Returning to Disputed Territory
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Irak : Situation Sécuritaire Dans Le District De Sinjar
Irak : situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar Recherche rapide de l’analyse-pays Berne, 28 novembre 2018 Conformément aux standards COI, l’OSAR fonde ses recherches sur des sources accessibles publiquement. Lorsque les informations obtenues dans le temps imparti sont insuffisantes, elle fait appel à des expert -e-s. L’OSAR documente ses sources de manière transparente et traçable, mais peut toutefois décider de les anony- miser, afin de garantir la protection de ses contacts. Impressum Editeur Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) Case postale, 3001 Berne Tél. 031 370 75 75 Fax 031 370 75 00 E-mail: [email protected] Internet: www.osar.ch CCP dons: 10-10000-5 Versions français, allemand COPYRIGHT © 2018 Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR), Berne Copies et impressions autorisées sous réserve de la mention de la source 1 Introduction Le présent document a été rédigé par l’analyse-pays de l’Organisation suisse d’aide aux réfugiés (OSAR) à la suite d’une demande qui lui a été adressée. Il se penche sur les ques- tions suivantes: Quelle est la situation sécuritaire dans le district de Sinjar (province de Ninawa) ? L’ « État islamique » (EI) autoproclamé /Daesh est-il encore présent ou représente-il encore une menace dans ce district ? 1. Quels sont les principaux obstacles au retour des personnes déplacées et à la recons- truction dans le district de Sinjar ? 2. Est-il concevable qu'un enfant mineur irakien d'origine kurde, qui a passé plusieurs mois dans un camp de l’EI/Daesh dans le district de Sinjar, puisse à son retour subir des me- sures de représailles de la part de la population locale ? Pour répondre à ces questions, l’analyse-pays de l’OSAR s’est fondée sur des sources ac- cessibles publiquement et disponibles dans les délais impartis (recherche rapide) ainsi que sur des renseignements d’expert-e-s. -
آشور القديمة Imperialist Networks
Present Pasts, Vol. 2, No. 1, 2010, 142-168, doi:10.5334/pp.30 شبكات اﻻمبريالية : آشور القديمة :Imperialist Networks والوﻻيات المتحدة Ancient Assyria and the United States راينهارد بيرنبك REINHARD BERNBECK آجامعة برلني الحرة وجامعة بنغهامتون Freie Universität Berlin and Binghamton University على مدى العقد الماضي, قام العديد من المؤرخين والمحللين السياسيين Over the last decade many historians and بتسليط الضوء على أوج��ه التشابه بين اﻻمبراطوريات الرومانية political analysts have sought to highlight واﻷمريكية. وتعرض هذه الورقة بديﻻ لهذه المعادﻻت من خﻻل مقارنة -similarities between the American and Ro ﻷمريكا واﻹمبراطورية اﻵشورية ، على أساس اختﻻفي معهم بأن لديهم -man Empires. This paper presents an alter التشابه الهيكلي ,ﻻ تشاركهم به روما. native to these equations by comparing the American and the Assyrian empire, based on my contention that they have structural similarities not shared by Rome. Introduction “Not since Rome has one nation loomed so large above the others”. With this sentence, Jo- seph Nye opens his book The Paradox of American Power (2002: 1). After the end of the cold war, and especially since 9/11, the notion of an “American empire” and the comparison with Rome as the sole precursor of the U.S. empire have become a mainstay of historians and political commentators alike (e.g. Kagan, 2002; Golub, 2002). Rome also underwent a transformation from republic to an imperial golden age, and reference is made to opinion leaders such as Cato, who said of Rome’s enemies: “Let them hate us as long as they fear us.” This sentiment is echoed by Charles Krauthammer (2001) who asserts that America “is the dominant power in the world, more than any since Rome. -
The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq
