The Lavon Affair
Total Page:16
File Type:pdf, Size:1020Kb
Load more
Recommended publications
-
No. 15 Summer 2011
No. 15 FRIENDS Summer 2011 of the Non-Catholic Cemetery in Rome N E W S L E T T E R Rennell Rodd and the threat to Keats’ grave London, only to learn quite by chance of the impending destruction of the old Protestant cemetery in Rome. Also by chance, his Imagine that in 1870 you took a carriage down Via Marmorata superior in Berlin, the British Ambassador, was leaving that night heading away from the river. As it does today, the road headed at first for an audience with Queen Victoria. The Queen, alarmed at the a little to the right of the Pyramid, then veered left towards the threat to Keats’ grave, asked that the Ambassador in Rome record massive Porta San Paolo. However that gateway lies perpendicular to an objection to the scheme that only two months previously he had the line of Via Marmorata and – before large breaches were made in accepted; and that the Ambassador in Berlin obtain German support the Aurelian Wall to each side of it – it created an awkward angle for in opposing the scheme. Kaiser Wilhelm II, newly succeeded as traffic. So the city council decided in 1888 that Via Marmorata should Emperor (and Queen Victoria’s grandson), was about to visit Rome follow the straight line of the ancient Roman Via Ostiense through the and surely no request would be refused him. Walls towards San Paolo fuori le Mura. To do this, the new road and In meetings with Bismarck, the German Chancellor, Mayor tram-line would have to cut across the Parte Antica, destroying the old Guiccioli declared that the road project had to go ahead but, as a graves in the Protestant Cemetery including the grave of Keats. -
Der Große Schatten Von RONEN BERGMAN Wappen Des Mossad
KRIEGE UND FRIEDEN Zum Repertoire des Mossad gehören Mordanschläge ebenso wie Cyber- Attacken und klassische Spionage. Pannen, Skandale und ein veränderter Naher Osten haben den Geheimdienst in die Krise gebracht. Der große Schatten von RONEN BERGMAN Wappen des Mossad n der Welt der Geheimdienste sad noch mit Geringschätzung. Aber nun es, den Verräter notfalls zu töten. Da - kann es nicht schaden, einen gelang den Israelis ein Scoop: Sie be - mals legte er ein eisernes Prinzip fest, speziellen Ruf zu haben. Der is - schafften den vollständigen Text von das bis heute gilt: Der Mossad bringt kei - raelische Mossad hat nicht nur Chruschtschows Geheimrede. Dienste ne Juden und keine Israelis um. Harel Ieinen solchen Ruf, er ist eine Le - auf der ganzen Welt hatten vergebens befahl seinen Leuten, den Mann in Paris gende, ein Mythos, den die einen vereh - versucht, an das spektakuläre Dokument zu entführen, ihn zu betäuben und nach ren und die anderen fürchten und has - zu kommen. Israel zu bringen, wo ihm der Prozess sen: Die Israelis hoffen, dass ihre Leute Mossad-Chef Isser Harel wusste, wie gemacht werden sollte. besser sind als alle Feinde und ihr Land sich aus dem Erfolg seiner Beschaffer Doch durch eine Reihe von Fehlern, beschützen. Die Kritiker und Gegner Is - Kapital für seinen Apparat schlagen ließ: auch des Anästhesisten, starb der Ent - raels trauen dem Mossad Intrigen und Er leitete die Rede an die Kollegen von führte auf dem Flug nach Tel Aviv. Seine Verbrechen jeder Art zu. So oder so wirft der CIA weiter. Tatsächlich entwickelte Leiche warfen die Geheimdienstler ins der Auslandsgeheimdienst eines kleinen sich daraus eine enge Zusammenarbeit Meer. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
JABOTINSKY on CANADA and the Unlted STATES*
A CASE OFLIMITED VISION: JABOTINSKY ON CANADA AND THE UNlTED STATES* From its inception in 1897, and even earlier in its period of gestation, Zionism has been extremely popular in Canada. Adherence to the movement seemed all but universal among Canada's Jews by the World War I era. Even in the interwar period, as the flush of first achievement wore off and as the Canadian Jewish community became more acclimated, the movement in Canada functioned at a near-fever pitch. During the twenties and thirties funds were raised, acculturatedJews adhered toZionism with some settling in Palestine, and prominent gentile politicians publicly supported the movement. The contrast with the United States was striking. There, Zionism got a very slow start. At the outbreak of World War I only one American Jew in three hundred belonged to the Zionist movement; and, unlike Canada, a very strong undercurrent of anti-Zionism emerged in the Jewish community and among gentiles. The conversion to Zionism of Louis D. Brandeis-prominent lawyer and the first Jew to sit on the United States Supreme Court-the proclamation of the Balfour Declaration, and the conquest of Palestine by the British gave Zionism in the United States a significant boost during the war. Afterwards, however, American Zionism, like the country itself, returned to "normalcy." Membership in the movement plummeted; fundraising languished; potential settlers for Palestine were not to be found. One of the chief impediments to Zionism in America had to do with the nature of the relationship of American Jews to their country. Zionism was predicated on the proposition that Jews were doomed to .( 2 Michuel Brown be aliens in every country but their own. -
