China High Level Dialogue
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CONTEMPORARY CHINA: a BOOK LIST (Winter 1999 — FIRST ON-LINE EDITION, MS Word, L&R Margins 0.9") by Lynn White
PRINCETON UNIVERSITY: Woodrow Wilson School, Politics Department, East Asian Studies Program CONTEMPORARY CHINA: A BOOK LIST (Winter 1999 — FIRST ON-LINE EDITION, MS Word, L&R margins 0.9") by Lynn White This list of items in English has several purposes: --to help advise students' course essays, junior papers, policy workshops, and senior theses about contemporary China; --to supplement the required reading lists of the seminars WWS 576a/Pol. 536 on "Chinese Development" and Pol. 535 on "Chinese Politics," as well as the undergraduate lecture course, Pol. 362; --to provide graduate students with a list that can help their study for comprehensive exams in Chinese politics; a few of the compiler's favorite books are starred on the list, but not too much should be made of this, because some such books may be too old for students' purposes or the subjects may not be central to present interests; --to supplement a bibliography of all Asian serials in the Princeton Libraries that was compiled long ago by Frances Chen and Maureen Donovan. Students with specific research topics should definitely meet Laird Klingler, who is WWS Librarian and the world's most constructive wizard. This list cannot cover articles, but computer databases can. Rosemary Little and Mary George at Firestone are also enormously helpful. Especially for materials in Chinese, so is Martin Heijdra in Gest Library (Palmer Hall; enter up the staircase near the "hyphen" with Jones Hall). Other local resources are at institutes run by Chen Yizi and Liu Binyan (for current numbers, ask at EAS, 8-4276). Professional bibliographers are the most neglected major academic resource at Princeton. -
27 the China Factor in Taiwan
Wu Jieh-min, 2016, “The China Factor in Taiwan: Impact and Response”, pp. 425-445 in Gunter Schubert ed., Handbook of T Modern Taiwan Politics and Society, Routledge. 27 THE CHINA FACTOR IN TAIWAN Impact and response Jieh-Min Wu* Since the turn of the century, the rise of China has inspired global a1nbitions and heightened international anxiety. Though Chinese influence is not a ne\V factor in the international geo political syste1n, the synergy between China's growing purchasing po\ver and its political \vill is dra\ving increasing attention on the world stage. With China's e111ergence as a global econontic powerhouse and the Chinese state's extraction of massive revenues and tremendous foreign reserves, Beijing has learned to flex these financial 1nuscles globally in order to achieve its polit ical goals. Essentially, the rise of China has enabled the PRC to speed up its n1ilitary moderniza tion and adroitly co1nbine econonllc measures and 'united front \Vork' in pursuit of its national interests. Hence Taiwan, whose sovereignty continues to be contested by the PRC, has been heavily i1npacted by China's new strategy. The Chinese ca1npaign kno\vn as 'using business to steer politics' has arguably been success ful in achieving inany of the effects desired by Beijing. For exan1ple, the Chinese government has repeatedly leveraged Taiwan's trade and econonllc dependence to intervene in Taiwan's elections. Such econonllc dependence n1ay constrain Taiwanese choices within a structure of Beijing's creation. In son1e historical 1no1nents, however, subjective identity and collect ive action could still en1erge as 'independent variables' that open up \Vindo\vs of opportun ity, expanding the range of available choices. -
1 “The Brookings Institution and Taiwan-China Relations” by Richard C. Bush the Brookings Institution Prepared for the Confe
“The Brookings Institution and Taiwan-China Relations”1 by Richard C. Bush The Brookings Institution Prepared for the Conference on “Between Power and Knowledge: Think Tanks in Transition” Institute for International Relations, National Chengchi University April 2013 A couple of years ago, I chanced upon an aging copy of the January 1945 issue of National Geographic magazine. To my surprise, there was an article about Taiwan (called “Formosa” in the article). As was common with National Geographic at that time, there were many pictures of the island’s aboriginal peoples (in this case, they were all fully clothed). But there were also pictures of U.S. bomb damage during World War II, and a not-bad description of Taiwan’s history, society, and 20th century circumstances. The author was Joseph Ballantine, who had served in the American Consulate in Taihoku from 1912 to 1914. I had never heard of Ballantine, so I resorted to my default source of information – Wikipedia. Imagine my even greater surprise when I discovered that he had actually been a scholar at Brookings, and that through the Institution’s Press, he had published a book about Taiwan in 1952: Formosa: A Problem for United States Foreign Policy.2 I had no idea that my own organization’s coverage of the Taiwan Strait issue had such a long history. So I was pleased when Arthur Ding invited me to write about how Brookings had treated the subject over the last six decades. I do so in a basically chronological way and draw on the books that a series of Brookings scholars have written that addressed cross-Strait relations to one degree or another. -
Who's Behind China's High-Technology “Revolution”?
