Al-Andalus -- an Andalucian Romance
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The Christian Martyr Movement of 850S Córdoba Has Received Considerable Scholarly Attention Over the Decades, Yet the Movement Has Often Been Seen As Anomalous
The Christian martyr movement of 850s Córdoba has received considerable scholarly attention over the decades, yet the movement has often been seen as anomalous. The martyrs’ apologists were responsible for a huge spike in evidence, but analysis of their work has shown that they likely represented a minority “rigorist” position within the Christian community and reacted against the increasing accommodation of many Mozarabic Christians to the realities of Muslim rule. This article seeks to place the apologists, and therefore the martyrs, in a longer-term perspective by demonstrating that martyr memories were cultivated in the city and surrounding region throughout late antiquity, from at least the late fourth century. The Cordoban apologists made active use of this tradition in their presentation of the events of the mid-ninth century. The article closes by suggesting that the martyr movement of the 850s drew strength from churches dedicated to earlier martyrs from the city and that the memories of the martyrs of the mid-ninth century were used to reinforce communal bonds at Córdoba and beyond in the following years. Memories and memorials of martyrdom were thus powerful means of forging connections across time and space in early medieval Iberia. Keywords Hagiography / Iberia, Martyrdom, Mozarabs – hagiography, Violence, Apologetics, Córdoba, Córdoba, Spain – martyrs, Eulogius of Córdoba, martyr, Álvaro de Córdoba, Paulo, author, Visigoths (Iberian kingdom) – hagiography In the year 549, Agila (d. 554), king of the Visigoths, took it upon himself to bring the city of Córdoba under his power. The expedition appears to have been an utter disaster and its failure was attributed by Isidore of Seville (d. -
Shadow Kingdom: Lotharingia and the Frankish World, C.850-C.1050 1. Introduction Like Any Family, the Carolingian Dynasty Which
1 Shadow Kingdom: Lotharingia and the Frankish World, c.850-c.1050 1. Introduction Like any family, the Carolingian dynasty which ruled continental Western Europe from the mid-eighth century until the end of the ninth had its black sheep. Lothar II (855-69) was perhaps the most tragic example. A great-grandson of the famous emperor Charlemagne, he belonged to a populous generation of the family which ruled the Frankish empire after it was divided into three kingdoms – east, west and middle – by the Treaty of Verdun in 843. In 855 Lothar inherited the northern third of the Middle Kingdom, roughly comprising territories between the Meuse and the Rhine, and seemed well placed to establish himself as a father to the next generation of Carolingians. But his line was not to prosper. Early in his reign he had married a noblewoman called Theutberga in order to make an alliance with her family, but a few childless years later attempted to divorce her in order to marry a former lover called Waldrada by whom he already had a son. This was to be Lothar’s downfall, as his uncles Charles the Bald and Louis the German, kings respectively of west and east Francia, enlisted the help of Pope Nicholas I in order to keep him married and childless, and thus render his kingdom vulnerable to their ambitions. In this they were ultimately successful – by the time he died in 869, aged only 34, Lothar’s divorce had become a full-blown imperial drama played out through an exhausting cycle of litigation and posturing which dominated Frankish politics throughout the 860s.1 In the absence of a legitimate heir to take it over, his kingdom was divided between those of his uncles – and with the exception of a short period in the 890s, it never truly existed again as an independent kingdom. -
The Scenography of Power in Al-Andalus and the ʿabbasid