The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann (Pdf)
6/28/2020 The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann » Mosaic THE TRUTH OF THE CAPTURE OF ADOLF EICHMANN https://mosaicmagazine.com/essay/history-ideas/2020/06/the-truth-of-the-capture-of-adolf-eichmann/ Sixty years ago, the infamous Nazi official was abducted in Argentina and brought to Israel. What really happened, what did Hollywood make up, and why? June 1, 2020 | Martin Kramer About the author: Martin Kramer teaches Middle Eastern history and served as founding president at Shalem College in Jerusalem, and is the Koret distinguished fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy. Listen to this essay: Adolf Eichmann’s Argentinian ID, under the alias Ricardo Klement, found on him the night of his abduction. Yad Vashem. THE MOSAIC MONTHLY ESSAY • EPISODE 2 June: The Truth of the Capture of Adolf Eichmann 1x 00:00|60:58 Sixty years ago last month, on the evening of May 23, 1960, the Israeli prime minister David Ben-Gurion made a brief but dramatic announcement to a hastily-summoned session of the Knesset in Jerusalem: A short time ago, Israeli security services found one of the greatest of the Nazi war criminals, Adolf Eichmann, who was responsible, together with the Nazi leaders, for what they called “the final solution” of the Jewish question, that is, the extermination of six million of the Jews of Europe. Eichmann is already under arrest in Israel and will shortly be placed on trial in Israel under the terms of the law for the trial of Nazis and their collaborators. In the cabinet meeting immediately preceding this announcement, Ben-Gurion’s ministers had expressed their astonishment and curiosity. -
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp
The Labor Party and the Peace Camp By Uzi Baram In contemporary Israeli public discourse, the preoccupation with ideology has died down markedly, to the point that even releasing a political platform as part of elections campaigns has become superfluous. Politicians from across the political spectrum are focused on distinguishing themselves from other contenders by labeling themselves and their rivals as right, left and center, while floating around in the air are slogans such as “political left,” social left,” “soft right,” “new right,” and “mainstream right.” Yet what do “left” and “right” mean in Israel, and to what extent do these slogans as well as the political division in today’s Israel correlate with the political traditions of the various parties? Is the Labor Party the obvious and natural heir of The Workers Party of the Land of Israel (Mapai)? Did the historical Mapai under the stewardship of Ben Gurion view itself as a left-wing party? Did Menachem Begin’s Herut Party see itself as a right-wing party? The Zionist Left and the Soviet Union As far-fetched as it may seem in the eyes of today’s onlooker, during the first years after the establishment of the state, the position vis-à-vis the Soviet Union was the litmus test of the left camp, which was then called “the workers’ camp.” This camp viewed the centrist liberal “General Zionists” party, which was identified with European liberal and middle-class beliefs in private property and capitalism, as its chief ideological rival (and with which the heads of major cities such as Tel Aviv and Ramat Gan were affiliated). -
The Aftermath of Nuremberg . . . the Problems of Suspected War
NYLS Journal of Human Rights Volume 6 Article 8 Issue 2 Volume VI, Part Two, Spring 1989 1989 The Aftermath of Nuremberg . The rP oblems of Suspected War Criminals in America Natalie J. Sobchak Follow this and additional works at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_human_rights Part of the Law Commons Recommended Citation Sobchak, Natalie J. (1989) "The Aftermath of Nuremberg . The rP oblems of Suspected War Criminals in America," NYLS Journal of Human Rights: Vol. 6 : Iss. 2 , Article 8. Available at: https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/journal_of_human_rights/vol6/iss2/8 This Notes and Comments is brought to you for free and open access by DigitalCommons@NYLS. It has been accepted for inclusion in NYLS Journal of Human Rights by an authorized editor of DigitalCommons@NYLS. THE AFrERMATH OF NUREMBERG... THE PROBLEMS OF SUSPECTED WAR CRIMINALS IN AMERICA L INTODUCrON Treblinka. Auschwitz. Sobibor. The mere mention of these places and others like them is a devastating reminder of the ultimate experience in human suffering. These were a few of the many concentration