Who’s Behind China’s Evan A. Feigenbaum High-Technology “Revolution”? How Bomb Makers Remade Beijing’s Priorities, Policies, and Institutions For seven years after the Tiananmen Square tragedy of 1989, virtually all signiªcant issues in U.S.- China relations became subordinate to concern about human rights and China’s suppression of political dissent. Yet in the three years since China’s 1996 missile exercise in the Taiwan Strait, high-technology issues have come increasingly to replace human rights at the center of the contentious and often politicized discussion that characterizes current debate about U.S.-China policy. Recent allegations concerning satellite exports and nuclear espionage, in particular, demonstrate the centrality of high technology to the debate about China’s place in the world. This makes it especially important to explore links that may bind China’s national technology and industrial policies to its ap- proach to security and development. How has the Chinese understanding of this linkage changed as the past priority of militarized growth has given way to the rapid expansion of a commercial economy since the late 1970s?1 Who is responsible for making important technology decisions in China? How have Chinese technology leaders thought about the relationship between technology and national power during the past twenty years? Has political change affected this worldview? Finally, how has renewed contact with international technical circles since the 1970s affected the Chinese approach to national high-tech strategy and investment? Evan A. Feigenbaum is a Fellow at the Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at Harvard University’s John F. -
Containment by Stealth: Chinese Views of and Policies Toward America’S Alliances with Japan and Korea After the Cold War
Containment by Stealth: Chinese Views of and Policies toward America’s Alliances with Japan and Korea after the Cold War Yu Bin September 1999 1 2 About the Author Yu Bin is associate professor in the Political Science Department of Wittenberg University, Ohio, and faculty associate of the Mershon Center, Ohio State University. His research focuses on East Asian politics and foreign relations. 3 4 Containment by Stealth: Chinese Views of and Policies toward America’s Alliances with Japan and Korea after the Cold War Yu Bin Introduction At the height of the Cold War, the dominant Western theories of alliance building in interstate relations argued that alliances tend to be motivated more by an external need to confront a clearly defined common adversary than by the domestic attributes of alliance partners.1 The newly reinvigorated U.S.-Japan alliance,2 however, together with the newly expanded NATO, seems to depart from the conventional pattern by emphasizing shared democratic values and by maintaining a high degree of ambiguity regarding the goals and targets of the alliance. Although these new features of American-led military alliances provide an anchor in an other- wise highly fluid situation in the post–Cold War world, many Chinese foreign- and defense- policy analysts believe that U.S. alliances with Asian countries, particularly with Japan, pose a serious, long-term challenge, if not a threat, to China’s national security, national unification, and modernization. The ambiguity of the revised U.S.-Japan security alliance means that it is at best searching for targets and at worst aiming at China.3 China’s concerns about the intention, scope, and capability of the alliances are set against a backdrop of several major changes in the region: the end of the Cold War, the simultaneous rise of China and Japan, the post-revolution reforms of Asian communist regimes, and the United States as the sole superpower. -
Identity and Integration As Conflicting Forces Stimulating the Sunflower Movement and the KMT’S Loss in the 2014 Elections
Identity and Integration as Conflicting Forces Stimulating the Sunflower Movement and the KMT’s Loss in the 2014 Elections Cal Clark, Auburn University and Alexander Tan National Sun Yat-sen University University of Canterbury 1 Paper prepared for presentation at the Annual Meeting of the American Association for Chinese Studies, University of St. Thomas, Houston, October 9-11, 2015. Over the past twenty years, there have been two important trends in Taiwan’s political economy whose contradictory implications provide an important explanation for the dramatic events of 2014, the Sunflower Movement and the major losses suffered by the Kuomintang (KMT) in the local elections. The first of these is the growing sense of a Taiwanese identity in the country; and the second is the increasing economic integration across the Taiwan Strait in terms of trade, investment, integrated production processes, and tourism. The logic of each pulls Taiwan in different directions. During the Presidency of the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP)’s Chen Shui-bian (2000-2008), the ruling party pushed for more Taiwanization, while the administration of his successor, the KMT’s Ma Ying-jeou, pushed for deepening economic linkages with China as the best means for promoting economic growth. The Cross-Strait Agreement on Trade in Services that was negotiated by Taiwan and China in 2013 became highly controversial because it raised fears that it would harm Taiwan economically and undermine the nation’s sovereignty. The Sunflower Movement arose in the Spring of 2014 when the KMT threatened to ram the 2 Agreement through the Legislative Yuan with little debate; and in November the KMT received a devastating thumping at the hands of the electorate. -
