Media Accountability Online in Israel. an Application of Bourdieu’S Field Theory
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Special Rapporteur on the Promotion and Protection of the Right to Freedom of Opinion and Expression
Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression Follow-up Report on Country Visits Call for Submissions Israel and the Occupied Palestinian Territories The UN Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression will present a follow-up report pursuant to country visits conducted under the auspices of the mandate. He will examine the impact of five country visits on the promotion, protection, fulfilment and overall enjoyment of the right to freedom of opinion and expression. He will analyse the level of implementation of recommendations made following the visits, and consider any other developments impacting upon the rights which may have occurred since the visit was completed. The findings will be presented at the 41st session of the Human Rights Council in June 2019. For more information, please see the concept note attached. In order to facilitate the preparation of the report the Special Rapporteur would welcome information from States and relevant stakeholders in response to the questions below, based primarily on recommendations made in the country visit report. Please provide responses in the table below. We hope to receive your submission no later than 22 February 2019 to [email protected] with “Submission to the follow-up study on country visits of the Special Rapporteur on the right to freedom of opinion and expression” as the title of the email. All submissions will be posted on the OHCHR webs i te at the time of the report's publication, with the exception of submissions from non-state actors clearly stating their desire to remain anonymous. -
Palestine's Occupied Fourth Estate
Arab Media and Society (Issue 17, Winter 2013) Palestine’s Occupied Fourth Estate: An inside look at the work lives of Palestinian print journalists Miriam Berger Abstract While for decades local Palestinian media remained a marginalized and often purely politicized subject, in recent years a series of studies has more critically analyzed the causes and consequences of its seeming diversity but structural underdevelopment.1 However, despite these advances, the specific conditions facing Palestinian journalists in local print media have largely remained underreported. In this study, I address this research gap from a unique perspective: as viewed from the newsroom itself. I present the untold stories of the everyday work life of Palestinian journalists working at the three local Jerusalem- and Ramallah-based newspapers— al-Quds, al-Ayyam, and al-Hayat al-Jadida—from 1994 until January 2012. I discuss the difficult working conditions journalists face within these news organizations, and situate these experiences within the context of Israeli and Palestinian Authority policies and practices that have obstructed the political, economic, and social autonomy of the local press. I first provide a brief background on Palestinian print media, and then I focus on several key areas of concern for the journalists: Israeli and Palestinian violence, the economics of printing in Palestine, the phenomenon of self-censorship, the Palestinian Journalists Syndicate, and internal newspaper organization. This study covers the nearly two decades since the signing of the Oslo Peace Accords between Israel and the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO) which put in place the now stalled process of ending the Israeli military occupation of Palestine (used here to refer to the West Bank, East Jerusalem, and Gaza Strip). -
Israel: Growing Pains at 60
Viewpoints Special Edition Israel: Growing Pains at 60 The Middle East Institute Washington, DC Middle East Institute The mission of the Middle East Institute is to promote knowledge of the Middle East in Amer- ica and strengthen understanding of the United States by the people and governments of the region. For more than 60 years, MEI has dealt with the momentous events in the Middle East — from the birth of the state of Israel to the invasion of Iraq. Today, MEI is a foremost authority on contemporary Middle East issues. It pro- vides a vital forum for honest and open debate that attracts politicians, scholars, government officials, and policy experts from the US, Asia, Europe, and the Middle East. MEI enjoys wide access to political and business leaders in countries throughout the region. Along with information exchanges, facilities for research, objective analysis, and thoughtful commentary, MEI’s programs and publications help counter simplistic notions about the Middle East and America. We are at the forefront of private sector public diplomacy. Viewpoints are another MEI service to audiences interested in learning more about the complexities of issues affecting the Middle East and US rela- tions with the region. To learn more about the Middle East Institute, visit our website at http://www.mideasti.org The maps on pages 96-103 are copyright The Foundation for Middle East Peace. Our thanks to the Foundation for graciously allowing the inclusion of the maps in this publication. Cover photo in the top row, middle is © Tom Spender/IRIN, as is the photo in the bottom row, extreme left. -
Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North the Role of the Arab States Africa Programme