camps -- death camps -- designed to carry out Hitler's Final Solution: to exterminate as many Jews, Slavs, Gypsies, and Homosexuals as possible and create a supreme Aryan' society. Millions upon millions of innocent civilians would suffer miserable deaths before the liberation would come.2 Who were these per- secutors? While the Nazis3 devised "the plan," supplied the materials and man-power to build the camps, and supervised these atrocities, only a few of the death camps were actually located in Germany. The camps were situated in various Slavic countries which had capitulated under Nazi onslaught.' To assist them in their crimes, the Nazis obtained the cooperation of some of the local people and prisoners of war.' Whether their participation was voluntary or not, 1. -
Israeli History
1 Ron’s Web Site • North Shore Flashpoints • http://northshoreflashpoints.blogspot.com/ 2 • http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=wb6IiSUx pgw 3 British Mandate 1920 4 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 5 Peel Commission Map 1937 6 British Mandate 1920 7 British Mandate Adjustment Transjordan Seperation-1923 8 9 10 • Israel after 1973 (Yom Kippur War) 11 Israel 1982 12 2005 Gaza 2005 West Bank 13 Questions & Issues • What is Zionism? • History of Zionism. • Zionism today • Different Types of Zionism • Pros & Cons of Zionism • Should Israel have been set up as a Jewish State or a Secular State • Would Israel have been created if no Holocaust? 14 Definition • Jewish Nationalism • Land of Israel • Jewish Identity • Opposes Assimilation • Majority in Jewish Nation Israel • Liberation from antisemetic discrimination and persecution that has occurred in diaspora 15 History • 16th Century, Joseph Nasi Portuguese Jews to Tiberias • 17th Century Sabbati Zebi – Declared himself Messiah – Gaza Settlement – Converted to Islam • 1860 Sir Moses Montefiore • 1882-First Aliyah, BILU Group – From Russia – Due to pogroms 16 Initial Reform Jewish Rejection • 1845- Germany-deleted all prayers for a return to Zion • 1869- Philadelphia • 1885- Pittsburgh "we consider ourselves no longer a nation, but a religious community; and we therefore expect neither a return to Palestine, nor a sacrificial worship under the sons of Aaron, nor the restoration of any of the laws concerning a Jewish state". 17 Theodore Herzl 18 Theodore Herzl 1860-1904 • Born in Pest, Hungary • Atheist, contempt for Judaism • Family moves to Vienna,1878 • Law student then Journalist • Paris correspondent for Neue Freie Presse 19 "The Traitor" Degradation of Alfred Dreyfus, 5th January 1895. -
Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "A Military That Has a State"
1 סדרת מאמרים לדיון Working paper series No. 23 – 2012 Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "a Military that has a State" Yagil Levy 142 מערכות מידע חשבונאיות ממוחשבות 1 Who Controls the IDF? Between an "Over-Subordinate Army" and "a Military that has a State" Yagil Levy Two opposite arguments are heard in political and academic discourse in Israel about the status of the Israel Defense Forces (IDF): One argument is that the IDF possesses too much power and that military thought governs political thought (see, for example, Barak & Sheffer, 2006; Ben-Eliezer, 1997; Grinberg, 2009; Michael, 2007; Peri, 2006). This argument is captured by the phrase "A Military that has a State" (Sheffer, Barak & Oren, 2008). Others, most prominent among whom is Stuart Cohen (2006), contend that the military is over- supervised by civilian groups, thereby limiting its space of operation. Can both these arguments be right at the same time? How can the contradiction between them be reconciled? To better illustrate this contradiction, let us look at recent developments in civil-military relations. There has been increasing civilian intrusion into the military domain, culminating in an overly subordinate military. Areas that were conventionally considered as falling within the military's sphere of professional competence became subject to civilian control. The impetus for this change came from social movements and interest groups (including parents) backed by the media, and focused on issues ranging from recruitment policies and the investigation of operational accidents to military operations themselves (Cohen, 2006). At the same time, during the 1980s, the political culture underwent militarization, generally attributed to the empowerment of a coalition of ethno-national groups composed mainly of religious groups and Russian immigrants. -
170814 the House on Garibaldi Street
