) Case postale, 3001 Berne Tél. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.osar.ch CCP dons: 10-10000-5 Versions français, allemand COPYRIGHT © 2018 Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR), Berne Copies et impressions autorisées sous réserve de la mention de la source 1 Introduction Le présent document a été rédigé par l’analyse-pays de l’Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) à la suite d’une demande qui lui a été adressée. Il se penche sur les ques- tions suivantes: Quelle est la situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar (province de Ninawa) ? L’ « État islamique » (EI) autoproclamé /Daesh est-il encore présent ou représente-il encore une menace dans ce district ? 1. Quels sont les principaux obstacles au retour des personnes déplacées et à la recons- truction dans le district de Sinjar ? 2. Est-il concevable qu'un enfant mineur irakien d'origine kurde, qui a passé plusieurs mois dans un camp de l’EI/Daesh dans le district de Sinjar, puisse à son retour subir des me- sures de représailles de la part de la population locale ? Pour répondre à ces questions, l’analyse-pays de l’OSAR s’est fondée sur des sources ac- cessibles publiquement et disponibles dans les délais impartis (recherche rapide) ainsi que sur des renseignements d’expert-e-s.
    [Show full text]
  • آشور القديمة Imperialist Networks
    Present Pasts, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 142-168, doi:10.5334/pp.30 شبكات اﻻمبريالية : آشور القديمة :Imperialist Networks والوﻻيات المتحدة Ancient Assyria and the United States راينهارد بيرنبك REINHARD BERNBECK آجامعة برلني الحرة وجامعة بنغهامتون Freie Universität Berlin and Binghamton University على مدى العقد الماضي, قام العديد من المؤرخين والمحللين السياسيين Over the last decade many historians and بتسليط الضوء على أوج��ه التشابه بين اﻻمبراطوريات الرومانية political analysts have sought to highlight واﻷمريكية. وتعرض هذه الورقة بديﻻ لهذه المعادﻻت من خﻻل مقارنة -similarities between the American and Ro ﻷمريكا واﻹمبراطورية اﻵشورية ، على أساس اختﻻفي معهم بأن لديهم -man Empires. This paper presents an alter التشابه الهيكلي ,ﻻ تشاركهم به روما. native to these equations by comparing the American and the Assyrian empire, based on my contention that they have structural similarities not shared by Rome. Introduction “Not since Rome has one nation loomed so large above the others”. With this sentence, Jo- seph Nye opens his book The Paradox of American Power (2002: 1). After the end of the cold war, and especially since 9/11, the notion of an “American empire” and the comparison with Rome as the sole precursor of the U.S. empire have become a mainstay of historians and political commentators alike (e.g. Kagan, 2002; Golub, 2002). Rome also underwent a transformation from republic to an imperial golden age, and reference is made to opinion leaders such as Cato, who said of Rome’s enemies: “Let them hate us as long as they fear us.” This sentiment is echoed by Charles Krauthammer (2001) who asserts that America “is the dominant power in the world, more than any since Rome.
    [Show full text]
  • The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq
    The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq Julie Ahn—Maeve Campbell—Pete Knoetgen Client: Office of Iraq Affairs, U.S. Department of State Harvard Kennedy School Faculty Advisor: Meghan O’Sullivan Policy Analysis Exercise Seminar Leader: Matthew Bunn May 7, 2018 This Policy Analysis Exercise reflects the views of the authors and should not be viewed as representing the views of the US Government, nor those of Harvard University or any of its faculty. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us throughout the development, research, and drafting of this report. Our field work in Iraq would not have been possible without the help of Sherzad Khidhir. His willingness to connect us with in-country stakeholders significantly contributed to the breadth of our interviews. Those interviews were made possible by our fantastic translators, Lezan, Ehsan, and Younis, who ensured that we could capture critical information and the nuance of discussions. We also greatly appreciated the willingness of U.S. State Department officials, the soldiers of Operation Inherent Resolve, and our many other interview participants to provide us with their time and insights. Thanks to their assistance, we were able to gain a better grasp of this immensely complex topic. Throughout our research, we benefitted from consultations with numerous Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty, as well as with individuals from the larger Harvard community. We would especially like to thank Harvard Business School Professor Kristin Fabbe and Razzaq al-Saiedi from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative who both provided critical support to our project.