The Politics of Security in Ninewa: Preventing an ISIS Resurgence in Northern Iraq Julie Ahn—Maeve Campbell—Pete Knoetgen Client: Office of Iraq Affairs, U.S. Department of State Harvard Kennedy School Faculty Advisor: Meghan O’Sullivan Policy Analysis Exercise Seminar Leader: Matthew Bunn May 7, 2018 This Policy Analysis Exercise reflects the views of the authors and should not be viewed as representing the views of the US Government, nor those of Harvard University or any of its faculty. Acknowledgements We would like to express our gratitude to the many people who helped us throughout the development, research, and drafting of this report. Our field work in Iraq would not have been possible without the help of Sherzad Khidhir. His willingness to connect us with in-country stakeholders significantly contributed to the breadth of our interviews. Those interviews were made possible by our fantastic translators, Lezan, Ehsan, and Younis, who ensured that we could capture critical information and the nuance of discussions. We also greatly appreciated the willingness of U.S. State Department officials, the soldiers of Operation Inherent Resolve, and our many other interview participants to provide us with their time and insights. Thanks to their assistance, we were able to gain a better grasp of this immensely complex topic. Throughout our research, we benefitted from consultations with numerous Harvard Kennedy School (HKS) faculty, as well as with individuals from the larger Harvard community. We would especially like to thank Harvard Business School Professor Kristin Fabbe and Razzaq al-Saiedi from the Harvard Humanitarian Initiative who both provided critical support to our project. -
Kirkuk and Its Arabization: Historical Background and Ongoing Issues In
Abstract The Arabization of the Kurdistan region in Iraq Since the establishment of the Iraqi state, the ruling Arab regimes forcibly displaced native Kurds and repopulated the area with Arab tribes. The change of demography,known as “Arabization,” existed in both Kurdish majority agriculture and urban lands. These policies were part of a larger Iraqi campaign to erase the Kurdish identity, occupy Kurdistan, and control its wealth. The Iraqi government’s campaign against the Kurds amounted to genocide and eventually destroyed Kurdish communities and the social fabric of Kurdistan. The areas affected by the Arabization stretch from eastern to northwestern Iraq , incorporating major cities,towns, and hundreds of villages. After the fall of Saddam Hussien’s dictatorship, these areas became referred to as “Disputed Territories'' in Iraq’s newly adopted constitution of 2005. Article 140 of Iraq’s constitution called for the normalization of the “Disputed Territories,” which was never implemented by the federal government of Iraq. 1 www.dckurd.org Kirkuk province, Khanagin city of Diyala province, Tuz Khurmatu District of Saladin Province, and Shingal (Sinjar) in Nineveh province are the main areas that continue to suffer from Arabization policies implemented in 1975. KIRKUK A key feature of Kirkuk is its diversity – Kurds, Arabs, Turkmens, Shiites, Sunnis, and Christians (Chaldeans and Assyrians) all co-exist in Kirkuk, and the province is even home to a small Armenian Christian population. GEOGRAPHY The province of Kirkuk has a population of more than 1.4 million, the overwhelming majority of whom live in Kirkuk city. Kirkuk city is 160 miles north of Baghdad and just 60 miles from Erbil, the capital of the Iraqi Kurdistan region. -
Genealogy of the Concept of Securitization and Minority Rights
THE KURD INDUSTRY: UNDERSTANDING COSMOPOLITANISM IN THE TWENTY-FIRST CENTURY by ELÇIN HASKOLLAR A Dissertation submitted to the Graduate School – Newark Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs written under the direction of Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner and approved by ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ ________________________________ Newark, New Jersey October 2014 © 2014 Elçin Haskollar ALL RIGHTS RESERVED ABSTRACT OF THE DISSERTATION The Kurd Industry: Understanding Cosmopolitanism in the Twenty-First Century By ELÇIN HASKOLLAR Dissertation Director: Dr. Stephen Eric Bronner This dissertation is largely concerned with the tension between human rights principles and political realism. It examines the relationship between ethics, politics and power by discussing how Kurdish issues have been shaped by the political landscape of the twenty- first century. It opens up a dialogue on the contested meaning and shape of human rights, and enables a new avenue to think about foreign policy, ethically and politically. It bridges political theory with practice and reveals policy implications for the Middle East as a region. Using the approach of a qualitative, exploratory multiple-case study based on discourse analysis, several Kurdish issues are examined within the context of democratization, minority rights and the politics of exclusion. Data was collected through semi-structured interviews, archival research and participant observation. Data analysis was carried out based on the theoretical framework of critical theory and discourse analysis. Further, a discourse-interpretive paradigm underpins this research based on open coding. Such a method allows this study to combine individual narratives within their particular socio-political, economic and historical setting. -