Medieval Medieval Encounters 24 (2018) 390–434 Jewish, Christian and Muslim Culture Encounters in Confluence and Dialogue brill.com/me The Scenography of Power in Al-Andalus and the ʿAbbasid and Byzantine Ceremonials: Christian Ambassadorial Receptions in the Court of Cordoba in a Comparative Perspective Elsa Cardoso Researcher of the Centre for History, University of Lisbon Faculty of Arts of the University of Lisbon, Alameda da Universidade 1600 Lisbon, Portugal [email protected] Abstract This essay considers ceremonial features represented during Christian diplomatic re- ceptions held at the court of Cordoba, under the rule of Caliphs ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III (912‒961) and al-Ḥakam II (961‒976), in a comparative perspective. The declaration of the Umayyad Caliphate of the West by ʿAbd al-Raḥmān III marked the institution- alization of a carefully elaborated court ceremonial, reaching its greatest develop- ment under the rule of al-Ḥakam II. Detailed official ambassadorial ceremonies will be addressed, such as receptions of ambassadors from Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos, and King Otto I, or the reception and submission of Ordoño IV, deposed king of Leon, accounted by both Muslim and Christian sources. Such cer- emonies will be compared with ʿAbbasid and Byzantine similar receptions, analyzing furthermore the origin and symbology of those rituals within the framework of diplo- matic and cultural exchanges and encounters. Keywords Al-Andalus ‒ Umayyads of Cordoba ‒ ceremonial ‒ diplomacy ‒ Madīna al-Zahrāʾ ‒ ʿAbbasids ‒ Byzantium -
Diplomacy Between Emperors and Caliphs in the Tenth Century
86 »The messenger is the place of a man’s judgment«: Diplomacy between Emperors and Caliphs in the Tenth Century Courtney Luckhardt* Travel and communication in the early medieval period were fundamental parts of people’s conceptions about temporal and spiritual power, which in turn demonstrated a ruler’s legit imacy. Examining the role of messengers and diplomatic envoys between the first Umayyad caliph of alAndalus, ‘Abd alRahman III, and his fellow tenthcentury rulers in Christian kingdoms, including the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogennetos and the first Holy Roman emperor, Otto I, illuminates internal and external negotiations that defined the pluralistic Iberian society in the early Middle Ages. Formal religious and ethnic differences among Muslim rulers and nonMuslim messengers enhanced the articulation of political le gitimacy by the caliph. Diplomatic correspondence with foreign rulers using the multiplicity of talents and ethnoreligious identities of their subjects was part of the social order provided by the Andalusi rulers and produced by those they ruled, demonstrating the political autho rity of the Umayyad caliphate. Keywords: diplomacy, messengers, al-Andalus, political authority, ‘Abd al-Rahman III, Muslim- Christian relations »The wise sages have said… the messenger is the place of a man’s judgment, and his letter is the place of his intellect.« So related Ibn alFarra’ in the Rasul al-muluk, a treatise on diplomacy commissioned by the caliph of alAndalus in the second half of the tenth century.1 Political and diplomatic connections between elite groups and protostates happened at the personal and individual level in the early medieval period. -
Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 0521834872 - Politics and History in the Tenth Century: The Work and World of Richer of Reims Jason Glenn Index More information INDEX Aachen, 97, 173, 217, 229, 243, 245, 246 see also Gerbert, on Arnulf; Richer, on councils of 816 and 817, 27–28, 41, 51, 78, Arnulf 84, 243–244 Arnulf, bishop of Orleans,´ 98, 105, 106, 163, see also Institutio Canonicorum 277 Abbo, bishop of Soissons, 217 Arnulf, prince of Flanders, 146, 148, 286 Abbo, abbot of Fleury, 62, 62 (n. 37), 65, 274 Arnulf of Corinthia, king, 192 Achery, Jean-Luc d’, 272, 273 Artold, archbishop of Reims, 71, 215, 218, Spicilegium, 272, 273 220 (n. 27), 219–221, 224, 224 (n. 47), 225, Adalbero, archbishop of Reims, 2, 8, 25, 28, 225 (n. 50), 227 (n. 56), 227–228, 229–234, 29 (n. 18), 30–35, 36–37, 39–41, 42, 62, 234 (n. 77), 