    [Show full text]
  • 1 | Page Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign
    Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia by the Yazidi Australian Association Yazidi Australian Association welcomes the opportunity to provide a Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia. Yazidi Australian Association represents the needs and issues of the newly arrived Yazidi community members in Australia. We are one of the most recently arrived small and emerging refugee communities in Australia. Majority of our community members have settled in rural and regional Australia including Coffs Harbour, Wagga Wagga, Armidale and Toowoomba with a smaller cohort settling in Western Sydney. Below is a brief outline of the persecution faced by Yazidi community members. Further cultural information can be provided upon request. The Yazidi (or Ezidi) are a people who originate from Iraq, Syria and Turkey. The population is estimated to be between 800, 000 and 1000, 0001 globally, although their population is difficult to estimate considering their dwindling numbers over the last century due to constant persecution. The Yazidis are located primarily in the Nineveh province of northern Iraq, and in the Al-Jazira and Kurd- Dagh areas of Syria. The sacred valley of Lalish is the centre of pilgrimage for Yazidis. Some also live in Armenia and Georgia and many have migrated to parts of Europe. Sweden has had a significant Yazidi population since 20082 and Germany since the 1970s3 Yazidis almost all speak Kurmanji, with the exception of some villages in northern Iraq where Arabic is spoken.
    [Show full text]
  • Nineveh 2020-2
    CULTURAL EDUCATIONAL SOCIAL Established 1964 Ancient Assyrian New Year Wish in Cuneiform “I write for your well-being on the occasion of the New Year –– May you be happy, May you remain in good health May the god who looks after you provide you with good things” Publication of the Assyrian Foundation of America Volume 45, Number 2, 2020 From the President Contents Dear Nineveh Magazine Readers and AFA members, 4 Gilgamesh Performance 23 Their Story Will Soon Drown: A Christian Professionals and Assyrian Children Family of Middle East Survivors For those of you who don’t know me, I am the new- Nuri Kino ly elected president of the Assyrian Foundation of America 7 Nineveh Magazine The Assyrian Foundation (AFA). Before I provide you with more information regard- 24 Dr. Emmanuel Ramsin ing my background, I would like to thank our previous In Memoriam president Jackie Yelda for the many years of hard work and 8 AKITU 1670 achievements that she provided to the AFA. I think I can Elizabeth Mickaily-Huber, Ph.D. speak for all of us when I say that we are sad to see her go. 25 Nineveh Donations Nevertheless, I look forward to taking on the torch and to June 2019 through November 2019 serving the AFA, as I have done previously in a variety of 10 ‘Extremely rare’ Assyrian functions. carvings discovered in Iraq 26 Ferdinand Badal Andrew Lawler In Memoriam I was born in Baghdad, Iraq at the Kamp Alghei- lani, also known as the Armenian Camp. I grew up in 12 For Iraq’s Christians, 30 AFA Fourth Quarter Member Meeting Habanniya and later lived in Baghdad.