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict
The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya About MERI The Middle East Research Institute engages in policy issues contributing to the process of state building and democratisation in the Middle East. Through independent analysis and policy debates, our research aims to promote and develop good governance, human rights, rule of law and social and economic prosperity in the region. It was established in 2014 as an independent, not-for-profit organisation based in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq. Middle East Research Institute 1186 Dream City Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq T: +964 (0)662649690 E: [email protected] www.meri-k.org NGO registration number. K843 © Middle East Research Institute, 2017 The opinions expressed in this publication are the responsibility of the authors. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of MERI, the copyright holder. Please direct all enquiries to the publisher. The Yazidis Perceptions of Reconciliation and Conflict MERI Policy Paper Dave van Zoonen Khogir Wirya October 2017 1 Contents 1. Executive Summary ............................................................................................................................4 2. “Reconciliation” after genocide .........................................................................................................5 -
1 | Page Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign
Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia by the Yazidi Australian Association Yazidi Australian Association welcomes the opportunity to provide a Submission to the Senate Standing Committees on Foreign Affairs Defence and Trade on the Issues facing diaspora communities in Australia. Yazidi Australian Association represents the needs and issues of the newly arrived Yazidi community members in Australia. We are one of the most recently arrived small and emerging refugee communities in Australia. Majority of our community members have settled in rural and regional Australia including Coffs Harbour, Wagga Wagga, Armidale and Toowoomba with a smaller cohort settling in Western Sydney. Below is a brief outline of the persecution faced by Yazidi community members. Further cultural information can be provided upon request. The Yazidi (or Ezidi) are a people who originate from Iraq, Syria and Turkey. The population is estimated to be between 800, 000 and 1000, 0001 globally, although their population is difficult to estimate considering their dwindling numbers over the last century due to constant persecution. The Yazidis are located primarily in the Nineveh province of northern Iraq, and in the Al-Jazira and Kurd- Dagh areas of Syria. The sacred valley of Lalish is the centre of pilgrimage for Yazidis. Some also live in Armenia and Georgia and many have migrated to parts of Europe. Sweden has had a significant Yazidi population since 20082 and Germany since the 1970s3 Yazidis almost all speak Kurmanji, with the exception of some villages in northern Iraq where Arabic is spoken. -
Nineveh 2020-2