235, 236, 241 63 (n. 39), 64, 72–84, 85, 89, 110, see also Flodoard of Reims, on Artoldus: 118–119, 122, 123–124, 147, 148, 149, Flodoard of Reims, Libellus Artoldi 151, 160, 243–244, 274, 285, 289, 292 Augustine of Hippo, 40 see also Notre-Dame, cathedral of Reims; Auxerre, 60, 61, 217 Richer, on Adalbero of Reims; Richer, Gesta Adalberonis Baldwin, prince of Flanders, 185, 199, Adalbero, bishiop of Laon, 28, 29, 29 (n. 18), 201 (n. 98), 204 63, 63 (n. 39), 65, 75 (n. 29), 79, Bamberg, Hist. 5, Richer’s autograph 79 (n. 47), 91, 95, 96, 115–121, 147, 148 manuscript, 4, 8–9, 128–165 see also Richer, on Adalbero of Laon bifolium 33:44, 151, 293 Adalbero, archbishop of Metz, 28, 29 bifolium 33◦:44◦, 293 Adalgerus, canon in Reims, 101, 102, 166, 281 bifolium 34:35, 137, 151, 285, 292, 293 Adele, countess of Vermandois, 218 (n. -
England and Spain During the Reign of King Æthelred the Unready
England and Spain during the reign of King Æthelred the Unready Simon Keynes Historians of Anglo-Saxon England might once have been predisposed, of their nature, towards an ‘insular’ outlook on the past.1 Of course it has long since become axiomatic that any aspect of the subject is best approached not only in its British context but also in wider dimensions. It is in part a matter of direct contact: of Englishmen crossing the channel on journeys to foreign parts, under a variety of circumstances, and for whatever reason; or of missionaries, envoys, learned men and merchants travelling to England, again for one reason or another. It is also a matter of indirect influence: the impact on the English of whatever had been seen, absorbed, or brought in from overseas. It is a matter, furthermore, of analogies, contrasts, and similarities; of observing what questions or methods are driving historical enquiry in one context, and of considering whether anything similar might apply in England. The importance of the ‘continental’ dimension is self-evident already in the fifth century, and it remains so thereafter, indeed until the English eventually succumbed to it to 1066. England and Spain about the year 1000 An historian of Anglo-Saxon England could venture overseas to Italy, France, Germany, the Low Countries, Scandinavia, Hungary, Byzantium, Jerusalem, even India — and find something to say (in certain contexts a great deal) about contacts, connections, contrasts, and analogies. Yet what about England and Spain? Although the works of Isidore, bishop of Seville (d. 636), of Julian, archbishop of Toledo (d. -
The Apocalyptic Aspect of St
Mihaela Vučić THE APOCALYPTIC ASPECT OF ST. MICHAEL’S CULT IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY ISTRIA MA Thesis in Medieval Studies Central European University CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2017 THE APOCALYPTIC ASPECT OF ST. MICHAEL’S CULT IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY ISTRIA by Mihaela Vučić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ Chair, Examination Committee ____________________________________________ Thesis Supervisor ____________________________________________ Examiner ____________________________________________ Examiner CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2017 THE APOCALYPTIC ASPECT OF ST. MICHAEL’S CULT IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY ISTRIA by Mihaela Vučić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with the standards of the CEU. ____________________________________________ External Reader CEU eTD Collection Budapest May 2017 THE APOCALYPTIC ASPECT OF ST. MICHAEL’S CULT IN ELEVENTH-CENTURY ISTRIA by Mihaela Vučić (Croatia) Thesis submitted to the Department of Medieval Studies, Central European University, Budapest, in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Master of Arts degree in Medieval Studies. Accepted in conformance with -
The Emergence of Human Agency in Christian Apocalyptic