    [Show full text]
  • Abraham and the Chronology of Ancient Mesopotamia
    Answers Research Journal 5 (2012):141–150. www.answersingenesis.org/arj/v5/abraham-chronology-ancient-mesopotamia.pdf Abraham and the Chronology of Ancient Mesopotamia Matt McClellan, [email protected] Abstract Mesopotamia, the land that is today part of Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, is home to one of the oldest civilizations to have ever been discovered. It is here that the civilizations of Sumer, Babylon, and Assyria existed. This land is noteworthy in the Bible because it was here that the exiles were taken captive after the destruction of Jerusalem. It was also here that Abraham had lived before he set out to the Promised Land. For many years, Abraham was believed to have lived at the same time as Hammurabi, king of Babylon. Later scholars would date Abraham to the period shortly before the reign of Hammurabi. However, the result of recent research is that the chronology of the ancient world is being redated. Hammurabi now appears to be a near contemporary of Moses instead of Abraham. In Egyptian chronological studies, the patriarchs are dated earlier than ever before. In spite of this, there has been little research conducted on the relationship between Abraham and Mesopotamia in this new chronological revolution. This article will look at the current trends in chronological studies and how they relate to the life of Abraham. It will come to the conclusion that Abraham lived much earlier in Mesopotamian history than what most have realized. Keywords: Abraham, Mesopotamia, Ebla, Ancient Chronology, Sodom and Gomorrah Introduction overlap considerably. A Bible-believing Christian will, Mesopotamia was one of the earliest regions to of course, reject the dating of the oldest periods but, be inhabited after the great Flood, and it was here as mentioned in the introduction, this paper will not that Abraham lived his early life.
    [Show full text]
  • Christians and Yazidis in Iraq: Current Situation and Prospects
    OTMAR OEHRING CHRISTIANS AND YAZIDIS IN IRAQ: CURRENT SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OTMAR OEHRING CHRISTIANS AND YAZIDIS IN IRAQ: CURRENT SITUATION AND PROSPECTS Published by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation Cover photo: © Ibrahim Shaba Lallo, Qaraqosh (currently Ashti Camp, Ankawa, Autonomous Region of Kurdistan) Caption of cover photo: Vertically: We work together Horizontally: We are proud Diagonally: We love, we forgive .(nun), stand for Nazara (Christ) ن The three Arabic characters, starting with The black IS flag bears the words: There is no God but Allah Allah Prophet Mohammed Islamic State in Iraq and As-Sham (i.e. Syria) Published by: Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017, Sankt Augustin and Berlin, Germany This publication has been licensed under the terms and conditions of Creative Commons Attribution ShareAlike 3.0 Germany (CC BY-SA 3.0 DE), website: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/deed.en Design: SWITSCH Kommunikationsdesign, Cologne, Germany Typesetting: Janine Höhle, Communications Department, Konrad Adenauer Foundation Printed by: Bonifatius GmbH, Paderborn, Germany Printed in Germany Printed with financial support from the German Federal Government ISBN 978-3-95721-328-0 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Legal Framework 2.1 International law 2.2 National law 3. Reduced scope for non-Muslim minorities after 2003 3.1 Drastic decline in the non-Muslim minorities’ share of the population 3.2 Changes in Baghdad’s religious power structure 4. Crucial for the future of Iraq: the recapture of Mosul 4.1 Capture of Mosul by the IS in June 2014 4.2 Capture of Yazidi settlements in Sinjar District by the IS in August 2014 4.3 Capture of Christian settlements in the Nineveh Plains by the IS in August 2014 4.4 Classification of the IS attacks on religious minorities as genocide 4.5 Campaign to retake Mosul 5.
