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JUS- ONLINE ISSN 1827-7942 RIVISTA DI SCIENZE GIURIDICHE a Cura Della Facoltà Di Giurisprudenza Dell’Università Cattolica Di Milano

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JUS- ONLINE ISSN 1827-7942 RIVISTA DI SCIENZE GIURIDICHE a Cura Della Facoltà Di Giurisprudenza Dell’Università Cattolica Di Milano JUS- ONLINE ISSN 1827-7942 RIVISTA DI SCIENZE GIURIDICHE a cura della Facoltà di Giurisprudenza dell’Università Cattolica di Milano INDICE N. 3/2018 LUIGI BENVENUTI 2 Principio di sussidiarietà, diritti Sociali e welfare responsabile. Un confronto tra cultura sociologica e cultura giuridica MARCELLO CLARICH – BARBARA BOSCHETTI 28 Il Codice Terzo Settore: un nuovo paradigma ERNESTO BIANCHI 44 Evandro, Augusto. Auctoritas, potestas, imperium. Brevi annotazioni storiche e semantiche ANNAMARIA MANZO 57 Quinto Elio Tuberone e il suo tempo ANNA BELLODI ANSALONI 77 Il processo di Gesù: dalla flagellazione alla crocifissione ROSA GERACI 120 At the Borders of Religious Freedom: Proselytism between Law and Crime LEONARDO CAPRARA 143 Epikeia e legge naturale in Francisco Suárez PAWEŁ MALECHA 173 La riduzione di una chiesa a uso profano non sordido alla luce della normativa canonica vigente e delle sfide della Chiesa di oggi JusOnline n. 3/2018 ISSN 1827-7942 VP VITA E PENSIERO Luigi Benvenuti Professore ordinario di Diritto amministrativo, Università Ca’ Foscari di Venezia Principio di sussidiarietà, diritti sociali e welfare responsabile. Un confronto tra cultura sociologica e cultura giuridica* SOMMARIO - 1. Premessa. - 2. Brevi riflessioni intorno ai concetti di sussidiarietà orizzontale e amministrazione condivisa. - 3. La giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali tra prassi e teoria. - 4. Segue: Il mondo dei diritti e il ruolo della giurisdizione. - 5. Il paradigma dello sperimentalismo democratico. - 6. L’Unione Europea come ordinamento composito. - 7. La prospettiva globale. - 8. Per un Welfare responsabile. - 9. Soggetto e persona nel dispositivo biopolitico. - 10. Welfare responsabile e cultura giuridica. - 11. Una appendice in tema di sanità. - 12. Conclusioni. 1. Premessa Con le note seguenti si intende dar conto dei contenuti del dibattito, attualmente in corso, circa la possibile revisione dei sistemi di Welfare, conseguente alle innovazioni e ai cambiamenti determinati dall’emergere di bisogni di sicurezza sociale, oltre che dall’affermarsi di nuove esigenze provenienti dalla società civile. In effetti, la complessità dei fattori che generano i bisogni sociali, la velocità dei cambiamenti, la intervenuta liquidità dei rapporti intercorrenti tra privati, Stato ed istituzioni, pongono nuovi interrogativi inducendo risposte diversificate, mentre entrano in crisi sia il paradigma razionalistico, fondato sull’approccio razionale assoluto, sia le forme tradizionali di rappresentanza democratica. Laddove, sempre più spesso, si tira in ballo il concetto di poliarchia, sottolineando la necessità di considerare che ogni attore fa parte di un sistema composito, nel quale sono presenti norme in contrasto tra loro, il che produce un 2 JusOnline n. 3/2018 ISSN 1827-7942 aumento di discrezionalità, oltre che lo svuotamento progressivo della logica della gerarchia1. Con attenzione alle modalità di approccio al tema del Welfare da parte della scienza giuridica, si intende indugiare sul concetto di sussidiarietà, per poi trattare del tema dei diritti sociali, declinato tenendo conto sia dei contributi da parte della cultura giuridico-filosofica, sia di un particolare orientamento della dogmatica civilistica (par. 2-4). Di seguito vedremo di discutere intorno ad altri modelli di Welfare, operando un confronto sul piano del metodo e dei contenuti, tra due recenti proposte provenienti dal versante sociologico, da un lato, e la cultura del più recente diritto amministrativo dall’altro (par. 5-7 e 8-11). 2. Brevi riflessioni intorno ai concetti di sussidiarietà orizzontale e amministrazione condivisa Prendendo le mosse dal principio di sussidiarietà, esso come noto è stato declinato ora in termini verticali, in conformità ad una evoluzione normativa che contempla l’intervento circostanziato degli enti territoriali superiori rispetto a quelli minori; ora in termini orizzontali, trovando allora riscontro in precise norme interne e costituzionali, volte a enfatizzare il ruolo precipuo dei privati e delle formazioni sociali nella costruzione dell’ordinamento. Specie con riferimento a quest’ultima prospettiva, come ben si è detto, la formula sintetica dell’art. 118, 4° comma della Costituzione si è prestata “a una gamma *Il contributo è stato sottoposto a double blind peer review 1 Per una sintesi approfondita delle questioni poste da una possibile revisione dei modelli di Welfare cfr. G. Bertin, Welfare regionale in Italia, Venezia, 2012; Id., Social innovation e politiche di Welfare in Salute e Società, I, 2015, p. 37 ss. Sul concetto di poliarchia vedi esemplificativamente Dahl-Lindblom, Politics, Economics and Welfare, New York, 1953, sec. rist., Transaction publishers, 1992; C.F. Sabel, Esperimenti di nuova democrazia. Tra globalizzazione e localizzazione, Roma, 2013; G. Teubner, La cultura del diritto nell’epoca della globalizzazione. L’emergere delle costituzioni civili, Roma, 2005. 