Foreign High-Tech R&D in China
THE HENRY L. STIMSON CENTER L. STIMSON THE HENRY 11 DUPONT CIRCLE, NW • NINTH FLOOR • WASHINGTON, DC 20036 TEL (202) 223.5956 • FAX (202) 238.9604 • WWW.STIMSON.ORG Located in Washington, DC, The Henry L. Stimson Center is a nonprofit, nonpartisan institution devoted to offering practical solutions to problems of national and international security. From the beginning, the Stimson Center has been committed to meaningful impact, a thorough integration of analysis and outreach, and a creative and innovative approach to problems. The Center has four basic program areas, including: Reducing the Threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction; Building Regional Security; Strengthening Institutions of International Peace and Security; and Linking Foreign High-Tech Trade, Technology & Security. These four program areas encompass work on a wide range of security issues, from Chemical and Biological Weapons Nonproliferation to Regional Security in Asia to the Future of Peace Operations. R&D in China RISKS, REWARDS, AND IMPLICATIONS FOR U.S.-CHINA RELATIONS FOREIGN HIGH-TECH R&D IN CHINA: for U.S.-China Relations and Implications Risks, Rewards, Propelled by open markets and economic reform, the 1990s brought unparal- leled growth and economic development to the People’s Republic of China. At the same time, but less widely known, China has begun to assume an influential role in the globalization of high-tech research and development (R&D). Consequently, the PRC is poised to become not only Asia’s assembly line, but also one of the Pacific Rim’s — and the world’s — centers of innovation. A growing number of the world’s leading high-tech multinationals have established R&D programs or centers in China, raising many questions for US policymakers regarding the benefits and risks of overseas R&D in terms of near- and long-term US security and economic interests. -
The Suitability of a Greater China Currency Union
THE SUITABILITY OF A GREATER CHINA CURRENCY UNION YIN-WONG CHEUNG JUDE YUEN CESIFO WORKING PAPER NO. 1192 CATEGORY 6: MONETARY POLICY AND INTERNATIONAL FINANCE MAY 2004 An electronic version of the paper may be downloaded • from the SSRN website: www.SSRN.com • from the CESifo website: www.CESifo.de CESifo Working Paper No. 1192 THE SUITABILITY OF A GREATER CHINA CURRENCY UNION Abstract The study assesses the level of integration among the three Greater China economies (namely China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan) and examines the suitability of a Greater China currency union. Currently, the three economies have extensive trade and investment linkages. Our analyses show that these economies share common long-run and short-run cyclical variations. We also estimate the output costs of relinquishing policy autonomy to form a currency union. The estimated output losses, which depend on, for example, the method used to generate shock estimates, seem to be moderate and are likely to be less than the efficient gains derived from a currency union arrangement. JEL classification: F33, F31, F41. Keywords: Greater China, trade and investment, common stochastic trend, synchronized and non-synchronized business cycles, output losses, exchange rate regime. Yin-Wong Cheung Jude Yuen Economics Department Economics Department University of California University of California Santa Cruz, CA 95064 Santa Cruz, CA 95064 U.S.A. U.S.A. [email protected] [email protected] The authors thank the seminar participants at the Peking University and Shandong University for their comments and suggestions. Also, we thank Desmond Hou and Dickson Tam for compiling the data. The financial support of faculty research funds of the University of California, Santa Cruz is gratefully acknowledged. -
Chinese Business Networks and Their Implications for South Korea
3 Chinese Business Networks and Their Implications for South Korea YOUNG ROK CHEONG In the past 20 years, no country seems to have beaten China in its grand comeback in both global political and economic arenas. China has be- come a key player in formulating the world order since gaining member- ship in the United Nations in 1972. China has also recorded an average annual real growth rate of more than 10 percent—shocking the world. In human history, no other country has shown such tremendous economic growth while having such a huge population. And with regard to the source of China’s rapid economic growth, the contribution of overseas Chinese1 has often been mentioned by many China watchers.2 First of all, overseas Chinese not only provided the People’s Republic of China with capital at the initial stages of its Economic Reform and Open Door policies in 1978 and thereafter, but they also gave it a developmental model to be copied. Even more important, overseas Chinese global busi- ness networks were a key element in rescuing China from the economic bottleneck it suffered when confronted with sanctions from Western countries after the Tiananmen Square incident. Yet it is too early to judge whether there is a strong relationship between these overseas Chinese networks and China’s rapid economic development. Young Rok Cheong is professor of economics at Seoul National University. 1. Defining “overseas Chinese” is somewhat complex. In this chapter, the term “overseas Chinese” means the Chinese living abroad, regardless of their citizenship. 2. Barry Naughton has been among them. -