The House on Garibaldi Street by Isser Harel, 1912-2003 Published: 1975 J J J J J I I I I I Table of Contents Introduction by Shlomo J. Shpiro, 1997 Dramatis Personae & Chapter 1 … thru … Chapter 30 Index J J J J J I I I I I Introduction by Shlomo J. Shpiro THE PUBLIC trial in Israel of Adolf Eichmann, the man who directed the Third Reich’s ‘Final Solution’, was held in 1961 under an unprecedented publicity coverage. The trial, which took place in Jerusalem, attracted hundreds of reporters and media crews from all over the world. For the first time since the end of the Second World War the horrific crimes of the Nazi regime against the Jewish people were exposed in all their brutality by one of their leading perpetrators. Eichmann stood at the top of the Gestapo pyramid dedicated to the destruction of Europe’s Jewry, and was personally responsible not only for policy decisions but for the everyday running of this unparalleled genocide. His trial and subsequent execution brought to millions of homes around the world the untold story of the Holocaust from its chief administrator. (I-1) The Eichmann trial had a profound influence in particular on the young generation of Israeli citizens, born after the end of the Second World War. This generation, born into a country which had built itself as a national home for the Jewish people in order to prevent such persecution in the future, swore as it joined the army ‘never again’ to let Jewish people be led to their death unresisting. -
Israel and Turkey: from Covert to Overt Relations
Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relations by Jacob Abadi INTRODUCTION Diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey have existed since the Jewish state came into being in 1948, however, they have remained covert until recently. Contacts between the two countries have continued despite Turkey's condemnation of Israel in the UN and other official bodies. Frequent statements made by Turkish officials regarding the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian dilemma give the impression that Turco-Israeli relations have been far more hostile than is actually the case. Such an image is quite misleading, for throughout the years political, commercial, cultural and even military contacts have been maintained between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to show the extent of cooperation between the two countries and to demonstrate how domestic as well as external constraints have affected the diplomatic ties between them. It will be argued that during the first forty years of Israel's existence relations between the two countries remained cordial. Both sides kept a low profile and did not reveal the nature of these ties. It was only toward the end of the 1980s, when the international political climate underwent a major upheaval, that the ties between the two countries became official and overt. Whereas relations with Israel constituted a major problem in Turkish diplomacy, Israeli foreign policy was relatively free from hesitations and constraints. For Israeli foreign policy makers it was always desirable to establish normal relations with Turkey, whose location on the periphery of the Middle East gave it great strategic importance. -
Media Accountability Online in Israel. an Application of Bourdieu’S Field Theory
A Service of Leibniz-Informationszentrum econstor Wirtschaft Leibniz Information Centre Make Your Publications Visible. zbw for Economics Kniep, Ronja Article — Published Version Media Accountability Online in Israel. An application of Bourdieu’s field theory Global Media Journal: German Edition Provided in Cooperation with: WZB Berlin Social Science Center Suggested Citation: Kniep, Ronja (2015) : Media Accountability Online in Israel. An application of Bourdieu’s field theory, Global Media Journal: German Edition, ISSN 2196-4807, Universität Erfurt, Erfurt, Vol. 5, Iss. 2, pp. 1-32, http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:gbv:547-201500645 , http://www.globalmediajournal.de/de/2015/12/18/media-accountability-online-in-israel-an- application-of-bourdieus-field-theory/ This Version is available at: http://hdl.handle.net/10419/231999 Standard-Nutzungsbedingungen: Terms of use: Die Dokumente auf EconStor dürfen zu eigenen wissenschaftlichen Documents in EconStor may be saved and copied for your Zwecken und zum Privatgebrauch gespeichert und kopiert werden. personal and scholarly purposes. Sie dürfen die Dokumente nicht für öffentliche oder kommerzielle You are not to copy documents for public or commercial Zwecke vervielfältigen, öffentlich ausstellen, öffentlich zugänglich purposes, to exhibit the documents publicly, to make them machen, vertreiben oder anderweitig nutzen. publicly available on the internet, or to distribute or otherwise use the documents in public. Sofern die Verfasser die Dokumente unter Open-Content-Lizenzen (insbesondere CC-Lizenzen) zur Verfügung gestellt haben sollten, If the documents have been made available under an Open gelten abweichend von diesen Nutzungsbedingungen die in der dort Content Licence (especially Creative Commons Licences), you genannten Lizenz gewährten Nutzungsrechte. may exercise further usage rights as specified in the indicated licence.