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The Sinews of Spain's American Empire: Forced Labor in Cuba from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries1

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The Sinews of Spain's American Empire: Forced Labor in Cuba from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries1 chapter 1 The Sinews of Spain’s American Empire: Forced Labor in Cuba from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries1 Evelyn P. Jennings The importance of forced labor as a key component of empire building in the early modern Atlantic world is well known and there is a rich scholarly bibliog- raphy on the main forms of labor coercion that European colonizers employed in the Americas—labor tribute, indenture, penal servitude, and slavery. Much of this scholarship on forced labor has focused on what might be called “pro- ductive” labor, usually in the private sector, and its connections to the growth of capitalism: work to extract resources for sustenance, tribute, or export. This focus on productive labor and private entrepreneurship is particularly strong in the scholarship on the Anglo-Atlantic world, especially the shifting patterns of indenture and slavery in plantation agriculture, and their links to English industrial capitalism.2 The historical development of labor regimes in the Spanish empire, on the other hand, grew from different roots and traversed a different path. Scholars have recognized the importance of government regulations (or lack thereof) as a factor in the political economy of imperial labor regimes, but rarely are 1 The author wishes to thank the anonymous readers and the editors at Brill and Stanley L. Engerman for helpful comments. She also thanks all the participants at the Loyola University conference in 2010 that debated the merits of the first draft of this essay, as well as Marcy Norton, J.H. Elliott, Molly Warsh and other participants for their comments on a later draft presented at the “‘Political Arithmetic’ of Empires in the Early Modern Atlantic World, 1500–1807” conference sponsored by the Omohundro Institute of Early American History and Culture and the University of Maryland in March 2012. In addition, she is grateful for funding provided by several Vilas Fund Travel grants from St. Lawrence University that sup- ported the research for this essay. 2 For an introduction to this bibliography see Eric Williams, Capital and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994[1944]); Barbara L. Solow, ed., Slavery and the Rise of the Atlantic System (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); David W. Galenson, “The Rise and Fall of Indentured Servitude in the Americas,” Journal of Economic History vol. 44, no. 1 (1984): 1–26; David Eltis, The Rise of African Slavery in the Americas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Russell R. Menard, Sweet Negotiation: Sugar, Slavery and Plantation Agriculture in Early Barbados (Charlottesville and London: University of Virginia Press, 2006). © koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi �0.��63/9789004�85�00_003 Evelyn P. Jennings - 9789004285200 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 11:09:25PM via free access <UN> 26 Jennings the labor needs and employment patterns of the state itself foregrounded.3 Therefore to analyze the political economy of labor in Spanish America from a different perspective, this essay focuses on what might be called “construc- tive” or “defensive” labor and the imperial state as an agent of labor recruit- ment and employment, exploring three points of argument. The first contends that Spain’s resilience and longevity as an imperial power were due in part to the crown’s access, both at home and in the Americas, to large groups of people vulnerable to coercion and to its success in employing a wide range of methods of coercion to extract their labor for defense and development. Over time a symbiosis developed between the political and economic needs of the empire and its labor requirements. Different forms of forced labor could be employed to establish and sustain colonies and gener- ate revenue, but labor coercion was also an effective method of controlling dissent and rebellion in the metropolis and the colonies. The second point of argument contends that Spain was distinctive in the importance of construc- tive and defensive labor to the physical and social construction of its American empire. As the earliest and initially the wealthiest of the American colonizers, Spain expended greater human and fiscal resources to defend that wealth from the 1500s into the eighteenth century. As such, marshalling the people necessary to build and staff the infrastructure of an early modern maritime empire (ships, ports, and forts) was a crucial component of the political economy of Spain’s American empire. Labor recruitment for state service shaped relationships between the crown and its many subjects and it created markets for labor that affected opportunities and costs for private employers. The third point of argument addresses a more speculative ques- tion. Were the traditions from which Spain drew its imperial policies of labor recruitment and