Briefing Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking January 2019 Middle East and North The Role of the Arab States Africa Programme Yossi Mekelberg Summary and Greg Shapland • The positions of several Arab states towards Israel have evolved greatly in the past 50 years. Four of these states in particular – Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and (to a lesser extent) Jordan – could be influential in shaping the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. • In addition to Egypt and Jordan (which have signed peace treaties with Israel), Saudi Arabia and the UAE, among other Gulf states, now have extensive – albeit discreet – dealings with Israel. • This evolution has created a new situation in the region, with these Arab states now having considerable potential influence over the Israelis and Palestinians. It also has implications for US positions and policy. So far, Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the UAE and Jordan have chosen not to test what this influence could achieve. • One reason for the inactivity to date may be disenchantment with the Palestinians and their cause, including the inability of Palestinian leaders to unite to promote it. However, ignoring Palestinian concerns will not bring about a resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which will continue to add to instability in the region. If Arab leaders see regional stability as being in their countries’ interests, they should be trying to shape any eventual peace plan advanced by the administration of US President Donald Trump in such a way that it forms a framework for negotiations that both Israeli and Palestinian leaderships can accept. Israeli–Palestinian Peacemaking: The Role of the Arab States Introduction This briefing forms part of the Chatham House project, ‘Israel–Palestine: Beyond the Stalemate’. -
Israeli Media Self-Censorship During the Second Lebanon War
conflict & communication online, Vol. 18, No. 2, 2019 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Sagi Elbaz & Daniel Bar-Tal Voluntary silence: Israeli media self-censorship during the Second Lebanon War Kurzfassung: Dieser Artikel beschreibt die Charakteristika der Selbstzensur im Allgemeinen, und insbesondere in den Massenmedien, im Hinblick auf Erzählungen von politischer Gewalt, einschließlich Motivation und Auswirkungen von Selbstzensur. Es präsentiert zunächst eine breite theoretische Konzeptualisierung der Selbstzensur und konzentriert sich dann auf seine mediale Praxis. Als Fallstudie wurde die Darstellung des Zweiten Libanonkrieges in den israelischen Medien untersucht. Um Selbstzensur als einen der Gründe für die Dominanz hegemonialer Erzählungen in den Medien zu untersuchen, führten die Autoren Inhaltsanalysen und Tiefeninterviews mit ehemaligen und aktuellen Journalisten durch. Die Ergebnisse der Analysen zeigen, dass israelische Journalisten die Selbstzensur weitverbreitet einsetzen, ihre Motivation, sie zu praktizieren, und die Auswirkungen ihrer Anwendung auf die Gesellschaft. Abstract: This article describes the characteristics of self-censorship in general, specifically in mass media, with regard to narratives of political violence, including motivations for and effects of practicing self-censorship. It first presents a broad theoretical conceptualization of self-censorship, and then focuses on its practice in media. The case study examined the representation of The Second Lebanon War in the Israeli national media. The authors carried out content analysis and in-depth interviews with former and current journalists in order to investigate one of the reasons for the dominance of the hegemonic narrative in the media – namely, self-censorship. Indeed, the analysis revealed widespread use of self-censorship by Israeli journalists, their motivations for practicing it, and the effects of its use on the society. -
Asamblea General Distr
Naciones Unidas A/HRC/20/17/Add.2 Asamblea General Distr. general 11 de junio de 2012 Español Original: inglés Consejo de Derechos Humanos 20º período de sesiones Tema 3 del programa Promoción y protección de todos los derechos humanos, civiles, políticos, económicos, sociales y culturales, incluido el derecho al desarrollo Informe del Relator Especial sobre la promoción y protección del derecho a la libertad de opinión y de expresión, Frank La Rue Adición Misión a Israel y al territorio palestino ocupado* ** Resumen El Relator Especial sobre la promoción y protección del derecho a la libertad de opinión y de expresión presenta este informe al Consejo de Derechos Humanos en cumplimiento de las resoluciones 7/36 y 16/4 del Consejo. Del 6 al 17 de diciembre de 2011, el Relator Especial llevó a cabo una misión a Israel y el territorio palestino ocupado a fin de examinar la situación del derecho a la libertad de opinión y de expresión. En el presente informe, el Relator Especial expone sus principales motivos de preocupación con respecto a Israel, la Ribera Occidental y Gaza, en lo concerniente a las obligaciones respectivas del Gobierno de Israel, la Autoridad Palestina y las autoridades de facto. En relación con Israel, el Relator Especial plantea su preocupación por los recientes intentos de reducir el margen de crítica existente en el país en relación con sus políticas y prácticas de ocupación, incluyendo la promulgación por la Knesset de varias leyes restrictivas. Señala también el trato discriminatorio a los palestinos que son ciudadanos de Israel y las medidas encaminadas a restringir su derecho a la libertad de opinión y de expresión. -