    [Show full text]
  • Report on the Yazidi Genocide: Mapping Atrocity in Iraq and Syria
    REPORT ON THE YAZIDI GENOCIDE: MAPPING ATROCITY IN IRAQ AND SYRIA Abstract: This report outlines ISIS’ transgressions against the Yazidi Community in Iraq and Syria. The report recounts a brief history of the Yazidi people and their culture. The report also provides documentation of existing evidence SAP compiled. The report asserts ISIS’ actions are properly considered genocide. At its conclusion, the report calls on the international community to prioritize holding ISIS fighters responsible for the heinous actions perpetrated against the Yazidi Community in the summer of 2014. Authors: Kelsea Carbajal Cynthia Cline Edmond Gichuru Zachary Lucas Margaret Mabie Shelby Mann Joseph Railey Ashley Repp Syrian Accountability Project 2017-18 Leadership: Project Leader: Professor David M. Crane, Former Chief Prosecutor, Special Court of Sierra Leone Executive Director: Joseph Railey Chief Registrar: Conor Sullivan Chief Investigator: Jasmine Greenfield Senior Editor: Shelby Mann Yazidi Project Team Lead: Margaret Mabie SAP 2017-18 Members: Mohammad Almania, Nate Bosiak, Sam Bubauer, William Bucha, Kelsea Carbajal, Nick Carter, William Cleeton-Grandino, Kristina Cervi, Jordan Charnetsky, John Cronin, Emma Coppola, Brandon DeJesus, Britany Dierken, Michael Flessa, Steven Foss, Cintia Garcia, Kari Gibson, Brandon Golfman, Courtney Griffin, Kseniia Guliaeva, Christian Heneka, Jennifer Hicks, Justin Huber, Paige Ingram, Briannie Kraft, Breanna Leonard, Maggie Mabie, Nicole Macris, Aaron Maher, Natalie Maier, Shelby Mann, Molly McDermid, Alex Mena, Charlotte Munday, Samantha Netzband, Juhyung Oh, Lydia Parenteau, Clara Putnam, Aaron Records, Jade Rodriquez, Jose Estaban Rodriguez, Jenna Romine, Nichole Sands, Ethan Snyder, Zacharia Sonallah, Robert Strum, Lester Taylor, Elliot Vanier, Amit Vyas Special Contributions from: Jodi Upton, Joe Bloss, Amanda Caffey, Ying Chen, Ankur Dang, Kathryn Krawczyk, Baiyu Gao, C.B.
    [Show full text]
  • Contrasting the Challenges of Liberating Fallujah and Mosul by Zana Gulmohamad
    OCTOBER 2016 CTC SENTINEL 1 Unseating the Caliphate: Contrasting the Challenges of Liberating Fallujah and Mosul By Zana Gulmohamad This article draws on interviews1 with key Iraqi political and mil- The successful liberation of Fallujah from the Islamic itary players, including in Anbar and Nineveh, to outline and assess State by a constellation of Iraqi forces in June provides the operation that recaptured Fallujah in June and to compare and pointers for the more challenging mission of liberating contrast the challenges faced there with those of the just launched the much larger city of Mosul. Relatively efective co- Mosul ofensive. It analyses the constellation of forces set to march ordination of Iraqi forces, coalition airpower, and vital on the northern Iraqi city, the Islamic State’s ability to defend the intelligence from Sunni tribes and townspeople led to city, and the political and military dynamics that will determine the ultimate success and failure of the war in Iraq against the Islamic the Islamic State being driven out more quickly than ex- State. pected, despite the fact that an unauthorized incursion by Shi`a militias risked compromising the ofensive, as Part 1: The Fallujah Operation well as attempts to secure and rebuild the town. Mosul will be harder to take because Islamic State fighters are Why Fallujah Was First less likely to flee in large numbers. It may be possible to Fallujah, 37 miles west of Baghdad, is the second-largest city in make significant progress in the coming weeks because of Anbar governorate and was the second most symbolic territorial weakening Islamic State capabilities and morale and the prize in Iraq for the Islamic State.2 The Iraqi government’s deci- emergence of resistance forces in the city providing key sion to liberate Fallujah first, despite U.S.