deployment also a factor in the longevity of the Spanish empire? Crown labor policies grew out of historical contexts in which a mea- sure of subjugation or coercion of labor was the norm, but a norm that was mediated to some degree by an ideal of mutual obligation between the state as an employer and its workers. Discourses about rights were most often couched in terms of an individual or group’s right to the king’s benevolence, protection, or succor at least until the eighteenth century. Hence, most of the unfree workers who built the Spanish American empire were considered subjects or dependents of the crown and as such had access to both the king’s 3 For instance, on the importance of government regulations see E. Van Den Boogaart and P. Emmer, “Colonialism and Migration: An Overview,” In Colonialism and Migration: Indentured Labour Before and After Slavery (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff Publisher, 1986), 7 and Stanley L. Engerman, “‘Servants to Slaves to Servants’: Contract Labour and European Expansion,” 267–270 in the same volume and the included bibliography for both essays. Evelyn P. Jennings - 9789004285200 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 11:09:25PM via free access <UN> The Sinews of Spain’s American Empire 27 grace and royal justice. Though we have ample evidence of workers’ resis- tance to imperial labor exactions, the crown negotiated a sufficient balance between upholding its working subjects’ rights to sustenance, humane treatment, and royal justice and enforcing its will through punishment and violence often enough to build and sustain its empire physically and ideologically. Thus Spain was able to settle colonies, mine precious metals, build forts and ships, and staff an army and navy without generating resistance serious enough to bring down the monarchy or the empire until the beginning of the nineteenth century. The Spanish colony of Cuba is an especially useful example for exploring the political economy of forced labor in imperial service. The island remained a Spanish colony until 1898, much later than most of the rest of the empire. Also, in contrast to other Euro-American colonies in the Americas, particularly those in the Caribbean, Cuba experienced a wide range of development phases based on different regimes of forced labor: an early mining economy based largely on indigenous tribute labor up to the mid-1500s, a long phase of more than two centuries as a main hub of Spain’s network of maritime trade and defense based increasingly on African slavery, a reliance on both penal servi- tude and slavery during the imperial wars of the 1700s, and a shift away from slavery in the public sector toward convicts and indentured laborers as the private sector, plantation economy expanded in the 1800s. An examination of imperial labor regimes in colonial Cuba offers both an overview of forced labor as a foundational component of the political econ- omy of Spain’s American empire and an examination of those policies and practices in comparative perspective. Though the state rarely employed only one type of labor for any task, for clarity’s sake this analysis is organized mostly by type of laborer (free, military, labor tributary, enslaved, convict, indentured) and the kinds of imperial occupations at which they worked to explore general patterns of who did what kinds of work for the state and why. Free Spanish Emigration to America Given the importance of indenture as a form of labor coercion in the establish- ment of England and France’s American empires, it is worth asking why this was not the case for Spanish America. Much of the answer lies in the signifi- cant opportunities presented by the human and mineral resources of the Caribbean and mainland Spanish colonies compared with those resources in North America or the Lesser Antilles before 1650. Another important factor was the Spanish crown’s policies toward emigration and toward labor by its diverse colonial subjects. Evelyn P. Jennings - 9789004285200 Downloaded from Brill.com09/29/2021 11:09:25PM via free access <UN> 28 Jennings Spain’s period of most extensive imperial expansion, the 1490s to about 1570, was also one of population growth on the peninsula.4 The Spanish crown tried mightily to restrict emigration to America to mostly Castilian Catholics with only limited success: requiring licenses from the House of Trade and proof of limpieza de sangre and requiring all passengers to the Indies to depart through Seville. Observing crown regulations often required emigrants to spend months traveling first to their birthplaces, then to Seville, to document their ancestry, await the issuance of their licenses, and then the sailing of the Indies fleet. The total number of emigrants from Spain to the Americas remained relatively small—an average of 2,000–2,500 per year or 200,000– 250,000 over the sixteenth century, according to one commonly cited esti- mate.5 Another scholar estimates that 437,000 emigrants left Spain for America from 1500 to 1650.6 The costs of passage were usually negotiated with the ships’ captains and included charges for baggage, rations of food, water, and firewood.
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