Chinese Case
MIT Japan Program Working Paper 01.03 Technology Development in the New Millenium: China in Search of a Workable Model Barry Naughton Graduate School of International Relations and Pacific Studies University of California, San Diego and Adam Segal Center for International Studies, MIT Union of Concerned Scientists Revision of the paper presented to the second meeting of Innovation and Crisis: Asian Technology after the Millenium, Cambridge, September 15-16, 2000 Draft version of February, 2001. MIT Japan Program Working Paper Series 01.03 Center for International Studies Massachusetts Institute of Technology Room E38-7th Floor Cambridge, MA 02139 Phone: 617-252-1483 Fax: 617-258-7432 Date of Publication: May 28, 2001 © MIT Japan Program Preface Like other East Asian countries, China has been undergoing a process of liberalization and of opening to the world economy. During the last twenty years, economic reforms have slowly moved the country as a whole toward a more open, more market-oriented economy, and science and technology (S&T) policies and institutions have been reformed in a similar spirit. Policy makers gradually dismantled a highly centralized and hierarchical model of technological innovation and began replacing it with a more flexible and “bottom-up” system. Leaders at all levels have moved away from a research and development system dominated by central planning and state-owned enterprises to one that increasingly relies on individual innovation and entrepreneurship, while foreign direct investment (FDI) and multinational corporations both play larger roles in Chinese development plans. The openness to a diversity of actors crucially includes both outside actors--multi-national corporations (MNCs)--and domestic non-state owned corporations. -
Coercive Capacity and the Durability of the Chinese Communist State
Communist and Post-Communist Studies 47 (2014) 13–25 Contents lists available at ScienceDirect Communist and Post-Communist Studies journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/postcomstud Coercive capacity and the durability of the Chinese communist state Yuhua Wang Department of Political Science, The University of Pennsylvania, United States article info abstract Article history: Why has the Chinese communist state remained so durable in an age of democratization? Available online 14 February 2014 Contrary to existing theories, this article argues that the strong state coercive capacity has survived the authoritarian rule in China. We demonstrate that the Chinese Communist Keywords: Party has taken deliberate actions to enhance the cohesion of its coercive organ- Coercion izationsdthe police, in particulardby distributing “spoils of public office” to police chiefs. Coercive capacity In addition, the state has extended the scope of its coercion by increasing police funding in Authoritarian durability localities where the state sector loses control of the population. We use and rely on mixed China Police methods to test this theory. Ó 2014 The Regents of the University of California. Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction Why has the Chinese communist state remained so singularly durable in an age of democratization? The Chinese case seems to contradict modernization theory’s prediction that “the more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy.” (Lipset, 1959: 75) China has far surpassed the “threshold” of per capita income for democratic transition, as calculated by Przeworski et al. (2000: 94) to be $4,115, whereas China’s per capita GDP in 2011 was $8,394. -
China's Belt & Road and the World: Competing Forms of Globalization
Études de l’Ifri CHINA’S BELT & ROAD AND THE WORLD: COMPETING FORMS OF GLOBALIZATION Alice EKMAN (ed), Françoise NICOLAS, Céline PAJON, John SEAMAN, Isabelle SAINT-MÉZARD, Sophie BOISSEAU DU ROCHER, Tatiana KASTOUÉVA-JEAN April 2019 Center for Asian Studies The Institut français des relations internationales (Ifri) is a research center and a forum for debate on major international political and economic issues. Headed by Thierry de Montbrial since its founding in 1979, Ifri is a non- governmental, non-profit organization. As an independent think tank, Ifri sets its own research agenda, publishing its findings regularly for a global audience. Taking an interdisciplinary approach, Ifri brings together political and economic decision-makers, researchers and internationally renowned experts to animate its debate and research activities. The opinions expressed in this text are the responsibility of the authors alone. “China’s Belt & Road and the World” research project, conducted by the Center for Asian Studies, Ifri, has benefited from the generous support of the Conseil supérieur de la formation et de la recherche stratégiques (CSFRS). This report has been translated and updated from a report published in French in October 2018 (“La France face aux nouvelles routes de la soie chinoises”). ISBN: 979-10-373-0028-7 © All rights reserved, Ifri, 2019 © Cover: Wikipedia Commons How to cite this publication : A. Ekman (ed.), “China’s Belt & Road and the World: Competing Forms of Globalization”, Études de l’Ifri, Ifri, April 2019. Ifri 27 rue de la Procession 75740 Paris Cedex 15 – FRANCE Tel.: +33 (0)1 40 61 60 00 – Fax : +33 (0)1 40 61 60 60 Email: [email protected] Website: Ifri.org Authors This report was planned and coordinated by Alice Ekman, Head of China Research at Ifri's Center for Asian Studies and a specialist in China’s foreign policy.