CULTURAL EDUCATIONAL SOCIAL Established 1964 Ancient Assyrian New Year Wish in Cuneiform “I write for your well-being on the occasion of the New Year –– May you be happy, May you remain in good health May the god who looks after you provide you with good things” Publication of the Assyrian Foundation of America Volume 45, Number 2, 2020 From the President Contents Dear Nineveh Magazine Readers and AFA members, 4 Gilgamesh Performance 23 Their Story Will Soon Drown: A Christian Professionals and Assyrian Children Family of Middle East Survivors For those of you who don’t know me, I am the new- Nuri Kino ly elected president of the Assyrian Foundation of America 7 Nineveh Magazine The Assyrian Foundation (AFA). Before I provide you with more information regard- 24 Dr. Emmanuel Ramsin ing my background, I would like to thank our previous In Memoriam president Jackie Yelda for the many years of hard work and 8 AKITU 1670 achievements that she provided to the AFA. I think I can Elizabeth Mickaily-Huber, Ph.D. speak for all of us when I say that we are sad to see her go. 25 Nineveh Donations Nevertheless, I look forward to taking on the torch and to June 2019 through November 2019 serving the AFA, as I have done previously in a variety of 10 ‘Extremely rare’ Assyrian functions. carvings discovered in Iraq 26 Ferdinand Badal Andrew Lawler In Memoriam I was born in Baghdad, Iraq at the Kamp Alghei- lani, also known as the Armenian Camp. I grew up in 12 For Iraq’s Christians, 30 AFA Fourth Quarter Member Meeting Habanniya and later lived in Baghdad. -
In the Eye of the Storm? (In)Stability in Western Iraqi Kurdistan
In the eye of the storm? (In)stability in Western Iraqi Kurdistan CRU Report Erwin van Veen al-Hamzeh al-Shadeedi In the eye of the storm? (In)stability in Western Iraqi Kurdistan Erwin van Veen al-Hamzeh al-Shadeedi CRU Report July 2018 July 2018 © Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’. Cover photo: Pre-referendum, pro-Kurdistan, pro-independence rally in Erbil, Kurdistan Region of Iraq © Wikipedia/Own work Unauthorized use of any materials violates copyright, trademark and / or other laws. Should a user download material from the website or any other source related to the Netherlands Institute of International Relations ‘Clingendael’, or the Clingendael Institute, for personal or non-commercial use, the user must retain all copyright, trademark or other similar notices contained in the original material or on any copies of this material. Material on the website of the Clingendael Institute may be reproduced or publicly displayed, distributed or used for any public and non-commercial purposes, but only by mentioning the Clingendael Institute as its source. Permission is required to use the logo of the Clingendael Institute. This can be obtained by contacting the Communication desk of the Clingendael Institute ([email protected]). The following web link activities are prohibited by the Clingendael Institute and may present trademark and copyright infringement issues: links that involve unauthorized use of our logo, framing, inline links, or metatags, as well as hyperlinks or a form of link disguising the URL. About the authors Erwin van Veen is a senior research fellow with Clingendael’s Conflict Research Unit. A political scientist by training, Erwin applies this lens to the analysis of relations between political order, security and justice in conflict-prone environments. -
Abraham and the Chronology of Ancient Mesopotamia
Answers Research Journal 5 (2012):141–150. www.answersingenesis.org/arj/v5/abraham-chronology-ancient-mesopotamia.pdf Abraham and the Chronology of Ancient Mesopotamia Matt McClellan, [email protected] Abstract Mesopotamia, the land that is today part of Iraq, Syria, and Turkey, is home to one of the oldest civilizations to have ever been discovered. It is here that the civilizations of Sumer, Babylon, and Assyria existed. This land is noteworthy in the Bible because it was here that the exiles were taken captive after the destruction of Jerusalem. It was also here that Abraham had lived before he set out to the Promised Land. For many years, Abraham was believed to have lived at the same time as Hammurabi, king of Babylon. Later scholars would date Abraham to the period shortly before the reign of Hammurabi. However, the result of recent research is that the chronology of the ancient world is being redated. Hammurabi now appears to be a near contemporary of Moses instead of Abraham. In Egyptian chronological studies, the patriarchs are dated earlier than ever before. In spite of this, there has been little research conducted on the relationship between Abraham and Mesopotamia in this new chronological revolution. This article will look at the current trends in chronological studies and how they relate to the life of Abraham. It will come to the conclusion that Abraham lived much earlier in Mesopotamian history than what most have realized. Keywords: Abraham, Mesopotamia, Ebla, Ancient Chronology, Sodom and Gomorrah Introduction overlap considerably. A Bible-believing Christian will, Mesopotamia was one of the earliest regions to of course, reject the dating of the oldest periods but, be inhabited after the great Flood, and it was here as mentioned in the introduction, this paper will not that Abraham lived his early life. -