Final Preparations: The Emergence of Human Agency in Christian Apocalyptic Speculation in the 10th and 11th Centuries A DISSERTATION SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA BY BAILEY R. POLETTI IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY KATHRYN REYERSON, JOHN WATKINS, ADVISERS November 2020 Bailey R. Poletti, 2020 © i Acknowledgements In an age when people throughout the world are asked to share the burden and responsibility of staving off a threat to all humanity, and when access to resources for academic pursuits can no longer be taken for granted, it is only right to remember those who have made this dissertation possible. Even in ideal circumstances, there is no end to the assistance necessary for a project like this to come together. At the University of Minnesota, I would like to thank in particular my advisors, Kathryn Reyerson and John Watkins, for their unending help and encouragement over the years; my committee, who had to appraise this work in rather unusual and far from ideal circumstances; the university librarians, who saw too much of me over the years; the Goodwin family and the Noonan Award in Medieval Studies, for their much appreciated generosity; the Pre-Modern Workshop, for valuable aid in helping me steer this project at an early stage in its development; my fellow graduate students, whose innumerable insightful and supportive conversations cannot be overstated; and the staff in the UMN history department, who made navigable the tedious, opaque, but necessary -
Medieval Polities and Modern Mentalities Timothy Reuter Index More Information
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-82074-5 - Medieval Polities and Modern Mentalities Timothy Reuter Index More information Index Aachen: 96, 128, 137, 145, 343, 425 Airlie, Stuart: 224 and the Carolingian political tradition: 274, Aistulf, Lombard king: 232, 242 275, 278, 279 Alan of Tewkesbury: 171, 172, 176 Carolingian royal chapel at: 141, 142 Albert, bishop of Liege:` 66 Charlemagne receives tribute at: 234 Alemannia: see Swabia fiscal complex: 337 Alexander II, pope: 150, 151, 162 see also Charlemagne; Lotharingia Alexander III, pope: 204 Abodrites: 232 and the Becket dispute: 174, 176, 177, 180, 186 campaign against (892): 221 Alfonso II, king of Asturias: sends Charlemagne Adalbero, bishop of Augsburg: 225 trophies after the capture of Lisbon: 240 Adalbero, duke of Carinthia: 202, 363, 372, 379 Alfred, king of Wessex: 5, 15, 140, 280 Adalbero, bishop of Laon: 228 ‘Alfredian’ charters: 297 Adalbero, bishop of Wurtzburg:¨ 371 and the dating of the Life of Alfred: 10–11 Adalbero II, count of Ebersberg: 375 and taxation: 445 Adalbert Babenberger: 114 translation programme: 298 Adalbert, count of Ballenstedt: 364 and the unification of England: 287 Adalbert, archbishop of Bremen: 385 Alfred ‘the Ætheling’: 290 Adalbert of St Maximin, archbishop of Algazi, Gadi: 115 Magdeburg: 340 Allstedt, Ottonian royal palace: 141, 142 continues Regino of Prum’s¨ Chronicon: 290 Alpert of Metz: 146, 366, 367, 398 mission to the Russians: 276 Alsace: 286 Adalbert, archbishop of Mainz: 380 Althoff, Gerd: 90, 91, 93, 94, 95, 96, 97, 130, 144, Adalbert, -
Looking for Interpreter Zero: (12) Hasday Ibn Shaprut and Recemund, Intermediaries and Interpreters in 10Th-Century Al-Andalus
Looking for Interpreter Zero: (12) Hasday ibn Shaprut and Recemund, intermediaries and interpreters in 10th-century al-Andalus Caliph Abd ar-Rahman III's protracted negotiations with the court of Otto I of Saxony, in which both go-betweens were involved, shed light on language and politics of the time. Christine ADAMS. Published: November 15, 2016 Last updated: November 15, 2016 At his time, Cordoba ambassadors are usually from ‘minority groups’, Jews or Christians, whose dual culture made into almost ‘natural’ intermediaries between the Umayyad Caliphate and Christian countries. [i] Hasday ibn Shaprut, leader of the Cordoba Jewish community, and Recemund, a Christian court official, are the best known of these intermediaries. There was clearly a need for many more: "There are many references in the Arabic sources to Christian members of embassies from Cordoba to Europe and Byzantium, but the Arabic historians supply little more than