Regulations and the Rule of Law: a Look at the First Decade of Israel
Keele Law Review, Volume 2 (2021), 45-62 45 ISSN 2732-5679 ‘Hidden’ Regulations and the Rule of Law: A Look at the First decade of Israel Gal Amir* Abstract This article reviews the history of issuing regulations without due promulgation in the first decade of Israel. ‘Covert’ secondary legislation was widely used in two contexts – the ‘austerity policy’ and ‘security’ issues, both contexts intersecting in the state's attitude toward the Palestinian minority, at the time living under military rule. This article will demonstrate that, although analytically the state’s branches were committed to upholding the ‘Rule of Law’, the state used methods of covert legislation, that were in contrast to this principle. I. Introduction Regimes and states like to be associated with the term ‘Rule of Law’, as it is often associated with such terms as ‘democracy’ and ‘human rights’.1 Israel’s Declaration of Independence speaks of a state that will be democratic, egalitarian, and aspiring to the rule of law. Although the term ‘Rule of Law’ in itself is not mentioned in Israel’s Declaration of Independence, the declaration speaks of ‘… the establishment of the elected, regular authorities of the State in accordance with the Constitution which shall be adopted by the Elected Constituent Assembly not later than the 1st October 1948.’2 Even when it became clear, in the early 1950s, that a constitution would not be drafted in the foreseeable future, courts and legislators still spoke of ‘Rule of Law’ as an ideal. Following Rogers Brubaker and Frederick Cooper, one must examine the existence of the rule of law in young Israel as a ‘category of practice’ requiring reference to a citizen's daily experience, detached from the ‘analytical’ definitions of social scientists, or the high rhetoric of legislators and judges.3 Viewing ‘Rule of Law’ as a category of practice finds Israel in the first decades of its existence in a very different place than its legislators and judges aspired to be. -
Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS)
P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS) The purpose of the Jaffee Center is, first, to conduct basic research that meets the highest academic standards on matters related to Israel's national security as well as Middle East regional and international secu- rity affairs. The Center also aims to contribute to the public debate and governmental deliberation of issues that are - or should be - at the top of Israel's national security agenda. The Jaffee Center seeks to address the strategic community in Israel and abroad, Israeli policymakers and opinion-makers and the general public. The Center relates to the concept of strategy in its broadest meaning, namely the complex of processes involved in the identification, mobili- zation and application of resources in peace and war, in order to solidify and strengthen national and international security. To Jasjit Singh with affection and gratitude P. R. Kumaraswamy Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations Memorandum no. 55, March 2000 Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies 6 P. R. Kumaraswamy Jaffee Center for Strategic Studies Tel Aviv University Ramat Aviv, 69978 Tel Aviv, Israel Tel. 972 3 640-9926 Fax 972 3 642-2404 E-mail: [email protected] http://www.tau.ac.il/jcss/ ISBN: 965-459-041-7 © 2000 All rights reserved Graphic Design: Michal Semo Printed by: Kedem Ltd., Tel Aviv Beyond the Veil: Israel-Pakistan Relations 7 Contents Introduction .......................................................................................9 -
Short CV of Sever Plocker
Short CV of Sever Plocker SEVER PLOCKER is the Chief Economics Editor and Commentator of Yedioth Ahronoth, the biggest and most popular daily newspaper in Israel. Born in 1944 in Tashkent, Uzbekistan, he emigrated with his late parents through Poland to Israel. He earned degrees in economics and philosophy from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem. From 1968 until 1987 he was, subsequently, economics correspondent, economics editor and the Editor-in-chief of AL HAMISHMAR, daily quality newspaper of the kibbutz movement. In the run of his career Mr. Sever Plocker published hundreds of articles and commentaries in Hebrew and English and appears frequently on radio and television programs. During the fall and winter of 2003 Mr. Plocker was a visiting fellow at the Saban Center for Middle East Policy at the Brookings Institution where he analyzed the economic crises in Israel and published a research paper. He delivered lectures at Princeton, Georgetown, Stanford and Oxford universities. Mr. Plocker won four prestigious prizes for journalism in Israel: the prize to the leading Business and Economics Editor given by the Social and Economic Research Institute in Jerusalem, the National Sokolov Prize for outstanding achievements in journalism, given on the 50th anniversary of Israeli Independence and in 2009 the first Tel Aviv University Prize for Excellence in Journalism ("Israeli Pulitzer") and the "Lifetime Achievements Prize in Journalism" given jointly by Ben Gurion University and the Association of Israeli Journalist and presented by Prime Minister. Mr.Plocker is married to Nelly, has two children Anat and Daniel and one granddaughter Shira. . -
Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Sport, National Identity, and Media