Christians and Yazidis in Iraq: Current Situation and Prospects
OTMAR OEHRING CHRISTIANS AND YAZIDIS IN IRAQ: CURRENT SITUATION AND PROSPECTS OTMAR OEHRING CHRISTIANS AND YAZIDIS IN IRAQ: CURRENT SITUATION AND PROSPECTS Published by the Konrad Adenauer Foundation Cover photo: © Ibrahim Shaba Lallo, Qaraqosh (currently Ashti Camp, Ankawa, Autonomous Region of Kurdistan) Caption of cover photo: Vertically: We work together Horizontally: We are proud Diagonally: We love, we forgive .(nun), stand for Nazara (Christ) ن The three Arabic characters, starting with The black IS flag bears the words: There is no God but Allah Allah Prophet Mohammed Islamic State in Iraq and As-Sham (i.e. Syria) Published by: Konrad Adenauer Foundation 2017, Sankt Augustin and Berlin, Germany This publication has been licensed under the terms and conditions of Creative Commons Attribution ShareAlike 3.0 Germany (CC BY-SA 3.0 DE), website: https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0/de/deed.en Design: SWITSCH Kommunikationsdesign, Cologne, Germany Typesetting: Janine Höhle, Communications Department, Konrad Adenauer Foundation Printed by: Bonifatius GmbH, Paderborn, Germany Printed in Germany Printed with financial support from the German Federal Government ISBN 978-3-95721-328-0 CONTENTS 1. Introduction 2. Legal Framework 2.1 International law 2.2 National law 3. Reduced scope for non-Muslim minorities after 2003 3.1 Drastic decline in the non-Muslim minorities’ share of the population 3.2 Changes in Baghdad’s religious power structure 4. Crucial for the future of Iraq: the recapture of Mosul 4.1 Capture of Mosul by the IS in June 2014 4.2 Capture of Yazidi settlements in Sinjar District by the IS in August 2014 4.3 Capture of Christian settlements in the Nineveh Plains by the IS in August 2014 4.4 Classification of the IS attacks on religious minorities as genocide 4.5 Campaign to retake Mosul 5. -
Report on the Yazidi Genocide: Mapping Atrocity in Iraq and Syria
REPORT ON THE YAZIDI GENOCIDE: MAPPING ATROCITY IN IRAQ AND SYRIA Abstract: This report outlines ISIS’ transgressions against the Yazidi Community in Iraq and Syria. The report recounts a brief history of the Yazidi people and their culture. The report also provides documentation of existing evidence SAP compiled. The report asserts ISIS’ actions are properly considered genocide. At its conclusion, the report calls on the international community to prioritize holding ISIS fighters responsible for the heinous actions perpetrated against the Yazidi Community in the summer of 2014. Authors: Kelsea Carbajal Cynthia Cline Edmond Gichuru Zachary Lucas Margaret Mabie Shelby Mann Joseph Railey Ashley Repp Syrian Accountability Project 2017-18 Leadership: Project Leader: Professor David M. Crane, Former Chief Prosecutor, Special Court of Sierra Leone Executive Director: Joseph Railey Chief Registrar: Conor Sullivan Chief Investigator: Jasmine Greenfield Senior Editor: Shelby Mann Yazidi Project Team Lead: Margaret Mabie SAP 2017-18 Members: Mohammad Almania, Nate Bosiak, Sam Bubauer, William Bucha, Kelsea Carbajal, Nick Carter, William Cleeton-Grandino, Kristina Cervi, Jordan Charnetsky, John Cronin, Emma Coppola, Brandon DeJesus, Britany Dierken, Michael Flessa, Steven Foss, Cintia Garcia, Kari Gibson, Brandon Golfman, Courtney Griffin, Kseniia Guliaeva, Christian Heneka, Jennifer Hicks, Justin Huber, Paige Ingram, Briannie Kraft, Breanna Leonard, Maggie Mabie, Nicole Macris, Aaron Maher, Natalie Maier, Shelby Mann, Molly McDermid, Alex Mena, Charlotte Munday, Samantha Netzband, Juhyung Oh, Lydia Parenteau, Clara Putnam, Aaron Records, Jade Rodriquez, Jose Estaban Rodriguez, Jenna Romine, Nichole Sands, Ethan Snyder, Zacharia Sonallah, Robert Strum, Lester Taylor, Elliot Vanier, Amit Vyas Special Contributions from: Jodi Upton, Joe Bloss, Amanda Caffey, Ying Chen, Ankur Dang, Kathryn Krawczyk, Baiyu Gao, C.B.