the names of these men, sometimes adding that they acted as interpreters ." [ii] Caliph Abd ar-Rahman III needed intermediaries as he sought to consolidate his rule, and they were almost always non-Moslems. There is some suggestion that by the mid-tenth century the Arab elites in al-Andalus had become closed in on themselves and reluctant to deal with non-Moslems [iii]. Be that as it may, the Caliph’s protracted negotiations with the court of Otto I of Saxony in which both ibn Shaprut and Recemund were involved sheds some light on language and politics at that time. There were good reasons for Otto I – future king of Italy and Holy Roman Emperor - to send an embassy to Cordoba in the 950s. -
Marketing Fragment 6 X 10.T65
Cambridge University Press 978-0-521-87641-4 - Religion, Dynasty, and Patronage in Early Christian Rome, 300-900 Edited by Kate Cooper and Julia Hillner Index More information Index Aachen 282 Ammianus Marcellinus 27, 29, 30, 32, 35, 37, 52, Abruzzi 262 72, 117, 121 Abundantius of Traianopolitanus, bishop 62 Anastasia, saint; see gesta martyrum; Rome: Acacian schism 62, 63, 67–8 churches and monasteries Acacius, patriarch of Constantinople 67 Anastasius I, emperor 45 acclamations 21, 34, 49 Angilbert of St Riquier 277, 282–4 Achilleus, pope 66 Anicia Demetrias 10, 16, 17, 18, 171, 181–3, 187, 188, Acta martyrum 89 190–224, 241, 278 Actus Silvestri 98 Anicia Faltonia Proba 37, 169, 181–2, 188, 192, Ad Gregoriam in Palatio 179, 187 195–6, 197–8, 201, 202, 207–8, 209, 220, adventus 21–58 221–2, 223, 243 Aelia Eudoxia, empress 281 Anicia Juliana 188, 190–224 Aelia Flavia Flacilla 118 Anicii 16, 37, 119, 140, 170, 187, 188, 191, 192–3, Ae¨tius, general 41 197, 201, 202, 206, 207–13, 241 Africa 2, 31, 40, 47, 57, 62, 64, 69, 155, 165, 166, Anicius Acilius Glabrio Faustus, consul 45 168, 181, 188, 192, 195, 212, 220, 223, 239, Anicius Auchenius Bassus, consul 208 242–4, 247, 278 Anicius Faustus Junior Albus, prefect 63 Agapetus, pope 52, 61, 65, 67–70, 140–1, 160 Anicius Hermogenianus Olybrius, consul Agatho, pope 55 192, 196 Agilulf, Lombard king 23 Anicius Olybrius, emperor 224 Agnellus of Ravenna 24 annona (food supply, food distribution) 2, 42, Agnes, Frankish abbess 138, 139 46, 48 Agnes, saint 115–39; see also gesta martyrum, Anthemius, -
Religious Drama and Ecclesiastical Reform in the Tenth Century
Early Theatre 5.2(2002) james forse Religious Drama and Ecclesiastical Reform in the Tenth Century The first so-called Easter tropes (biblical passages elaborated and set to music, perhaps with pantomimed action) appeared in the tenth century within the area we now term the Holy Roman Empire. A more elaborate form of Easter trope appeared that same century in the English Regularis Concordia. The first recorded western European dramatist, also the first European woman drama- tist, the canoness Hroswitha of Gandersheim, also appeared in the tenth century, and also within the Holy Roman Empire. Was this just coincidence? Historians of theatre usually discuss the Easter tropes and Hroswitha’s plays as discrete phenomena: debating whether or not the tropes represent a first step in the development of liturgical drama, discussing Hroswitha’s plays as the first Christian plays based on saints’ lives and not tied to the liturgy.1 The Easter tropes and the plays of Hroswitha, however, may not be as unrelated as they appear. The tropes may be more than mere tropes, that is to say more than just extensions of scripture woven into special liturgical services. Instead they may be consciously scripted ‘playlets’ aimed far beyond beautifying or intensifying the liturgy. These ‘playlets’ may well relate to, and stem from, issues of educational and ecclesiastical reform which marked the efforts of tenth- and eleventh-century, Lotharingian/German clerics, who in turn were connected to ecclesiastical reformers in France and England. The consistency of the activities of reformers within this network suggests that its members, consciously or unconsciously, developed what amounted to interlocking policies of ecclesiastical reform.