This article was downloaded by: [Shor, Eran] On: 15 December 2010 Access details: Access Details: [subscription number 931202395] Publisher Routledge Informa Ltd Registered in England and Wales Registered Number: 1072954 Registered office: Mortimer House, 37- 41 Mortimer Street, London W1T 3JH, UK Nationalism and Ethnic Politics Publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713636289 Sport, National Identity, and Media Discourse over Foreign Athletes in Israel Eran Shora; Yuval Yonayb a McGill University, b University of Haifa, Online publication date: 14 December 2010 To cite this Article Shor, Eran and Yonay, Yuval(2010) 'Sport, National Identity, and Media Discourse over Foreign Athletes in Israel', Nationalism and Ethnic Politics, 16: 3, 483 — 503 To link to this Article: DOI: 10.1080/13537113.2010.527239 URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537113.2010.527239 PLEASE SCROLL DOWN FOR ARTICLE Full terms and conditions of use: http://www.informaworld.com/terms-and-conditions-of-access.pdf This article may be used for research, teaching and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, re-distribution, re-selling, loan or sub-licensing, systematic supply or distribution in any form to anyone is expressly forbidden. The publisher does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents will be complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of any instructions, formulae and drug doses should be independently verified with primary sources. The publisher shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. -
1 Schlaglicht Israel Nr. 6/16 Aktuelles Aus Israelischen Tageszeitungen
Schlaglicht Israel Nr. 6/16 Aktuelles aus israelischen Tageszeitungen 16.-31. März Die Themen dieser Ausgabe 1. Terror in Belgien ............................................................................................................................................... 1 2. Soldat erschießt einen am Boden liegenden palästinensischen Attentäter ...................................................... 3 3. Oberster Gerichtshof kippt Gasabkommen ...................................................................................................... 5 4. Medienquerschnitt ............................................................................................................................................ 7 1. Terror in Belgien that don't allow it to meaningfully track terrorists. It Nach den beiden Terroranschlägen am Flughafen prevents itself from entering Islamic neighborhoods und einer U-Bahnstation in Brüssel haben die Be- and from arresting suspects earlier than 5 a.m. hörden europaweit die Sicherheitsmaßnahmen There is no administrative detention or time-limited verschärft. Mindestens 34 Menschen waren getötet investigation. There is no guarantee that those who und über 180 teils schwer verletzt worden. Die Ter- were murdered and injured in Brussels on Tuesday rormiliz Islamischer Staat bekannte sich zu den would not have been hurt otherwise. But one can Bluttaten. Grund der Attacke sei Belgiens Unterstüt- say with certainty that they did not have the best zung für die internationale Koalition gegen den IS. protection (…). If Europe does not set out on a de- Auch für die Terrorwelle Ende letzten Jahres in Pa- fensive war, it will find itself defeated in the evil war ris, bei der 130 Menschen ums Leben kamen, er- launched by its enemies. klärte sich der IS als verantwortlich. Belgien gilt als Dan Margalit, IHY, 23.03.16 Hochburg islamistischer Extremisten. Vermutlich wurden hier die Anschläge in Frankreich geplant. The terror attack in Brussels: Three steps that Der IS droht den gegen sie kämpfenden Nationen nobody wants to take mit weiteren Angriffen. -
The Image of the Amish in the New York Times Versus the Image of the Haredim in Haaretz
conflict & communication online, Vol. 13, No. 1, 2014 www.cco.regener-online.de ISSN 1618-0747 Benyamin Neuberger & Keren-Miriam Tamam The image of the Amish in the New York Times versus the image of the Haredim1 in Haaretz (1980-2010)2 Kurzfassung: Der vorliegende Aufsatz vergleicht die Presseberichterstattung über die Beziehung zweier ultra-religiöser Gruppen, der Amish-Gemeinde in den USA und der Haredi-Gemeinde in Israel, zu ihren jeweiligen Staaten. Obwohl die Amish in Israel mitunter als "ame- rikanische Haredim" bezeichnet werden, gibt es bedeutende Unterschiede zwischen den beiden Gruppen und ihrer Darstellung in den Me- dien. Nichtsdestotrotz gibt es aber auch hinreichend viele Ähnlichkeiten, um einen Vergleich zu rechtfertigen. Im Wesentlichen spiegeln die Unterschiede der Berichterstattung über die beiden Gruppen in der New York Times und in Haaretz die grundlegenden Unterschiede ihrer Stellung in ihrer jeweiligen Gesellschaft und ihrer Haltung gegenüber dem Staat wider. Während die Amish die USA als "land of freedom" akzeptieren, betrachten die Haredim Israel nicht als einen wirklich jüdischen Staat. Während sich der Dialog zwischen den Amish und ihrem Staat um bürgerliche Freiheiten und Rechtsgrundsätze dreht, leitet sich die Auseinandersetzung mit den Haredim von einer abweichenden Wahrnehmung des Charakters des israelischen Staates her. Die Haltung der Haredim gegenüber der Mehrheitsgesellschaft und dem Staat ist in großem Maße konflikthaltig und damit meilenweit entfernt von der Einstellung der Gelas- senheit, die für die Amish charakteristisch ist. Abstract: This article compares the newspaper coverage of the relationship of two ultra-religious groups, the Amish community in the USA and the Haredi community in Israel, with their respective states.