3 JusOnline n. 3/2018 ISSN 1827-7942 amplissima di interpretazioni (di cui pochissime obiettive), a cui hanno fatto seguito pratiche e applicazioni non soltanto diverse, ma a tratti anche confliggenti”2. Da tale punto di vista un posto a sé va riconosciuto all’indirizzo che, sottolineando “il valore aggiunto” della cittadinanza attiva, ha prospettato un possibile cambiamento di paradigma, incentrato sull’idea di una “amministrazione condivisa”, che possa essere in grado di rispondere alle istanze provenienti dall’alto e dal basso di miglioramento della qualità di quel bene comune rappresentato dalla democrazia3. Quel che colpisce di tale proposta interpretativa è innanzitutto la lente antideologica con cui viene ricostruita la vicenda evolutiva del sistema di Welfare. Se per un verso si dà atto della portata innovativa del dettato costituzionale conseguente alla riforma del 2001, favorevole ad un allargamento di una sussidiarietà del pubblico non troppo intrusiva, ma destinata a garantire pre-condizioni di crescita diffuse e di assunzione autonoma di responsabilità solidali da parte dei cittadini, per altro verso si ritiene di non aderire a molte delle critiche rivolte alla riduzione neoliberista dei compiti di intervento pubblico, troppo spesso volte a demonizzare in modo pregiudiziale qualsiasi investimento finanziario privato, con l’accusa di piegare il carattere non profit a interessi meramente corporativi. A fronte di una possibile declinazione della sussidiarietà in senso pubblicistico o in senso meramente privatistico, quel che si afferma è piuttosto la necessità di cercare una linea mediana che miri a conciliare le diverse istanze provenienti dall’alto e dal basso4. 2 R. Bin, G. Pitruzzella, D. Donati, Lineamenti di diritto pubblico per i servizi sociali, Torino, 2014, p. 285. 3 AA.VV., Il valore aggiunto. Come la sussidiarietà può salvare l’Italia (a cura di G. Arena e G. Cotturri), Roma, 2010; e vedi già G. Arena, Cittadini attivi. Un altro modo di pensare all’Italia, Roma-Bari, 2006. 4 Così la scelta di esternalizzazione dei servizi pubblici di fatto può risolversi in opportunità, laddove il meccanismo delle privatizzazioni potrebbe ridurre il deficit di bilancio, contribuendo al superamento di quel modello di Stato assistenziale controbattuto dalle riforme perseguite dalla Unione Europea. 4 JusOnline n. 3/2018 ISSN 1827-7942 A conclusione di un’analisi che si avvale di ricerche empiriche che tengono conto del ruolo delle istituzioni e delle concretazioni intervenute in modi diversi ad opera della normativa regionale, la proposta è quella di un diverso modello di amministrazione, nel quale politica, amministrazione e cittadini convergono nel perseguimento dell’interesse generale. Volendo utilizzare una concettuologia che troviamo specie in ambito sociologico, e su cui avremo modo di tornare più avanti, gli interventi di Welfare vengono immaginati non più come rispondenti alla logica dell’aut-aut, bensì a quella dell’et-et. A tal fine, se la rivisitazione del ruolo della cittadinanza attiva non può non significare assunzione di responsabilità, l’idea di appartenenza ad una comunità induce ad interrogarsi sulla stessa formulazione di “un diritto ad avere diritti”. I cittadini attivi sono autonomi e responsabili e un nuovo schema orizzontale e paritario, incentrato sul binomio “potere-responsabilità”, si sostituisce all’altro, verticale e gerarchico “diritto-dovere”, superando l’idea che il fatto di essere cittadini di uno Stato possa comportare pretese garantite a priori. 3. La giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali tra prassi e teoria La prospettiva della sussidiarietà mira ad attenuare la nozione chiusa ed escludente della cittadinanza, potendosi argomentare riguardo al ruolo di un nuovo cittadino del mondo. La questione si sposta allora su un piano ben più generale, quello del concetto stesso di diritto sociale, anch’esso oggetto di un ampio dibattito, che questa volta vede indirizzi importanti della cultura giuridico-filosofica dialogare con i settori più sensibili della dogmatica. 5 JusOnline n. 3/2018 ISSN 1827-7942 E il pensiero va subito al dibattito svoltosi nell’ambito della scuola italiana di filosofia analitica del diritto, che registra posizioni contrastanti in ordine all’approccio alla tematica della giustiziabilità dei diritti sociali. Così, se da taluno i diritti fondamentali vengono intesi come regole e ad essi corrispondono obblighi o divieti di comportamenti determinati5, per altri, che si pongono in linea con la prevalente dottrina costituzionalistica, essi sarebbero principi direttivi, per se stessi oggetto di ponderazione6. Inoltre, le
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