    [Show full text]
  • Islamic State Ammunition in Iraq and Syria
    DISPATCH FROM THE FIELD ISLAMIC STATE AMMUNITION IN IRAQ AND SYRIA Analysis of small-calibre ammunition recovered from Islamic State forces in Iraq and Syria October 2014 DISPATCH FROM THE FIELD Published online by Conflict Armament Research © Conflict Armament Research Ltd., London, 2014 First published in October 2014 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means without the prior permission in writing of Conflict Armament Research, or as expressly permitted by law, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organisation. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the secretary, Conflict Armament Research (admin@ conflictarm.com). Design and layout by Julian Knott (www.julianknott.com) Conflict Armament Research 2 Analysis of small-calibre ammunition recovered from Islamic State forces in Iraq and Syria CONTENTS Introduction 4 Key findings 5 Overview of documented materiel 6 Recently manufactured ammunition (2010 and after) 8 Circumstances and materiel documented 9 Ammunition captured in northern Syria - Gatash 9 Ammunition captured in northern Syria - Avdoké 9 Ammunition captured in northern Iraq - Sinjar Mountains 13 Ammunition recovered in northern Iraq - Gwer and Hawerah 14 Endnotes 16 Conflict Armament Research Analysis of small-calibre ammunition recovered from Islamic State forces in Iraq and Syria 3 INTRODUCTION This Dispatch from the Field presents an analysis of CAR documented
    [Show full text]
  • Caught in the Middle: the Impact of Security
    CAUGHT IN THE MIDDLE The impact of security and political fragmentation on civilian protection in Sinjar civiliansinconflict.org i RECOGNIZE. PREVENT. PROTECT. AMEND. PROTECT. PREVENT. RECOGNIZE. Cover: Children walking among the October 2020 rubble in Sinjar, February 2020. Credit: CIVIC/Paula Garcia T +1 202 558 6958 E [email protected] civiliansinconflict.org Table of Contents About Center for Civilians in Conflict .................................v Acknowledgments .................................................v Glossary .........................................................vi Executive Summary ................................................1 Recommendations .................................................4 Methodology .................................................... 6 Background .......................................................7 Sinjar’s Demographics ............................................10 Protection Concerns .............................................. 11 Barriers to Return ............................................... 11 Sunni Arabs Prevented from Returning ............................15 Lack of Government Services Impacting Rights ....................18 Security Actors’ Behavior and Impact on Civilians .................22 Civilian Harm from Turkish Airstrikes ............................. 27 Civilian Harm from ERW and IED Contamination ..................28 Delays in Accessing Compensation ..............................31 Reconciliation and Justice Challenges ...........................32
    [Show full text]
  • The Return to Sinjar Education Health WASH
    Briefing note IRAQ 20 November 2020 The return to Sinjar KEY PRIORITIES CRISIS IMPACT OVERVIEW In October 2020, the federal Government of Iraq (GoI) and the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) signed an agreement on the status of Sinjar district, in Ninewa governorate. The Education agreement details and organises aspects of administration, SHORTAGE OF SCHOOLS security, and reconstruction in Sinjar, and aims to restore secu- AND TEACHERS; rity and stability in preparation for the return of the displaced AND A LACK OF WASH INFRASTRUCTURE populations originating from the district. As there is an upward trend in the number of returnees to Sinjar district, this anal- ysis aims to help inform the humanitarian community about the current and expected living conditions and humanitarian needs of both residents and returnees. The intention is to sup- port evidence-based decision-making around the safe return Health of – and response efforts for – the Yazidis and other commu- ONLY TWO HOSPITAL nities from Sinjar. Main needs identified include social recon- IN THE DISTRICT, ciliation, education, health, WASH, protection, and livelihoods. AND A LIMITED NUMBER OF HEALTH CENTRES IN SOME VILLAGES HUMANITARIAN CONSTRAINTS Sinjar district falls within the disputed territories of northern Iraq. Although the October 2020 agreement is meant to re- solve tensions between the GoI and KRG in relation to Sinjar, WASH organisations are likely to continue to face administrative and OUTDATED AND/OR bureaucratic constraints, as access will be coordinated be- DESTROYED tween the two bodies. INFRASTRUCTURE Ongoing insecurity in the governorate is also likely to limit ther- Source: OCHA 17/08/2020 esponse capacity of some organisations.
    [Show full text]